Zim Online
Thu 16 March
2006
HARARE - A faction of Zimbabwe's splintered opposition
Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) party loyal to Morgan Tsvangirai has
invited his
former deputy Gibson Sibanda and secretary general Welshman
Ncube to its
congress next weekend.
Sibanda, Ncube and other
senior leaders - who have since chosen former
student activist Arthur
Mutambara as their new leader - broke ranks with
Tsvangirai last year in a
move analysts say has weakened the MDC in its
drive to unseat President
Robert Mugabe and his ruling ZANU PF party.
The spokesman for
Tsvangirai's faction of the MDC, Nelson Chamisa,
told ZimOnline that they
had written to Ncube, Sibanda and other officials
of their faction inviting
them to attend the congress scheduled to take
place from March 18 to
19.
He said: "We have written to Sibanda and Ncube
advising them that the
congress of the MDC they were instrumental in forming
takes place at the
weekend . . . it will give them the opportunity to
express any complaints
they have with other members of the party. So we
expect them to attend just
like any other invited delegate."
But it is highly unlikely that Sibanda and Ncube, who together with
Tsvangirai grew the MDC over six years into the most vibrant Zimbabwean
opposition party ever, will take up the invitations, which their spokesman
Paul Themba Nyathi yesterday described as "nothing serious".
"I
personally have not seen the invitations but I have heard that is
what has
happened. I think it's just a hoax and nothing serious," Nyathi
told
ZimOnline.
The Ncube/Sibanda faction held its own congress last
month at which
Mutambara was elected.
Tsvangirai was not
invited to the congress although Mutambara - a
firebrand student leader
during his days at the University of Zimbabwe and
now a prominent academic
and businessman - paid homage to the MDC founder,
describing him as a hero
of Zimbabwe's struggle for democracy.
Political analysts are
unanimous that a reorganised and united MDC
with Tsvangirai, Sibanda, Ncube
and Mutambara at the top would be a
formidable force that Mugabe and his
feared military would find hard to keep
at bay.
But many do not
see a unity pact bringing together Zimbabwe's leading
opposition figures
anytime soon to confront Mugabe and ZANU PF who have
ruled the country since
independence from Britain 25 years ago.
Instead, analysts see
Mugabe taking advantage of a weakened and
bickering opposition movement to
strengthen his hold on power.
Differences that had simmered between
Tsvangirai and other leaders
over how to unseat Mugabe and ZANU PF boiled
over when the MDC leaders could
not agree on whether to contest last
November's senate election.
Tsvangirai opposed participation in the
election saying it would be
rigged by Mugabe's government and also
criticised the poll saying it was a
waste of resources for a nation facing
severe hunger.
Sibanda, Ncube and others disagreed, saying the MDC
should contest the
election after its national council voted for it to do
so. They also accused
Tsvangirai of dictatorial tendencies by seeking to go
against the council
vote. The Sibanda group also argued that it would be
unwise to donate
political space to Mugabe and ZANU PF by boycotting the
senate poll.
This weekend's congress by Tsvangirai's faction is
expected to
formally seal the breaking up of the MDC into two rival
political parties
with a possibility of a messy and prolonged battle in the
courts over the
opposition party's popular brand name, open palm symbol and
assets. -
ZimOnline
Zim Online
Thu 16 March 2006
HARARE - President Robert
Mugabe's chief economic fixer, Gideon Gono,
is a man on a mission
impossible, hampered in his quest to revive Zimbabwe's
economy by the
veteran President's penchant for populism such as his latest
programme to
seize stake in private mines.
Government insiders say Gono - a
suave businessman seen as a lone
voice of reason in Mugabe's government -
only accepted the post of governor
of the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) at
the end of 2003 after firm
assurance from the President that he would get
the independence and support
to ensure the country's economic
revival.
Just two years down analysts and observers say Gono, who
vowed when he
took over at the RBZ that failure was not an option, is a
frustrated man as
opposition to his market-oriented policies grows among
Mugabe's hawkish
ministers while the President appears not too keen to
shield him.
"To a very large extent he is fighting a losing battle.
In whatever he
is trying to do he has no freedom," James Jowa, an economist
with a Harare
financial institution said.
"The context in which
he is working is not conducive for a revival of
the economy. He is being
frustrated and whatever he decides has to be
implemented by politicians,"
added Jowa.
Analysts said the latest set back for Gono was the
government's
proposal to expropriate 25 percent of existing and future
foreign mines.
The proposed new law announced by hawkish Mines
Minister Amos Midzi
alarmed the world and even Gono - normally circumspect
where it involves
difference with his principal in the government - publicly
admitted the new
law could undo all he has strived to achieve.
The RBZ chief told state media the new mines law was a hot issue
during
discussions between himself and the International Monetary Fund (IMF)
last
week which ended with the global lender refusing to resume assistance
to the
southern African nation.
Gono said there was a great risk that
Zimbabwe's "investment landscape
will forever be damaged, much to the
detriment of the country's (economic)
turnaround programme and its ideals"
if the government forged ahead with its
controversial mining
policies.
He cautioned that the government or its local protégés in
the business
community could not just seize stake in private investments but
should first
raise enough hard cash to pay for such
shareholding.
But this appears more like wishful thinking on Gono's
part if one
considers that a 15 percent stake in Zimbabwe Platinum Mines
reserved for
locals six years ago still has no takers because indigenous
business groups
do not have the foreign currency.
And analysts
are quick to point out that Mugabe and his Cabinet have
in the past ignored
Gono's wise advice to remove subsidies to
underperforming state firms, or
his plea to halt farm invasions still taking
place in support of the
government's controversial land reforms.
Gono has branded those
seizing land afresh saboteurs whose actions
were hurting economic recovery
but Mugabe - who with the click of the finger
can stop farm invasions - has
remained largely aloof to the central banker's
pleas.
In the
latest move, Midzi circulated a draft law which he said was
approved by
Mugabe's Cabinet, allowing the government free access to 25
percent of
foreign mining firms and paying for another 26 percent over five
years to
achieve controlling stake.
"This is a continuation of the policies
that we have seen since 2000
where the government fails to respect the rule
of law and property rights,"
John Robertson, Harare based economist
said.
"Such policies belie any efforts by Gono. He should really be
frustrated there is no support from government, which is undoing anything
positive he has achieved," he said.
Analysts said it was likely
the government will favour its cronies
when awarding tenders to indigenous
groups to take shares in the foreign
mines, much against the spirit of the
government's empowerment dream meant
to benefit all blacks.
"This mining legislation is an extension of the government's patronage
system we have seen over the years. It is intensifying and so far assets
taken by the government like land have not been distributed in a transparent
manner and there is no indication it will be done right with the mines,"
Jowa said.
Gono's five-year term will end in December 2008 and
analysts say
without bold reforms, the country's top banker will be a
frustrated man
presiding over an economy worse than when he started in 2003.
- ZimOnline
Zim Online
Thu 16
March 2006
GABORONE - The United Nations Committee on the
Elimination of Racial
Discrimination (CERD) has condemned the Botswana
government for ill-treating
immigrants, particularly tens of thousands of
Zimbabweans living in that
country after fleeing home because of hunger and
political violence.
In a report released last week but made
available to ZimOnline
yesterday, the CERD decried what it called "growing
hostility" by Botswana
towards Zimbabweans and accused authorities in
Gaborone of attempting to
conceal abuse of immigrants by its security and
immigration agents.
The CERD is an independent body that monitors
UN member states'
compliance with various international conventions on the
elimination of all
forms of racial or ethnic discrimination.
It
said in its report issued on March 6: "We are concerned by
information
according to which there is growing hostility against
undocumented
immigrants in Botswana, in particular, Zimbabweans."
The
anti-racism group criticised Gaborone for providing its delegation
with
insufficient information on allegations of maltreatment of immigrants
by
state agents, particularly policemen.
Zimbabwe has in the past
accused Botswana of ill-treating its
nationals visiting that country but
this is the first time that an
international organisation is doing
so.
In one case that attracted much media attention last December,
seven
Botswana soldiers and policemen allegedly forced a group of illegal
immigrants from Zimbabwe to have unprotected sex as punishment for breaking
the country's immigration laws. The security men are awaiting trial for the
alleged offence.
It was not possible to immediately get comment
from Botswana's Justice
or Foreign Affairs ministry on the criticism
levelled against Gaborone by
the CERD. Gaborone has however in the past
denied targeting Zimbabweans for
ill-treatment.
But one of
Botswana's biggest human rights groups, Ditshwanelo,
welcomed the CERD
statement and said instead of harassing immigrants, the
Gaborone
administration should rather be doing much more to help resolve
Zimbabwe's
political and economic crisis that was responsible for the influx
of
refugees from that country.
The influx of immigrants from Zimbabwe
has strained relations with
Botswana although both countries officially deny
this. - ZimOnline
Zim Online
Thu 16 March
2006
MUTARE - Zimbabwe magistrate Hosea Mujaya yesterday freed six
opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party activists who were
being accused of plotting to assassinate President Robert
Mugabe.
Mujaya said the state would have to proceed by way of
summons against
MDC defence shadow minister Giles Mutsekwa and party
activists, Knowledge
Nyamhuka, Edwin Chekutya, Tando Sibanda, Jerry Maguta
and Peter Nzungu.
State prosecutors consented to Mujaya's
order.
The magistrate however declined to free Peter Hitschmann at
whose home
police say they found the weapons that were to be used to murder
Mugabe
saying Hitschmann should apply for bail at the High
Court.
Policeman Wellington Tsuro also accused of wanting to
assassinate
Mugabe was not freed because he had already taken up his case
with the High
Court seeking the court to order his release. Mujaya said he
could not
intervene in a matter before a superior court.
The
six men were arrested over the past week after state security
agents said
they had discovered a cache of arms at Hitchsmann's Mutare home.
The state
claimed Hitchsmann, a former soldier in the white army before
Zimbabwe's
independence, had confessed plotting to kill Mugabe and overthrow
the
government and said he had implicated the MDC activists.
The MDC
strongly denied links with Hitchsmann or the weapons allegedly
discovered at
his home and dismissed the alleged plot to kill Mugabe as an
excuse by state
agents to destabilise the opposition party.
Meanwhile, sources in
the police force told ZimOnline last night that
the law enforcement agency
was still looking for leading MDC activist Roy
Bennett who they want to
question in connection with the alleged plot to
kill Mugabe.
Bennett's whereabouts are not clear with some reports suggesting he
had fled
to South Africa after learning that the police wanted to arrest
him. But
other sources say he is in Zimbabwe. - ZimOnline
Zim Online
Thu 16 March
2006
HARARE - A faction of Zimbabwe's main opposition party led by
Arthur
Mutambara on Tuesday wrote to Information Minister Tichaona Jokonya
complaining about non-coverage of their activities by the state
media.
In a letter addressed to Jokonya, Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC)
deputy secretary for information and publicity, Morgan
Changamire, called on
the minister to intervene and "take corrective
measures".
"We are reliably informed by sources at the ZBC
(Zimbabwe Broadcasting
Corporation) and Zimpapers that the Permanent
Secretary in your Ministry has
imposed news embargo on the MDC led by Prof.
Mutambara.
"Public media are under instruction not to say anything
about us
except when one of us is dead or arrested. This embargo is
supported by the
'deafening' silence the public media have given to our
activities," said the
letter.
Jokonya could not be reached for
comment on the matter.
Last week, ZimOnline reported that President
Robert Mugabe's press
secretary, George Charamba, had directed state media
editors to black out
Mutambara. Charamba is said to have instructed that
Mutambara be mentioned
only when it was extremely necessary to do so such as
when he dies or is
arrested.
Zimbabwe's state media is rabidly
anti-MDC which it says is a front
for Western governments opposed to Mugabe.
- ZimOnline
frontpagemag.com
By Michael Radu
FrontPageMagazine.com | March 14, 2006
In comparison to
Zimbabwe, neighboring Mozambique and Zambia,
once the far poorer countries,
now look wealthy. South Africa and Botswana,
moderately successful by
African standards, look like first-world countries.
Zimbabwe is becoming the
most benighted sub-Saharan nation, the heart of
Africa's darkness and the
soul of its shame. The death of this once-rich and
thriving country has been
the lifetime project of its Dictator for Life,
Robert
Mugabe.
Other countries, especially in Africa, suffer
from despotism.
But Mugabe's Zimbabwe is a special case. While he is as much
a connoisseur
of everyday brutality as other dictators, only Mugabe, along
with his
longstanding friend and supporter, North Korea's Kim Jong Il, has
used
famine in his quest to bring his people to heel and wipe out all
opposition.
As in the case of his North Korea brother in crime, he has made
hunger a
weapon. Over 4 million Zimbabweans--one third of the
population--need food
aid. The country is afflicted by 70 percent
unemployment, chronic fuel
shortages, and triple-digit inflation. The World
Bank has described
Zimbabwe's economic situation as "unprecedented for a
country not at war."
This was not always the
case. As recently as the mid-1970s,
Zimbabwe--then Southern Rhodesia--was
sub-Saharan Africa's second-largest
exporter of food, primarily wheat,
maize, and tobacco, all of it grown on
large, white-owned (mostly Anglo but
many Afrikaner) farms. But in 1979,
following a long civil war, blacks led
by Mugabe's Zimbabwe African National
Union (ZANU), supported by Maoist
China and Castro and subsidized by the
European Left, seized power. As a
result, life in the capital, Harare
(formerly Salisbury), and in Zimbabwe
generally, began its long spiral
downward. Cleanliness disappeared and crime
became a way of life as
apartheid-era Rhodesia, after a brief experiment
with pluralism and open
politics, was replaced by Mugabe's tribal Shona
dictatorship.
The Making of a
Tyrant
Robert Gabriel Mugabe was born in 1924
at the Kutama Mission in
Zvimba, then Southern Rhodesia, only months after
the country became a
British crown colony. Son of a peasant farmer and
carpenter, he began his
education at a nearby Jesuit mission and then taught
in various schools
while studying for certification to go on to the
University of Fort Hare in
South Africa, from which he received a B.A. in
English and History. He then
studied at Drifontein, Salisbury (now Harare),
Gwelo, and Tanzania, and
eventually obtained by correspondence a bachelor's
degree in economics from
the University of London. Next he began teaching in
Accra, Ghana (1958-60),
where he met Sally Hayfron, his first
wife.
When Mugabe studied there, Fort Hare, which was
paid for by
apartheid South Africa's white taxpayers, was the premier black
university
of all English-speaking Africa, producing a number of famous
African
leaders. At that institution Mugabe became radicalized, as did such
future
"freedom presidents" as Tanzania's Julius Nyerere and Zambia's
Kenneth
Kaunda and future rivals over absolute power in Rhodesia like
Herbert
Chitep. Ghana, which at the time was under the rule of
American-educated
Kwame Nkrumah, was also a center of anti-Western,
"anti-imperialist"
propaganda. By the time Mugabe returned to Rhodesia in
1960, he was a
committed Leninist.
The term
"Leninist" is used purposefully. There is no indication
that Mugabe (or his
colleagues, supporters, or mentors among the African
liberation movements
leaders, such as Amilcar Cabral in Guine Bissao, Samora
Machel of
Mozambique, and Sam Nujoma of Namibia) ever read Marx. If
anything, they
perhaps read Lenin and Stalin's brief treatises on how to
take and keep
power. One of Mugabe's colleagues in this regard is Mengistu
Haile Mariam, a
briefly American-trained Ethiopian dictator and Stalin
emulator, who has
been a guest of Mugabe's since 1991, while he faces
charges of crimes
against humanity in Ethiopia, whose government has been
seeking his
extradition.
The Zimbabwe liberation movements of the
1970s--primarily Mugabe's
ZANU and its competitor ZAPU (Joshua Nkomo's
Zimbabwe African People's
Union)--had a confused history of idealistic
rhetoric, Marxism-Leninism, and
systematic atrocities. They were encouraged
by Western liberals and provided
safe havens across Rhodesia's borders with
Mozambique (which supported ZANU)
and Zambia (sponsoring ZAPU). In the
larger scheme of things, Moscow helped
ZAPU and China supported ZANU. In
fact, the two movements, militarily
ineffective as they were against the
(mostly black) Rhodesian military, were
fundamentally instruments of the
ethnic/tribal bosses of the country's two
main ethnic groups: the majority
Shona for ZANU and ZAPU for the minority
Ndebele, close relatives of South
Africa's Zulus. Marxism Leninism was a
cover for political
ambition.
Mugabe's ZANU was always the more
violent and racially minded of
the two organizations. The movement's inner
dynamics worked in favor Robert
Mugabe, who in the 70s was the least
talented, least well-known, but most
ruthless ZANU leader. His early
opponents were the relatively more moderate
Sithole and Herbert Chitepo. The
first was defeated by Mugabe in a
leadership struggle in 1974, the latter
was killed in Zambia the following
year. His killing remains an unsolved
mystery, but Mugabe was clearly the
beneficiary.
By 1979 the choice in Rhodesia
was no longer between a white
minority regime or a majority black one allied
with the whites. It was
between several competing radical black groups--this
despite the fact that
black moderates under Bishop Muzorewa were already in
government and allied
with the white minority that produced and controlled
most of Southern
Rhodesia's wealth. Against them were pro-Soviet and
pro-Chinese radical
groups that, although they had won neither on the
military battlefield nor
in the realm public opinion, had the backing of
London and Washington.
The argument was that
Muzorewa's alliance with the white
minority somehow made him insufficiently
"democratic," and that only the
basically tribal revolutionary organizations
like ZANU and ZAPU would be
able to govern. Numbers (and ZANU's open
intimidation of voters) ultimately
counted, and Mugabe won the elections in
1980, which resulted in ZANU's
gaining 63 percent of the vote and 57 seats,
while Nkomo's ZAPU won 20
seats. The whites, guaranteed 20 seats, gave them
all of the Rhodesian Front
of former prime minister Ian Smith. The black
voters, threatened by the
armed thugs of the "liberation movements,"
inevitably and wisely chose to
support the perceived winners: those very
same groups. It was a classic
example of the "one man, one vote, one time"
pattern widespread in Africa
then and since.
Dictator for Life
Once in power as prime minister,
Mugabe allowed no opposition.
First he pushed Nkomo aside. Then in 1982,
using militias trained by North
Korea, he crushed ZAPU's military arm,
destroying entire Ndebele villages in
the process. In 1987 the position of
prime minister was abolished, and
Mugabe assumed the new office of executive
president, gaining additional
powers. He was reelected in 1990 and 1996,
and, by open fraud, in 2002. Most
of his supporters, including illiterate
Shona peasants, voted for him out of
a well-founded fear: The government was
not above conditioning deliveries of
outside food aid on political
loyalty.
In this way, Mugabe and ZANU quickly
consolidated absolute power
in the newly named Zimbabwe. They have used that
authority to concentrate
all political power in the ruler and economic power
with his family and
tribal clique, and to openly promote anti-white racism,
anti-capitalism and,
in foreign affairs, the pursuit of "anti-imperialist"
(anti-Western) goals.
As the Economist put it, "Mugabe feels safer when
whites and white-collar
blacks leave the country; then they cannot vote. He
pushes them out in
various ways. Employing thugs to break their fingers is
one. Confiscating
private property is another. But he also uses more subtle
techniques. For
example, in May 2004, his government ordered the country's
private schools
to reduce their fees or close. Armed police were sent to
enforce the edict,
so most schools complied. Given rapidly rising costs,
this guarantees that
standards will fall, which will prompt more
middle-class parents to
emigrate."
Around
1990, Mugabe took his secretary Grace Marufu, 40 years
his junior, as a
second wife (his first wife would die two years later). The
marriage was a
strange one, entered into under a traditional African law
which allows a
junior wife. Grace is infamous for her influence on her
husband and for her
family's voracious takeovers of former white
farms.
Mugabe pressured the local Catholic
hierarchy to celebrate his
marriage with a nuptial mass. But on social
policy, Mugabe has evolved into
a rabid enemy of the Catholic Church, or
indeed any Christian church, and a
persecutor of homosexuals. Ironically, in
the past Mugabe himself had been
accused of being a homosexual by South
African and Rhodesian intelligence
services.
Stalinist economics and the war against the whites
From the start, Mugabe was against the whites. He began by
changing laws so
as to deny citizenship to whites (always less than 5
percent of the
population) such as the Salisbury-born former commander of
Rhodesia's
military, Gen. Peter Walls. Whites' guaranteed parliamentary
seats were
taken away, and their remaining MPs, including most prominently
Ian Smith,
were harassed, isolated, and sometimes denied passports.
Following an
interview with Ian Smith, in fact, this author was briefly
detained in
Harare in 1984 and expelled to South Africa. No credible
explanations were
given.
As long as the apartheid regime lasted in
neighboring South
Africa, Mugabe had to tread carefully, considering his
country's reliance on
South African trade and energy. But these
constraints disappeared when
majority rule came to Pretoria in 1994 where
Mugabe's abuses against whites
are now tolerated, if not overtly
encouraged.
The source of Mugabe's anti-white
bigotry is not difficult to
discern. About 4,000 white farmers, some of whom
had been established in the
country for generations, produced the majority
of the country's consumer
foods and all its agricultural and industrial
exports. White-owned farms
were an attractive prey for his own family and
political clique, as well as
an opportunity for political demagoguery. By
2006, there were only 200
left, and those were literally under
siege.
Beyond his longstanding racial animosity,
Mugabe's main problem
with whites is political and ideological. Politically,
he has to satisfy his
own Shona clique's desire for the land and wealth that
had long been
concentrated in white hands (althougth only a few of the
confiscated farms
were transferred to local peasants). While "land reform"
was the pretext for
Mugabe's move, the reality was that most farms were
transferred to a
parasitic clique around the president. Tens of thousands of
black farm
employees were left unemployed, and the state lost most of its
tax and
export revenues.
Ideologically, the
whites initially represented "the
bourgeoisie," Mugabe's equivalent of
Stalin's "class enemies." As he stated
five years ago, "As a collectivity,
they [white farmers] are a natural
fissure and beachhead for the retention
or re-launch of British and European
influence and control over our body
politic." That is also the reason why
the assault against the whites went
beyond the agribusiness domain. The
regime has now begun confiscating and
vandalizing white-owned property in
Zimbabwe's cities. During Mugabe's
earlier "Clean out the Filth"
slum-clearing campaign, according to the UN,
some 2.4 million people lost
their housing. Many areas "cleared" were in
fact prime real estate
locations, ready for the regime's speculator sharks
to take over for
nothing.
In August 2002,
Grace Mugabe, aided by the military, took over a
3,000-acre farm for her
family, arresting the 78-year-old owner and
dismissing the farm's black
workers. Two of Mugabe's sisters, his
brother-in-law and his wife's nephew,
have also received farms. ZANU party
members have burned millions of acres
of crops and prevented many more acres
from being farmed. As was the case
with Stalin's creation of mass famine in
the Ukraine in the 1930s, the
burning of crops had a clear political goal: a
hungry population is easier
to control.
The confiscations, along with
arbitrary currency manipulation,
have led to astronomical rates of
inflation--more than 500 percent in
2005--and a growing black market.
Primary school enrollment has dropped
precipitously with Zimbabweans so poor
that they cannot afford state school
fees of $4 a term. Infant mortality has
doubled while life expectancy fell
from age 60 to 35. All this is after the
regime drove some 3.4 million
Zimbabweans, one quarter of the population,
into exile, 1.2 million to South
Africa alone, according to Harare's own
figures. Today, Zimbabwe has no
credit. Boeing has cut off supplies to Air
Zimbabwe. Even China, Mugabe's
old friend, avoids investments in the
country.
Foreign
Policy
Except for ensuring the survival of
his regime, Mugabe's foreign
relations policies have been no more successful
than his domestic program.
To a large extent, Zimbabwe's foreign policy is
intended to compensate for
the failures of the regime's domestic economic
decisions. Thus, its 1999
military intervention in the war in the Democratic
Republic of Congo (DRC),
which cost millions of dollars a month despite the
fact that Zimbabwe had no
interests there, was intended to compensate for
the trade loss brought about
by the destruction of Zimbabwe's
entrepreneurial native class, largely white
and
Asian.
The beneficiaries of the Congo
intervention were of course the
presidential clique. Zimbabwean troops were
stationed in the diamond mining
areas of Congo, and, as Zimbabwean Defense
Minister Moven Mahachi put it,
"Instead of our army in the DRC burdening the
treasury for more resources,
which are not available, it embarks on viable
projects for the sake of
generating the necessary revenue." Two companies
based in Zimbabwe and DRC
were granted licenses to buy and sell diamonds and
gold, and to set up
offices manned by military officers, and in October
2000, the DRC's Kabila,
who barely controls his country's capital, awarded
Zimbabwe's Agricultural
and Rural Development Authority more than 500,000
hectares of farming land
in DRC.
Zimbabwe,
with few friends remaining, has aligned itself with
anyone who supports
anti-white, anti-Western racism. From the outset,
Mugabe's friends included
some of the most odious governments in the world:
North Korea, Libya (which
subsidized Mugabe until only recently), Cuba,
Iraq, Iran, and China. While
in Rome in October 2005 to mark the 60th
anniversary of the UN Food and
Agriculture Organization (FAO), Mugabe
accused U.S. President Bush and the
UK's Prime Minister Blair of illegally
invading Iraq, asking "Must we allow
these men, the two unholy men of our
millennium, who, in the same way as
Hitler and Mussolini formed [an] unholy
alliance, formed an alliance to
attack an innocent country?" Some FAO
delegates applauded Mugabe, and
Venezuela's Hugo Chávez paid tribute to him,
saying "The president of
Zimbabwe is made out to be a villain-because he
takes land from those who
don't need it to give it to those who need it to
live." It is thought that
Mugabe intends to follow North Korea and Iran in
using a nuclear threat to
blackmail the West into subsidizing its economy.
An
Enduring Reign
A combination of factors has
allowed Mugabe to maintain his grip
on power. These include the incompetence
of Zimbabwe's domestic opposition,
continued outside support, mostly from
South Africa, and an unduly indulgent
"international
community."
Many middle-class Zimbabweans have the
means to make their ideas
about democracy heard. They bankrolled the
Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC), an opposition party that would have
won the last two national
elections had those votes not been rigged. But the
MDC, led by Morgan
Tsvangirai and supported by Archbishop Pius Ncube of
Bulawayo, remains
divided, vulnerable to factionalism, and lacking
international support, even
from otherwise vocal human rights organizations
and from neighboring South
Africa.
Because of Mugabe's thuggery, the educated middle classes of
Zimbabwe, by
now almost all black, have been forced to leave in droves,
denying the
remaining opposition its leadership and resources. However, as
the Economist
noted, "You have to admire Robert Mugabe's chutzpah. First he
makes life so
miserable for Zimbabweans that busloads of them emigrate. Then
he asks the
fugitives to send money home to prop up the regime that drove
them out in
the first place." When they do send money, he confiscates it
through
currency manipulations.
Mugabe's destruction of
the independent media played a major
role in defeating the opposition, and
he was thorough in that respect. His
attacks have been relentless and often
Orwellian. In January 2006 Security
Minister Didymus Mutasa stated that "the
net will soon close" on those
remaining journalists whose criticism of the
government threatens the
nation's security. Journalists were arrested,
including those of the
independent radio station Voice of the People (now
transmitting from a
Dutch-funded station in the Malagasy Republic), which
was accused of being
"driven by the love for the United States dollars and
British pounds, which
they are paid by the foreign media houses to peddle
lies." There are hardly
any media left in Zimbabwe, and even fewer foreign
correspondents. The
regime refuses or postpones indefinitely journalists'
accreditation and then
accuses them of breaking the law by operating without
it.
Mugabe has benefited from the support or
benign neglect of his
fellow African presidents, particularly South Africa's
Thabo Mbeki. It took
a long time but it finally seems that the African Union
is beginning to
understand the danger to its credibility represented by its
silence over
Mugabe's atrocities. Thus the AU Commission on Human and
Peoples' Rights,
meeting in Gambia in January 2006, expressed concern over
"the continuing
violations and the deterioration of the human rights
situation in Zimbabwe,
the lack of respect for the rule of law and the
growing culture of
impunity."
South
Africa almost single-handedly controls Mugabe's fate. Were
South Africa's
northern Limpopo border closed both ways, it would bring
Zimbabwe to its
knees in a matter of weeks. However, while domestic,
anti-immigrant protests
are pushing South Africa toward trying to control
the influx of Zimbabwean
immigrants, it continues to send vital supplies to
the very regime that is
pushing the emigrants out.
Zimbabwe's geopolitics are
identical to what they were when
South Africa withdrew support from the Ian
Smith government, thereby ending
it. But the Communist Party and radical
elements in his own African National
Congress would never allow South
African President Mbeki to do likewise.
Moreover, there is a growing
movement among radicalized blacks in South
Africa who seek to imitate
Mugabe's suicidal "land reform" in the name of
the same anti-white racism
and economic idiocy. Namibia's president, Sam
Nujoma, for instance, shares
Mugabe's racist and Marxist background and
follows the Zimbabwe
model.
The "international
community"
It is important for donor countries and
human rights advocates
in the West--Live-8 producer Bob Geldoff, U2's Bono,
and NGOs included--to
appreciate that, far from being a unique case,
Mugabe's recipe for
destroying a prosperous country appears to have more
imitators than critics
within Africa. Indeed, all who wish Africa success
can only be shocked and
dismayed when Mugabe's racism, totalitarianism,
corruption, and blatant
disregard of all norms of decent behavior are not
just tolerated but, by
silence or commission, encouraged by the very same
third-world leaders who
demand and expect Western
aid.
Although Prime Minister Blair has taken
a strong and persistent
position in condemning Mugabe, virtually all Western
media and academia
continue to pretend that the racism at the core of
Mugabe's worldview
actually played no part in Zimbabwe's transformation from
food exporter to
basket case. Even Western human rights groups, while
condemning Mugabe's
atrocities, avoid using the word
"racism."
Not all of Zimbabwe's neighbors support
Mugabe, as was
demonstrated when Zambia, and Mozambique cut power deliveries
to Zimbabwe
due to nonpayment. Even more significant, both countries
welcomed the
expelled white Zimbabwean farmers; Mozambique even offered them
free land.
Similarly, the large and growing
Zimbabwean diaspora in Britain
is vocal in its criticism of Mugabe,
resulting in an EU ban on travel for
Mugabe and his government members, who
were already banned by France and
Italy. As to aid, while it is clear that
Zimbabwe's famine is due
exclusively to Mugabe, the West continues to send
food aid, even though this
only strengthens the very regime that makes such
aid necessary. The
impotence of the United Nations, the African Union, and
the West in general
to deal with Robert Mugabe's reign of terror suggests
that "world opinion"
is just that: opinion, without action.
IOL
March 15
2006 at 07:47PM
Harare - An earth tremor shook parts of eastern
Zimbabwe and
Mozambique on Wednesday, less than three weeks after an
earthquake hit the
same area, state television said.
"There was
an earth tremor in some parts of the country at around
14h00 hours (12h00
GMT)," the state controlled Newsnet said.
"The tremor is said to
have started in Mozambique and was severe in
Chipinge where panic-striken
residents were seen running in fear," said
state television.
"The Civil Protection Unit has urged people to remain calm in the
event of a
similar incident."
A witness in the eastern Mutare town Clement
Mashanda said the tremor
shook tall buildings in the town.
"It
was just minor," Mashanda said. "Only tall buildings were affected
but it
was not serious at all."
An earthquake registering
7.5 on the Richter scale struck Mozambique
on February 23 and was felt in
parts of Zimbabwe and South Africa.
Four people including two
children died in the quake that also
destroyed 190 homes in Manica province
bordering Zimbabwe. - Sapa-AFP
VOA
15 March
2006
The U.S. State Department has issued its latest report on
human rights
around the world. The report paints a mixed picture of the
human rights
situation in Africa in 2005. Some African governments became
more repressive
while others took steps toward democracy.
According
to the State Department report, the government of Zimbabwe in 2005
"maintained a steady assault on human dignity and basic freedoms,"
tightening its hold on civil society and human rights groups and
manipulating the March 2005 parliamentary elections. U.S. Deputy Assistant
Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights and Labor Jeffrey Krilla says
that the government of Zimbabwe "continues to move in the wrong
direction":
"They continue to arrest and detain opposition leaders and
their supporters.
And then last year they closed down an independent
newspaper, showing just
how unwilling they are even to accept criticism. So
the Zimbabwean
government continues to be a real human rights offender on
the continent."
Other African countries with deteriorating human rights
records and climates
of lawlessness and corruption include Sudan, Cote
d'Ivoire, and Ethiopia.
Mr. Krilla says Uganda was one of the African
countries that had taken some
positive steps:
"You saw citizens last
year voting in a national referendum to adopt a
multi-party system of
government, parliament amending the electoral laws to,
for the first time in
a decade, include opposition party participation in
elections and in
government."
But these steps were called into question by the elimination
of presidential
term limits.
Another country that made progress last
year was Liberia, where voters chose
Africa's first democratically elected
female head of state, Ellen
Johnson-Sirleaf. Her election, says U.S. Deputy
Assistant Secretary of State
Jeffrey Krilla, was "a very positive step for
Liberia and for all of
Africa."
The preceding was an editorial
reflecting the views of the United States
Government.
[ This report does
not necessarily reflect the views of the United
Nations]
JOHANNESBURG, 15 Mar 2006 (IRIN) - The arrest of a Zimbabwe
opposition MP
for allegedly insulting President Robert Mugabe has been
slammed as yet
another attempt by the state to silence its
critics.
Timothy Mubhawu, from the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC),
was arrested
in the capital, Harare, on Tuesday night, under Zimbabwe's
stringent laws
against denigrating the head of state.
He allegedly
gave a lift to a group of soldiers on 3 March and asked them
why "do you let
Mugabe let you suffer?" A soldier reported the alleged
statement to the
police and Mubhawu was taken into custody.
MDC spokesman Nelson Chamisa
told IRIN that Mubhawu was still in custody but
was expected to appear in
court soon. He said Mabhuwa denied the charges and
"our lawyers are dealing
with the matter".
"They allege he degraded and derided the name of the
president ... but this
is merely part of the ongoing victimisation of
opposition leaders in the
country," Chamisa claimed.
The divided
MDC's "watershed" congress is scheduled to be held this weekend.
Reuters
Wed Mar 15, 2006 9:01 AM ET
By Tsegaye Tadesse
ADDIS
ABABA (Reuters) - A verdict in the genocide trial against Ethiopia's
exiled
former dictator Mengistu Haile Mariam is due on May 23 after 14 years
of
proceedings, a court said on Wednesday.
Mengistu -- who fled to Zimbabwe
in 1991 after guerrilla forces led by now
Prime Minister Meles Zenawi ousted
his 17-year-old Marxist regime -- is
being tried in absentia.
He and
other members of a notoriously brutal military junta are accused of
killing
of more than 1,000 people in the so-called "Red Terror" purges,
including
former Emperor Haile Selassie whom he dethroned in 1974.
Ethiopia's High
Court said it would also rule on the same day on genocide
charges against
various of Mengistu's followers, believed to number about
100.
The
co-accused include former prime minister Fikre Selassie Wogderesse,
former
vice president Fissiha Desta and about 40 other top officials from
the
Mengistu era who have been in prison awaiting a verdict since 1992.
The
others are also in exile and being tried in absentia.
"The indictment
process (against) Lt. Colonel Mengistu Haile Marium on
genocide charges has
come to an end," the state-run Ethiopian News Agency
quoted the court as
saying.
"The court will give its final verdict against all those accused
on May 23,
2006."
The iron-fisted leftist dictator escaped Ethiopia
after he and two former
military officials were given sanctuary in the
Italian embassy in Addis
Ababa.
Under Ethiopian law, genocide is
defined as intent to wipe out political and
not just ethnic
groups.
Human rights groups have criticized the length of the trial, but
the
prosecution argues that the complex nature of the evidence is what has
delayed the verdicts.
Business in Africa
Published: 15-MAR-06
After the appointment of Dr Gono
as Reserve bank governor in January 2004, a
programme was implemented with
the intention of achieving macro-economic
stability by June 2005. But the
outcome has been far from that projected. In
the opinion of Standard Bank,
"policies have (continued to) increasingly
distort the economic landscape,
extending macroeconomic imbalances and
sustaining the
recession.
Although inflation fell from an historic peak of 622,8 percent
y/y in
January 2004 to 123,7 percent y/y in March 2005, this has been
achieved only
through price controls - which boosts the parallel market -
and economic
slowdown. Official figures for October 2005 show a renewed
acceleration,
rising to 411 percent y/y with upward pressure evident across
all categories
of the index.
Domestic public sector borrowing rose
sharply as public sector borrowing
rose to 892 percent y/y in August.
Private sector borrowing rose only 100
percent which, because it is below
the inflation rate, in negative in real
terms.
A recent IMF country
report shows extraordinarily high foreign exchange
losses borne by the
Reserve Bank. With a dual official exchange rate - one
for government and
the other for the private sector - the Bank was on a
hiding to nothing when
government forced it to effectively finance critical
government services. It
had to purchase foreign exchange at the (high)
market rate and resell at the
(low) government rate. This effectively
operated as a money creation
mechanism, fuelling inflation.
The Zimbabwean economy continues to
contract of the back of political strife
and uncertainty about the business
environment. The recent macro-economic
stabilisation effort has failed and a
re-think is necessary. But
commentators warn that this will avail little
unless the issue of "weak
investor confidence" is addressed.
MEHRnews, Tehran
TEHRAN, Mar. 15 (MNA) - In his visit on Wednesday with the
Zimbabwean
ambassador to Tehran, Iran's Minister of Cooperatives Mohammad
Nazemi
Ardekani expressed satisfaction over the support Iran and Zimbabwe
give each
other in the international arena.
"We feel political,
cultural and social affinities with Zimbabwe and
this could be used as a
basis for expanding trade relations between the two
countries," the Persian
service of IRNA quoted him as saying.
Referring to the
conclusion of agreements on cooperation between the
Islamic Republic and
this south Central African country, the Iranian
minister said, "both nations
have signed a number of memorandums of
understanding (MOU) on agriculture,
industries and mines, energy, trade,
tourism, building power plants and
technical services.
The Zimbabwean official commented on
the 15-million euro loan it owes
to Iran and stated that the country had
decided to repay its debt before the
next Iran-Zimbabwean joint commission
convenes.
By Lance Guma
15 March 2006
Riot
police had to be called in Tuesday at the university of Zimbabwe
after
students at the law faculty were involved in scuffles with their
lecturers.
Faculty Representative Brighton Makunike says although most
students have
failed to raise the new tuition fees, the law department
registered the
highest number who managed to pay. Some of the students in
this faculty
however are not happy because their lecturers are not turning
up to teach.
The verbal interchanges degenerated into pushing and shoving
and it was not
long before students from other departments joined in the
melee.
The university has been rocked by several student
demonstrations since
it opened on the 27th of February. Most departments
have gone for almost 4
weeks without any lessons. Students say they cannot
afford the tenfold hike
in tuition fees. Under gazetted fees they have to
fork out between Z$35 and
Z$60 million a year up from Z$3,5 million,
depending on their faculty. To
make matters worse support grants of Z$11,5
million a year remain far below
the new requirements.
The
impasse continues despite a High Court order setting aside the fee
increases. This has created confusion over whether the university can be
technically termed 'open or closed' since there is virtually no academic
activity. Administration officials are alleged to have informed student
leaders the university council is now considering closing the campus until
the matter is resolved. Makunike estimates that less than a thousand
students have paid the new fees and the High Court order has given them hope
for a review of the matter.
On the 6th of March the University
suspended three student leaders,
Mfundo Mlilo, Collen Chibango and
Wellington Mahohoma for allegedly inciting
a series of crippling
demonstrations. The students however refused to sign
the suspension letters
arguing the suspension was null and void since it
arose from a charge the
police themselves dropped. Students countrywide have
protested the
increases. Under the auspices of the Zimbabwe National
Students Union they
have forced the closure of several universities and
colleges around the
country. They say they will not back down until
government reviews the fee
increases.
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
March 15, 2006, 5
hours, 32 minutes and 0 seconds ago.
By Tagu Mkwenyani
Harare (AND) Human rights lawyers say food is being politicised at a
transit
camp for victims of Operation Murambatsvina.
Hundreds of people
whose homes were destroyed in May last year are
living at the camp in
conditions health experts say are unsuitable for human
habitation.
In a petition addressed to the Provincial Administrator (Harare
Metropolitan
province), the Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights noted that
corruption had
taken root at the camp where the victims are living near
destitute lives.
They accused officials at Hopley who were in charge of the
camp of depriving
the inmates of basic things such as food and medicine.
"The health of our
many clients living at Hopley farm has already suffered
much damage as a
result of the serious food and other insecurity to which
they have been
subjected; this is particularly true of vulnerable groups
such as the
children and those who are ill.
"Thus we seek the immediate
rectification of the said corruption
activities in the distribution of basic
amenities of life as these are clear
contraventions of basic human rights
law. While the different political
opinions held by persons at Hopley farm
is none of our concern whatsoever,
we also find it worrisome that
'administrators' thereat have chosen to use
political opinions as a basis
for food distribution.
This is clearly an injustice that must be
rectified without delay. The
lawyers said any persons who attempted to raise
objection to the
malpractices received threats from the officials. They
added even the
chronically ill people were not spared as a home based care
programme at the
care was only benefited those who were well
connected.
Many Zimbabwe who were displaced by Operation
Murambatsvina are still
living camps, which were said to be for transit
purposes. Some are fast
realising that they are likely to stay longer in the
holding camps since a
government programme dubbed Operation Garikai/Live
well has not produced
houses for them.
Harare (AND)
March 15, 2006
By Tagu Mkwenyani
Zimbabwe (AND) The
state, in major climbdown, has withdrawn charges of
consipring to possess
weapons for the purpose of banditry, terrorism and
sabotage against members
of the opposition.
THE high profile arms cache 'discovery' case is
fast crumbling in
Zimbabwe where authorities have withdrawn most of the
charges against
members of the opposition party, accused by President
Mugabe's government of
possessing arms for the purposes of banditry and
terrorism.
The suspects were said to be working with shadowy
organisation, the
Zimbabwe Freedom Movement, in order to remove the
government of Zimbabwe by
force. But the latest information from the Mutare
court shows that the state
has withdrawn all charges against Giles Mutsekwa,
the MDC shadow secretary
for defence. The state has also withdrawn charges
against Knowledge Nyamhoka
and have reduced those of Thando Sibanda to that
of merely possessing
firearms without a licence. Sibanda has been granted a
$1 million bail.
Wellington Tsuro, a police officer who, the state
said was responsible
for supplying the group with weapons, was only charged
today with theft of
weapons in what is a major climb down by the
authorities. Peter Hitschmann,
in whose possession the weapons were
allegedly found, remains in custody
since his case was not heard.
Hitschmann who allegedly implicated the other suspects refused legal
representation on Friday in a move that surprised lawyers that were working
frantically to have them released after spending more than five days in
custody. The lawyers however said it was only a matter of time before the
ex-Rhodesian soldier was released. The about turn by the state in a lower
court came after the High Court ruled favourably for an application made
late yesterday by the accused's lawyers.
Justice Charles Hungwe
granted bail to $50 million to Mutsekwa. The
legislator was ordered to
reside at his Greenside house in the eastern
border city until the case was
finalised. Justice Hungwe also ordered the
police not to continue detaining
the other suspects from their holding cells
where they were allegedly being
tortured and interrogated by security
agents.
Zimbabwe (AND)
Click here to see break down of monthly expenses for workers as at 03.03.2006 You may all be wondering just what is the exact rate of inflation, particularly when we are fully aware that the Central Statistics Office's figures are manipulated for political purposes. From John Robertson we know that, not only is the inflationary basket selectively chosen to illustrate a lower than realistic rate, but the indices have been changed as well.
We employ 140 workers in three companies and each month they are required to submit their monthly costs of a basket that we have chosen, which we believe fairly represents the vast majority of their monthly expenses. These are:
Rent
Transport
Food
Soap and
Vaseline
Toothpaste
Cooking oil
You will note that these prices moved 35% in these last four weeks which, when extrapolated, amounts to 3 560% pa when compounded.
As disposable income becomes less and less, it simply means that there is a continual shift of expenditure from luxuries to essential capital items such as clothes, furniture repairs and maintenance towards the type of expenditure as illustrated in our figures. In other words, the ordinary man in the township faces this scale of inflation in his day to day expenditure as he simply has to deal with buying these items and not a lot else.
We do hope that this helps and should you require our updates at any time, please let us know.
Simon
The Chronicle
Harare Bureau
THE
Ministry of Public Service, Labour, and Social Welfare has consented to
the
new wages for farm workers that were proposed by the social parties of
the
National Employment Council (NEC) for the agricultural industry.
In an
interview yesterday, General Agriculture Plantation Workers Union
Zimbabwe
deputy general secretary Mr Gift Muti encouraged employers to begin
paying
their workers the new wages.
"The Minister of Labour, Cde Nicholas Goche, has
reviewed and consented to
the wage proposals we sent to him and most farm
employers are complying, but
there have been a few problems in areas where
some farmers are not sure of
the new development. We, therefore, call upon
all employers in agriculture
to pay the legal wages," he said.
Farm
workers will now receive a minimum wage of $1 300 000, up from $665
000.
Meanwhile, GAPWUZ has dismissed a report which appeared in The
Standard
newspaper, saying it was full of gross inaccuracies.
The deputy
general secretary said there was no standing dispute between the
labour
movement and Chief Justice Chidyausiku and that such matters are not
addressed by the agricultural NEC.
"Converse to suggestions by The
Standard, we are not in conflict with Chief
Justice Chidyausiku, but rather
our officers had gone to his farm to
investigate the allegations made by his
workers. The alleged problems, if
there are any, are yet to be established.
Then, and only then, can the union
take action.
"GAPWUZ has a legal
mandate, proscribed in the Labour Relations Act, to
visit farms and make
inquiries that relate to the welfare of farm workers
and we have done so
since our formation in 1982, years before the
Agricultural NEC came into
being. As the representatives of farm workers we
will pursue any issues
concerning their plight," he said.
New Zimbabwe
By Chris Gande
Last updated: 03/15/2006 23:02:10
PROFESSOR
Arthur Mutambara's entry into the political scene has undoubtedly
ignited a
ferocious flame of debate that has consumed Zimbabweans and those
outside
that troubled country watching with interest the unfolding of a
tragic
story; that of a rapidly deteriorating economy presided over by an
82-year-old man with the "bones of a 28-year-old".
Never mind that
this may sound like a Shakespearean tragedy told by an
idiot. I am talking
about Zimbabwe, a country whose tragic slide into a
failed state has baffled
economic deduction and now requires something more
advanced like robotics or
mechatronics to fix its ailing fiscus.
Lest I be misconstrued as a
supporter of Arthur Mutambara, I will hasten to
absolve myself through the
disclaimer of my professional journalistic
background as enscounced by the
guidelines of the charter of the Voice of
America which demands that I
discharge my duty as a journalist in an
objective and non-partisan
way.
Mutambara, is a famed student rights activist in his hey days at the
University of Zimbabwe where he led ferocious demonstrations that left
indellible scars on the monstrous Mugabe regime which is now eyeing him with
a hungry red eye as he tries to resuscitate the ghost of one part of what
was once Mugabe's nightmare, the one that nearly saw him lose his grip on
power.
That was nearly 20 yeras ago.
Today Mutambara, who is
commonly known in student activism circles as AGO,
his initials, comes into
the political arena at a time when student activism
is probably accelerating
at an unprecedented speed that threatens to hit the
Mugabe regime where it
hurts the most - the falacy of the communist vision
of the provision for the
underprivilleged students in society.
I have challenged some journalist
friends of mine in Zimbabwe to observe
whether State House also goes dark
when there is an electricity power
outage. Of course it would be folly for
me to put my colleagues into the
task of checking whether Zim One, Mugabe's
customised armoured Mercedes Benz
S600 LV AMG (Pullman size), which guzzles
enough fuel for the full tanks of
two kombis in every kilometre that it
moves, has been grounded due to lack
of fuel.
Or to check whether the
first family had a breakfast of mbambaira and black
unsweetened tea due to
the high cost and or shortage of sugar, milk, bacon,
eggs, and
sausage.
Education in Zimbabwe, a country that had one of the highest
literacy rates
on the African continent, is now probably the most expensive
in the
continent, if not the whole wide world. Students are now required to
pay $35
million up from $3,5million per semester. Most of the student's
parents have
been reduced to objects of mere existence. Their salaries are
nowhere near
the astronomous $35 million.
Students, who are exactly
the same age as that of the honourable professor
of robotics was when he led
the "revolutionary" University of Zimbabwe
Student Council, are today a
malignant lot seething with fury at being
denied almost all basic rights,
including that one of acquiring knowlege and
then using it to develop their
own country and ensuring that the economy
does not limp but surges forward
with vigor for the inhabitants to enjoy
their God-given right to live and
not survive.
But now they will not afford to go to university or college
and may end up
having degrees in violence (and higher national diplomas in
pschological
torture and certificates in the art and science of
maiming).
Now allow me to indulge in that nocturnal tradition of my
spiritual being -
that of being a Sangoma. Now when I flick my flywhisk, I
see that the coming
of Mutambara and the upheavals at the colleges and
universities are not a
cincidence. But what my spirit cannot reveal is how
the students, who are
themselves as divided as the two factions of the once
formidable party that
sent a chill down Zanu PF's spine, will be brought
aboard a revolutionary
bus. A bus that will carry only those passengers that
desire to see a nation
that prospers and rewards those individuals who sweat
and not only those who
pilfer or plunder public coffers pillaging a bleeding
economy.
Yes, when I flip my flywhisk once more, I see Morgan Tsvangirai,
a stronger
force with students on his side. Him courting the students as a
potent ally,
symbolising the suffering of the majority, boycotting all
elections and
going into the streets. I see him mobilizing the people and
giving them
hope, courage and not just talking about removing Mugabe but at
least trying
to do so.
University and college students in their teens
or early 20s have a longer
future to think about than their geriatric
national government leaders who
appear to have forgotten that there is a new
generation of "born-frees" who
are beggging to live decent lives rather than
the painful specter of anguish
and abject poverty they find themselves in.
And a whole lot of people, part
of the nearly ten million disgruntled people
whose lives have been reduced
to untold suffering. Millions of my people, as
Mugabe would say.
Just like Mutambara curved a niche in the political
history of the country
through student activism, we are seeing a new crop of
leaders following his
footsteps, names like Garikai Kajauro, Colleen
Chibango, Mfundo Mlilo and
Wellington Mahohoma.
Already the student
leaders have met Morgan Tsvangirai and Welshman Ncube.
It is my assumption
that soon they will meet their mentor, Mutambara. What
they will decide and
agree on I am not privy. But that they have something
in common with the
former student leader who crept into the political scene
like the proverbial
thief is not in doubt.
Even those who are in both Zanu PF and the other
fracture of the MDC; from
almost all spheres of life, policemen, doctors,
teachers, kombi drivers,
including the men-in-dark shades had something to
talk about.
Even those who could be rightfully classified as the elite
but because of
the poor salaries and diminished buying power of the
ever-falling dollar,
those who can afford to access the web, had something
to talk about on
webchats.
Some even said that it is because of him
that the earth "trembled" in the
early hours of Februrary 23. It's not me
who is saying that.
"Who is Professor Mutambara?" "What is robotics or
mechatronics?"
Even those with religious despositions asked: "Has the
hour cometh yet?" "Is
Arthur the son of man?"
"No! a big fat
NO!"Tsvangirai is the man!" Those on the other side roared
their voices
hoarse. "Give Tsvangirai another chance."
Some people who have been the
best of friends, both in political circles and
in the street are now sworn
enemies exuding such immense hatred for each
other that sometimes I think if
they could combine their hatred for each
other and channel it towards the
demise of Zanu PF the ruling party could
have been gathering dust in the
dustbins of history by now.
No such energy has ever been manipulated by
members of the divided
opposition as they gun for each other's throats. Not
even during Operation
Murambatsvina.
Zimbabweans have exhibited
bizarre resilence in the face of a cauldron of
bubbling economic upheavals,
the result of an economy in a hellish tailspin
that has completely reduced
them to a pathetic laughing stock of the African
sub-region and indeed the
whole world.
The last thing that Zimbabwe can afford at this most trying
and decisive
moment is a divided opposition. So I will take this
contribution to be an
open letter to Morgan Tsvangirai and Professor Arthur
Mutambara. I know
Mutambara will read this article because only last week he
told me that he
reads this website. As for Tsvangirai, I am not sure whether
he reads New
Zimbabwe.com as I have not spoken to him in almost four months
now but I
hope and pray that he gets to read this.
You two gentlemen,
the nation is looking foward to your unity. Bow to one
another and look
ahead at the horizon for a fresh beginning for this country
afflicted by a
malaise of misrule. The nation is on its knees, begging you
to please unite.
Sacrifice your pride for the sake of posterity and shake
hands!
Chris
Gande is a journalist working for the Voice Of America. You can
contact him
on e-mail: gandex@yahoo.co.uk
March 15, 2006, 12 hours, 46 minutes and
52 seconds ago.
By Tagu Mkwenyani
Bulawayo (AND) Loud
explosion that unsettled Bulawayo residents was
caused by explosives thrown
at the home of a gold mine manager.
OLD Nic Mine officials have
broken their silence over a loud explosion
that rocked Zimbabwe's second
largest city on Saturday night, leaving many
residents in a state of panic.
In a statement, a senior official with
Olympus Gold Mines Limited said there
had been an attempt on the life of the
Old Nic mine's manager and his
family.
"The directors of the above organisations would like to
bring to the
general public's attention the cause of two loud explosions at
approximately
11.15 pm on Saturday night, the 11th March 2006-03-14. These
explosions were
generally heard throughout Bulawayo. "The explosions were
the result of
unknown persons who threw two explosive charges at the mine
manager's
residence situated at Old Nic Mine, within the Bulawayo
municipality." The
loud explosions from the gold producing mine were heard
some 10 kilometres
away.
AD Beattie, the Managing director
added: "These explosive charges
could very well have killed or severely
maimed the mine manager, his wife
and grand daughter who were asleep in the
house at the time." Police
attended the scene and they are still
investigating the matter. The motive
of the attackers is not yet clear. Over
a year ago, a top of official of
Bindura Nickel Mine was gunned down at the
entrance of his home in Harare.
In order to assist in bringing the culprits
to book, the company is offering
a reward of $100 million for the proven
conviction of the perpetrators.
Bulawayo (AND)
March 15, 2006, 12 hours, 58
minutes and 46 seconds ago.
By Andnetwork .com
DIGITAL
Satellite Television (DStv), a private TV channel that
broadcasts from South
Africa, will increase subscription fees for DStv's
services with effect from
1 April, 2006.
The monthly subscription for DStv's premium bouquet
(full bouquet)
will increase from US$52,50 to US$55 while subscription fees
for all other
DStv bouquets will increase on a pro rata basis, with the
exception of DStv
Compact (minibouquet), which will remain at US$25 per
month.
In a statement yesterday, MultiChoice Zimbabwe said for those
paying
through bank drafts or bank cheques the minimum payments for
subscriptions
are US$126 and Ł79 respectively. The subscriptions are also
accepted in
South African rand.
"The new monthly subscription fee
for DStv's Premium bouquet will be
R396 and you can pay your DStv
subscription via bank draft. Bank drafts are
quick, easy and
convenient."
In addition, MultiChoice Zimbabwe has increased its
operating hours at
its Harare office at Kensington Shopping Centre effective
2 April, 2006, and
this includes opening on Sundays.
Late last
year, the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Holdings and MultiChoice
Africa signed an
agreement for the carriage of the ZTV channel on DStv
bouquet.
The
agreement also saw the commissioning of the uplink, which connects
ZTV to
DStv at ZBH's Pockets Hill.
The agreement is in compliance with the
Broadcasting Services Act,
which states that every subscription satellite
broadcasting licence shall
transmit noncoded signals from a public
broadcaster.
Source : Egyptian Gazzette
From The Cape Argus (SA), 15 March
By Boyd Webb
United Nations secretary-general Kofi
Annan criticised African countries for
blaming their ills on the past, but
hailed South Africa's leading role in
new development. Addressing parliament
yesterday, Annan said African nations
should accept responsibility for their
predicaments, and not blame
outsiders. "It is easy to blame these ills on
the past and on outsiders -
the depredations of imperialism and the slave
trade, the imbalance of power
and wealth in a flagrantly unjust world. But
that cannot absolve us, the
Africans of today, from our own responsibility
to ourselves and to our
children," he said. Annan said South Africa, as one
of the continent's
stronger nations, had a responsibility to "lend a hand to
the weaker". This,
he said, was to be done without seeking to impose
domination. "When any
country gets caught in a downward spiral of poverty,
misgovernment and
conflict, this is bound to be a problem for its
neighbours. And the best
neighbours are those who play a constructive part
in helping to halt and
reverse the spiral before it leads to a complete
meltdown," he said to an
audience that included Prince Philippe and Princess
Mathilda of Belgium.
Earlier in the day Annan endorsed South Africa's quiet
diplomacy in handling
the Zimbabwean crisis. The UN leader, who has focused
the world's spotlight
on many of Africa's problems, advised the embattled
state to also heed South
Africa's advice and urged its other neighbours to
contribute more to helping
Zimbabwe out of its economic
quagmire.
"The situation in Zimbabwe is extremely difficult. It's
difficult for the
Zimbabweans, it's difficult for the region and it's
difficult for the
world," he said. "And I would also encourage neighbours in
crisis, countries
in crisis to listen to their neighbours to work with them
and to solve the
conflict," Annan added. Annan urged South Africa to use its
wisdom - derived
from its own history of overcoming resentment and mistrust
- to convince
other countries against using confrontation and threats to
combat injustices
and misunderstandings. "South Africa can teach all of us
that, on the
contrary, the way to a better balance lies through dialogue,
and the
establishment of mutual trust. Only in such an atmosphere can the
weak win
attention and respect from the strong." Describing South Africa as
"a guide
and spokesman" for the developing world, Annan praised it for the
way it
fought for the rights of other developing countries. Its battles were
often
fought within the UN as it pushed for the world body's transformation,
in
particular the UN's Security Council. While he was confident a new
"proper"
Human Rights Council would be finalised this week despite
opposition from
the United States, Annan was not as upbeat over Security
Council reform.
This, he said, was still under negotiation.
March 15, 2006
By George Nyathi
BULAWAYO (AND) COOPERATIVES in Bulawayo have decided to take a back
seat as
the roller coaster Operation Garikai/ Hlalani Kuhle housing
delievery
programme progresses at a snail's pace.
This became apparent this
morning when the head of the housing
programme and minister of Public
Service, labor and Social Welfare, Nicholas
Goche paid a courtesy call to
the site where the houses were being
constructed.
All cooperatives,
except one led by alleged rapist and Zanu PF
apologist, Obadiah Musindo, of
the Destiny of Africa Network (D.of.A.N),
have disappeared from the Cowdray
Park site without having thrown a single
stone to the ground in
construction.
Musindo's cooperative, sources said, has only managed
to put up scanty
three housing units with the first one having been
completed early last
December. The other two, a visit to the site would
reveal, are now past the
foundation level with signs that their construction
will take longer than
anticipated given the high-rising cost of building
materials.
Pegs that were set by the Bulawayo City Council can no
longer be
traceable as they have been covered by the overgrown grass while
the paths
leading to the stands is now inaccessible, a sign that people who
were
supposed to have been there have been missing in action for too
long.
The site tour shows that there is still a lot more work to be
done if
government is serious about providing affordable housing to its
people, with
the need of a fast track programme arising given the
hyper-inflation and
rising costs of the building material. Goche however is
reported to have
told journalists that he was happy with the progress of the
housing
programme, with sources saying that he had expressed contentment
with the
"way private players had done a marvellous job with regards to
building low
cost houses to the people." Only 450 out of the anticipated 700
houses have
been constructed since the launch of the programme late last
year after the
dreaded Operation Murambatsvina. A total of 61 houses are
still under
construction while a further 159 housing units are reportedly at
various
stages of construction.
Bulawayo (AND)