By David R.
Sands
The Washington Times
Published March 16, 2006
WASHINGTON
-- A senior Zimbabwean government official targeted for sanctions
by the
U.S. government was the guest of honor at a March 7 reception in the
U.S.
Capitol attended by at least one House Democratic lawmaker.
The
gathering, sponsored in part by the National Black Leadership
Roundtable and
the District-based Independence Federal Savings Bank, was
held in honor of
Gideon Gono, governor of Zimbabwe's central bank and a key
financial
official in the government of authoritarian President Robert
Mugabe.
Mr. Mugabe's policies of state control and farm
seizures are widely
blamed for transforming what was once one of Africa's
most productive
economies into a poverty- and debt-stricken land dependent
on international
aid.
Rep. Diane Watson, California Democrat and
member of the House
International Relations subcommittee on Africa, was
listed as the event's
"special guest."
According to the
invitation, the reception was held in part to "hear new
opportunities for
African-American investors" in Zimbabwe's mining, tourism
and
agricultural-processing sectors.
Mr. Gono is on a list of 128
Zimbabwe officials and 33 organizations
named in a November 2005 sanctions
order by President Bush that was designed
to express disapproval of Mr.
Mugabe's record on human rights, democracy and
development.
Zimbabwean human rights activists were sharply critical of the event,
calling Mr. Gono a "linchpin" of the Mugabe regime.
"We were
disgusted that a key component of this government should be
honored in the
very shadow of the Capitol dome," said one regime critic, who
declined to be
named because of the critic's ongoing work with Congress.
U.S. policy
has long been to isolate the Mugabe government. Secretary of
State
Condoleezza Rice named Zimbabwe as one of six "outposts of tyranny" in
her
January 2005 Senate confirmation hearing, along with such regimes as
North
Korea and Iran.
According to the Treasury Department's Office of
Foreign Assets Control,
the Zimbabwe sanctions include a ban on any business
transaction with the
named officials and a freeze on assets they have in the
United States. Mr.
Gono, as a "specially designated national," is prohibited
from travel to the
United States outside of strictly defined official
business.
The penalties for violating the order include fines of up
to $250,000
for deals with people and up to ten years in prison.
Bert Hammond, a spokesman for Miss Watson, said she attended the March 7
evening event in a Senate conference room because of a "long-standing
relationship" with the U.S. organizers.
"She was asked to stop
by, and that's about the extent of it," Mr.
Hammond said. "There was no
other motive than to stop by and say hello."
Another aide said on
background that Miss Watson supports the sanctions
on Zimbabwe and did not
discuss substantive issues or business dealings at
the Gono
event.
According to the State Department, Mr. Gono and Zimbabwe
Finance
Minister Herbert Murerwa were in Washington to attend an executive
board
meeting of the International Monetary Fund (IMF).
"As the
host country to the IMF, the United States issues visas to
officials of
member states when they visit for IMF business," a State
Department official
told The Washington Times.
Similar exemptions have been granted for
other officials otherwise
banned from the United States. Cuban dictator
Fidel Castro and Iranian
President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, for example, have
obtained similar visas to
attend United Nations' functions in New
York.
The official said Mr. Gono's visa restricted his travel to a
25-mile
radius from the Washington Monument.
The Capitol
reception does not appear to violate U.S. sanctions, as long
as Mr. Gono did
not discuss personal business deals. Unlike in Cuba and
Iran, U.S. firms are
permitted to invest in and trade with Zimbabwean
partners.
Treasury Department spokeswoman Molly Millerwise said the Zimbabwe
sanctions
contain an exemption for travel-related expenses on approved
trips.
"For all intents and purposes, attendance at a dinner
party during
travel that doesn't otherwise involve financial transactions
most likely
would not fall within the Zimbabwe programs prohibitions," she
said.
Although the gathering did not violate U.S. law, the State
Department
tried to discourage organizers, according to the private Zimbabwe
critics.
U.S. officials say they were more successful in frustrating
the main
purpose of Mr. Gono's Washington visit last week.
Despite the urgings of Mr. Gono and Mr. Murerwa, the IMF executive board
voted last Thursday not to restore Zimbabwe's voting rights or to allow it
to obtain new loans until Zimbabwe pays back money owed on other past-due
IMF programs.
. Brian DeBose contributed to this article.
Reuters
Thu Mar 16, 2006 5:38 PM GMT
By MacDonald
Dzirutwe
HARARE (Reuters) - Zimbabwe's central bank has raised interest
rates by up
to 75 percentage points to 785 percent in a new bid to curb
soaring
inflation, but analysts said the aim could be missed due to by high
government spending.
Zimbabwe's annual inflation rate accelerated to
a record 782 percent in
February, driven by a surge in rental, transport and
education fees and
dampening prospects of a quick recovery for an economy
which has been in
recession for six years. Inflation in January was 613.2
percent.
A Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe official said on Thursday the central
bank had
raised the cost of its unsecured lending to banks to 785 percent
from 710
percent. The interest rate for secured lending rose to 750 percent
from 700
percent.
Commercial lending rates in Zimbabwe already range
between 560 and 600
percent -- among the highest in the world -- and local
banks did not say how
much further they would climb as a result of the
central bank's latest
interest rate hike.
Analysts said the latest
rise in interest rates would further squeeze the
country's struggling
industries, most of which are operating below 30
percent capacity due to
shortages of foreign exchange and high production
costs.
"Most
companies will be advised to avoid significant borrowing because there
is a
high risk you will be unable to repay," said Farayi Dyirakumunda of
Interfin
Stockbrokers.
"Even banks have indicated their reluctance to lend because
with such rates
and volatility in the market the risk of default is high,"
he added.
INFLATION HAVOC
Inflation is playing havoc with the
finances of ordinary Zimbabweans, who
must often go shopping with huge piles
of cash for simple purchases that can
cost millions of Zimbabwe
dollars.
Anger is rising over a deepening economic crisis marked by
shortages of
foreign currency, fuel and food, which have left nearly
two-thirds of
Zimbabwe's workforce jobless and poverty-stricken.
In a
quarterly monetary policy review last January, central bank governor
Gideon
Gono said annual inflation would peak at between 700 and 800 percent
during
March but then fall to between 220 and 230 percent by the end of the
year.
"In theory yes this (interest rate hike) would work but the
problem we have
is that on the other hand the government cannot rein in
spending," Anthony
Hawkins, professor of business studies at the University
of Zimbabwe said.
"The interest charge to the government debt is huge and
will result in
serious budget overruns," he said.
Central bank
statistics show the government's domestic debt at 14.1 trillion
Zimbabwe
dollars, little changed from the beginning of the year.
Analysts have
said quasi-fiscal spending by the central bank itself --
through the
issuing of treasury bills -- was also boosting money supply in
an
inflationary trend singled out for criticism by the International
Monetary
Fund.
The bills are issued at a yield of 500 percent for 91 days, which
means that
after the period ends, more money is injected into the
market.
The official Herald newspaper also reported on Thursday that the
central
bank had increased its required non-interest bearing reserves for
commercial
banks to 65 percent from 55 percent, as it tries to subdue rapid
growth in
money supply.
$1=99,201 Zimbabwe dollars
zimbabwejournalists.com
No nonsense
By a
Correspondent
A High Court judge has lashed out at the
Zimbabwe's police and
security agents for bringing the administration of
justice into disrepute by
trying to force through weak terror charges
against six men.
In a dressing down, Justice Charles Hungwe, on
circuit in Mutare,
criticised the Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO)
for turning against
officials from the Attorney General's office, who had
suggested the accused
persons be released because of lack of evidence. The
professional assessment
caused dismay among the security agents, who wanted
the accused tried
anyhow.
Hungwe described the CIO's attempts
to bully the prosecution team as
"shocking."
The state has
since dropped charges against six people arrested in
connection with the
discovery of an arms cache in Mutare. Mutare North MP
Giles Mutsekwa,
Knowledge Nyamhoka, Thando Sibanda, Edwin Chekutye, Jerry
Maguta and Peter
Nzungu were all released on Wednesday after prosecutor
Levison Chikafu
withdrew charges before plea.
The six had been charged along with Peter
Hitschmann, who remains in
custody. Hungwe ruled that the four opposition
Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) members - Mutsekwa, Manicaland
provincial executives Brian
James, Nyamhoka and Sibanda - brought before the
courts in Mutare last week
and charged with conspiracy to possess weaponry
for insurgency were being
held unlawfully by police.
Hungwe said
the police and security agents acted unlawfully and
brought the
administration of justice into disrepute. He said that area
prosecutor
Chikafu of the AG's office had reported a series of clashes
between
prosecutors in the AG's office and state security agents. The
clashes saw
senior law officers in the AG's office, Joseph Jagada and
Florence Ziyambi,
returning to Harare "in fear for their liberty" after
threats from the
CIO.
"On 14 March 2006, serious developments in the matter were brought
to
the attention of the court by Mr Chikafu. According to Mr. Chikafu, Mr
Jagada and Mrs Ziyambi went to Mutare Rural Police Station where the
applicants were being held in order to assess the evidence against the
applicants. He later joined them. The defence team was allowed access to
their clients and they proceeded to conduct interviews. The respondents left
the room where the interviews were conducted on their own their
accord.
"As a result of threats against the senior state counsel, the
situation got tense. In fear of their safety, both senior state counsel left
for Harare," Justice Hungwe said.
Attorney-General Sobusa
Gula-Ndebele is reported to have then
telephoned his officers in Mutare,
instructing them to discontinue the
interviews.
Defence lawyer
Law-rence Chibwe told the court how the officer
commanding Manicaland
province, Assistant Commissioner Ronald Muderedzi,
accused the prosecuting
team from the AG's office of undermining the state's
case.
"The
senior state counsel went into conference with the security
agents. Mr
Chibwe says he later heard first respondent (Muderedzi) shout at
counsel
accusing them of behaving as if they were defence counsel.
"The
atmosphere was tense. No one shouted back at first respondent.
"Later,
according to Mr Chibwe, state counsel emerged from this office
appearing
shaken and subdued. Mr Chikafu, fearful of the threats by the
enraged state
agents, did not sleep at his usual place of abode that night."
Hungwe
described the CIO's attempts to bully the prosecution team as
"shocking." He
added that the fact that the respondents - Muderedzi, one
Detective
Inspector Dhliwayo and Chief Superintendent Makone, the district
criminal
investigations officer for Mutare - had not opposed the arrested
MDC
officials' application for release from illegal detention showed they
realised they had acted illegally.
"I asked Mr Chikafu to state the
case for the respondents, his
clients. He stated that in view of this
abjectly unlawful behaviour by his
clients, he could hardly make any
meaningful submissions.
"This behaviour deserves the highest possible
censure. It cannot be
justified in a democratic society. One cannot simply
condone such a blatant
refusal of access by the police. This is the type of
conduct that brings the
administration of justice into disrepute," Justice
Hungwe said.
The released MDC officials - who were charged under
Section 10 of the
Public Order and Security Act for allegedly conspiring to
possess weapons
for purposes of insurgency, banditry, sabotage and terrorism
- have alleged
that they were tortured by the police. It is the state's case
that the
suspects had hatched a plan to assassinate President Mugabe during
his 82nd
birthday celebrations held in the eastern border town on February
25.
Nyamhoka, the MDC's Manicaland provincial youth chairperson, has
said
he was subjected to torture, beatings and other forms of abuse,
including
having a firearm pressed against his temple.
He claimed
he was enticed with the promise of release on bail if he
signed a prepared
affidavit implicating Mutsekwa and former Chimanimani
Member of Parliament
Roy Bennett in clandestine activities connected with an
armed insurrection.
He would then be treated as a state witness in the case,
as has become
Hitschmann, the first man to be arrested in connection with
the
case.
Hitschmann, alleged to have recruited the MDC officials for the
covert operation, was arrested in Mutare on February 7 after police
reportedly uneartheded an arms cache at his house.
The collection
of weapons alleged to have been found at the house
included one AK-47
automatic rifle, four FN rifles, seven Uzi machine guns,
four .303 rifles,
11 shotguns, six CZ pistols, four revolvers, tear gas
canisters, flares,
thousands of rounds of ammunition and a two-way radio
communication
system.
Hitschmann has professed his innocence, saying he was an arms
dealer
and the law does not forbid him from stocking weapons for sale. He
has also
said he was yet to see the arsenal police claim to have unearthed
at his
house.
New Zimbabwe
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
SIX
opposition activists were detained in Mutare last week charged with
plotting
to assassinate President Robert Mugabe.
However, the case against them
dramatically fell apart this week when
Justice Hungwe ruled that they were
being illegally detained. His judgment
reveals for the first time the amount
of pressure the intelligence services
applied on the prosecutors to make
their case stick. We reproduce Hungwe's
judgment in
full:
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Last
updated: 03/17/2006 03:44:09
KNOWLEDGE NYANHOKA and THREE
OTHERS
Versus
OFFICER COMMANDING ZRP, MANICALAND PROVINCE and TWO
OTHERS
Justice Charles Hungwe:
This application was filed at 4 o
clock on 10 March 2006 on an urgent basis
and placed before me by the
registrar while I was on the Mutare circuit. I
directed that the papers be
served on the respondents' attorney, who is the
Attorney General, at Harare.
Further I also directed that upon service the
matter be set down for hearing
at 10 o clock on 13th March 2006 in view of
the fact that an infringement of
the Bill of Rights was being alleged by the
citizen against the
state.
On 13 March 2006, Mr. Maanda indicated that his clients, the 1st,
2nd and
4th applicants had been brought to court on Saturday 11 march 2006.
The 3rd
applicant had been released without charge. As such no mandamus was
being
sought in this respect. However as the applicants had been held in
excess of
the statutory 48 hours, they still seek a declaratuur in respect
of the
detention. They also sought an order mandament van spolie in respect
of the
property seized from the 3rd and 4th applicants. Mr. Chibwe indicated
that
due to the changed circumstances they will now seek a final rather than
an
interim order. Mr Chikafu, representing the state sought a postponement
to
accommodate his superiors traveling from Harare for this
hearing.
By consent the matter was postponed to this afternoon.
In
the resumed hearing, Mr Chikafu still appeared alone. He indicated that
he
did not oppose the order sought in respect of the release of the property
confiscated from the 3rd and 4th applicant but that his superiors from
Harare were in the process of persuading the police to retrieve the same
from members of Central Intelligence Organisation who had the physical
possession of the property in question. In respect of the declaratuur, Mr
Chikafu made the submission that as his office had not been made privy to
the warrants relied upon by the respondents in detaining the applicants
beyond the legal limit of 48 hours, the legality or otherwise of the
detention complained of can only be confirmed once he had access to the
papers relied upon by the police. He needed more time to peruse the further
detention warrants the police relied on which they are not keen to release
to him. His superiors would hopefully succeed in persuading the police to
release the same.
Another application was sought by the state to
allow further submissions
after efforts to establish the true facts have
been made. I also directed
that senior law officers in the person of Mr
Jagada and Mrs Ziyambi, being
present in Mutare, appear in the resumed
hearing. Mr Chikafu undertook to
advise both counsel of the directive. The
application was granted. On the
following day, 14 March 2006, serious
developments in the matter were
brought to the attention of the court by Mr
Chikafu. According to Mr
Chikafu, Mr Jagada and Mrs Ziyambi went to Mutare
Rural Police Station where
the applicants were being held in order to assess
the evidence against the
applicants. He later joined them. The defence team
was allowed access to
their clients and they proceeded to make interviews.
The respondents left
the room where interviews were conducted on their
accord. As a result of
threats offered to senior state counsel, the
situation got tense. In fear of
their liberty, both senior state counsel
left for Harare. Present at the
police station were members of the defence
team which included Mr Chibwe, Mr
Maanda, Mr Mugabe, Mr Makombe, Mr Ndhlovu
and Mr Mutungura. Mr Chibwe took
the sequence of the unfolding drama.
According to him, on being interviewed,
1st applicant made the following
revelations.
Soon after his arrest, he was subjected to torture, beatings
and other abuse
including having a firearm pressed against his temple. He
was interrogated
for long hours without rest. He was enticed by the promise
of his release on
bail if he signed a prepared affidavit in which he
implicates 4th applicant
and one Roy Bennett in clandestine activities
connected with an armed
insurrection. He would thereafter be treated as a
state witness as has now
been the case with one Peter Hitschman. He was
released to go and sleep it
over in his cell around 03h00 on the morning of
Saturday 11 March 2006.
Later that morning he had decided to sign it. When
they were taken to court,
he was remanded in custody. Nothing was said about
his release on bail.
Senior state counsel asked whether he was prepared to
give another statement
in view of what he had said. 1st applicant flatly
refused the offer,
explaining if he did so he would be back in police
custody to suffer the
consequences.
Eventually, Mr Chibwe said they
were interviewing 4th applicant. It was then
announced that the Attorney
General had telephoned. They should discontinue
the interviews. They
complied with the request. All this time all the
respondents were present at
the station as was the ZRP officer commanding
District, Chief superintendent
Makoni, CIO officer commanding District, Mr
Tapfuma, and the CIO officer
commanding Manicaland Province, Mr Chibaya.
They all went to ZRP Mutare
Central which is the provincial headquarters of
the police. The senior state
counsel went into conference with the security
agencies. Mr Chibwe says he
later heard 1st respondent shout at counsel
accusing them of behaving as if
they were defense counsel. The atmosphere
was tense. No one shouted anything
back at 1st respondent. Later according
to Mr Chibwe, state counsel emerged
from this office appeared shaken and
subdued. He could not say anything
further except to wish the two traveling
to Harare a safe journey. They all
dispersed. Mr Chikafu, fearful of the
threats offered by the enraged state
agents did not sleep at his usual place
of abode that night.
This
update is certainly a shocking development. It however should not
detract us
from what the real issues in this case are. After this submission
by
counsel, who wished this to be on record, I asked Mr Chikafu to state the
case for the respondents, his clients. He stated that in view of this
abjectly unlawful behavior by his clients, he could hardly make any
meaningful submissions. He pointed out however that, as indicated in the
previous hearing yesterday, his superiors had eventually, convinced the
police to hand back the property belonging to the 3rd and 4th applicants
which had been unlawfully seized by them.
As for the other relief, he
conceded that the subsequent re- detention of
the applicants at the Mutare
Rural Police Station was illegal in view of the
fact that they were now
expected to be in custody. Counsel for the
applicants prayed that the court
issues an order in terms of the final draft
order which should reflect the
amendments as suggested during hearing. He
pointed out that during the
initial court appearance by the three applicants
on Saturday 11 March 2006,
they had sought and had obtained an order of
court that required the police
to ensure that subsequent interviews of the
applicants are to be conducted
in counsels presence. Police had ignored this
and taken the applicants to
Mutare Rural for further interrogation without
advising counsel. This was in
a clear breach of the court order and
therefore in contempt of that court's
order.
He asked that this court declares the subsequent detention of the
applicants
in police custody unlawful, unconstitutional and therefore
illegal. He
sought a declaration in that respect.
In this application
the respondents though counsel conceded the fact that
the continued
detention of the applicants beyond the statutory forty eight
hours
constituted an unlawful detention where it could not be shown that
this
detention in excess of the period was properly authorized. Section 13
(1) of
the constitution of Zimbabwe provides that no person shall be
deprived of
his personal liberty save as may be authourised by law in any of
the cases
specified in subsection (2). Subsection (2) enumerates nine
instances where
a person's liberty maybe properly curtailed by operation of
law. The
instances include holding a person following his conviction, under
the
Mental Health Act; in execution of an order of court punishing him for
contempt of that court or other court or of Parliament; in execution of an
order for civil imprisonment; for the purpose of bringing him to court or to
Parliament for the purposes of executing the order of that court or
parliament; upon reasonable suspicion that he has committed a criminal
offence; for the purpose of complying with an order for the committal to an
institution of skills training until he attains the age of 21; for the
purposes of preventing the spread of infectious or contagious disease; or
for the purpose of preventing unlawful entry into Zimbabwe or for the
purpose of facilitating his expulsion from Zimbabwe.
Subsection (3)
of section 12, however, sets out the parameters within which
any such arrest
would remain legal. It states:
"Any person who is arrested or detained
shall be informed as soon as
reasonably practical, in a language that he
understands, of the reasons of
his arrest or detention and shall be
permitted, at his expense to obtain and
instruct without delay, a legal
representative of his own choice and hold
communication with
him".
This important provision for the protection of our personal
liberties has
been commented upon by the Supreme Court on several occasions.
In S v Woods
19993 (2) ZLR 258 (S) the then chief justice stated;
"The
failure to accord to the first and second respondents their
constitutional
right to proper and meaningful access to a legal practitioner
was a serious
violation. It was deliberate, and motivated by an apprehension
that the
consequences of such access might possibly hinder the progress of
the
investigations, or might even cause these two appellants to become
uncooperative. There is no question of the breach being of a technical
nature, being committed in good faith, or due to inadvertence. And what
makes it all the more reprehensive was the grave nature of the charges for
which the two appellants had been arrested and the magnitude of their
criminal liability if convicted. The importance attached that attaches to
the fundamental right granted by s13(3) of the constitution of Zimbabwe, "
to obtain and instruct without delay a legal representative of his own
choice and hold communication with him, was recognized at an early stage in
a number of decisions by the courts of this country. See Minister of Home
Affairs & others v Dabengwa & another 1982 (1) ZLR 236 (S) @ 242B; S
v
Slatter & others 1983 (2) ZLR 144 (H) @ 152 H- 155D S v Sibanda 1989
(2) ZLR
329n@ 33G- 334F"
The papers reveal that 1st and 2nd
applicants were arrested on 6th March
2006. They were taken to court on 11th
March 2006. 3rd applicant was
arrested on and detained from 8th March 2006.
He was released without charge
on 11 March 2006. 4th applicant was arrested
on 8th March 2006. He appeared
in court on 11March 2006 facing charges under
the Public Order and security
Act (Chapter 11:17). The applicants have
demonstrated that by the time they
were taken to court to court, they had
been subjected to illegal detention.
The point that arises is whether in
situations where an applicant has been
held beyond the 96 hour period it is
competent to declare the whole
detention illegal. This point was discussed
by Gillespie J in S v Makwakwa
1997 (2) ZLR 298. Although the court there
was dealing with the question
whether a person illegally held could be
competently charged with escape
from lawful custody, in my view the
principal set therein ought to apply
mutatis mutandis.
In the present
case, the respondents do not put forward any opposition to
the order sought.
I assume this is a realization that in acting in the
manner they have done
so far, they acted unlawfully. This behavior deserves
of the highest
possible censure. It cannot be justified in a democratic
society. One cannot
simply condone such blatant refusal access by the
police. This is the type
of conduct that brings the administration of
justice into
disrepute.
In the event the following order is issued;
(1) The
detention of 1st, 2nd and 4th applicants by in police custody after
11th
March 2006 be and is hereby declared unlawful
(2) The confiscation of
property belonging to 3rd and 4th applicant be and
is hereby declared
unlawful
(3) The respondents pay the applicants costs on a legal practitioner
and
client's scale.
Comment from The Cape Times (SA), 16 March
By Judith Todd
The latest
"plot" to overthrow Zimbabwe's government is a familiar verse in
the chapter
of repression opened by the ruling party Zanu PF in 1980. The
pact with
North Korea, within which lay the seeds of the Five Brigade
killing machine,
was signed only six months after Zimbabwe's independence.
Its task was
clearly enunciated by then Prime Minister Robert Mugabe in
December 1982.
"The knowledge you have acquired will make you work with the
people, plough
and reconstruct." Ploughing and reconstruction have, in
varying degrees of
intensity, continued ever since. In February 1983,
Zimbabwe was galvanised
by Mugabe's announcement of a plot to overthrow his
government and the
discovery of arms caches on properties belonging to the
opposition party PF
Zapu. Referring to Zapu's leader, Joshua Nkomo, Mugabe
said: "The only way
to deal with a snake is to strike and destroy its head."
The Five Brigade
was unleashed, resulting in the deaths of thousands of
helpless citizens in
the rural areas. On March 5, 1983 police and the army
sealed off Bulawayo's
high density townships where, in Pelandaba, Nkomo had
his home. Within the
police cordon, the Five Brigade started hunting for him
but, after Mugabe's
threat, he was already in hiding. That night, just after
8pm, he learnt that
his driver and two others had been shot dead in his
home. The killers had
then rampaged through his house destroying all they
could, smashing the
windscreens of three cars and slashing the upholstery.
Nkomo's wife,
MaFuyana, implored him to flee. The following night Nkomo was
escorted from
Bulawayo through Plumtree then along the Empandeni Road to an
unguarded
section of the Botswana border. They walked across the dry
Ramakwabane River
and then desperately helped push Nkomo over two border
fences into the
safety of Botswana.
A year previously Dumiso Dabengwa, Lieutenant
General Lookout Masuku, Dr
Isaac Nyathi and other Zapu luminaries were
arrested and, like Ndabaningi
Sithole, Bishop Abel Muzorewa, Morgan
Tsvangirai and many others in the
years ahead, accused of trying to involve
foreign agencies in the overthrow
of the government. They were acquitted in
the High Court in April 1983 by
Justice Hilary Squires, who said Dabengwa's
actions were the antithesis of
anyone "scheming to overthrow the
government". Mugabe's government reacted
with fury through Home Affairs
Minister Herbert Ushewokunze. "Let it be
stated that the acquittal of
Dabengwa and others proves once more that the
judiciary we inherited from
Smith is not in tune with the present
government," he said. The men were
redetained as, Mugabe said, the
government had more information on them than
the courts. The survivors were
eventually released nearly five years later.
(Masuku had died in April
1986.) Right up to the enforced "unity" of Zanu
and Zapu in 1987 there were
"plots" and treason trials involving members of
parliament such as Edward
Ndlovu and Sydney Malunga, and key security
personnel such as brigadiers
Charles Grey, Kindness Ndlovu, Tshila Nleya and
colonels J Z Dube and Eddie
Sigogi. The use of torture was widespread as was
the hostage system. Kembo
Mohadi, today Minister of Home Affairs, was one of
thousands of victims. He
was taught very thoroughly why not to say no to
Mugabe, which is why he is
such an effective "yes" man today. Although Zanu
PF won the 1985 elections,
Mugabe was angry that he didn't have a sufficient
majority to change the
constitution and introduce a one-party state. So he
broadcast to the nation
in Shona, inciting his supporters to stump their
fields and weed their
gardens. Violence ensued as it has before and after
every election there has
ever been in Zimbabwe. There has been a pattern,
unfolding, one stage at a
time.
First, there was the
incarceration of Zapu liberation war soldiers, then the
crushing of their
party, then of all other meaningful parties, then the
commercial farmers
were thought to support the new opposition Movement for
Democratic Change,
then the assault on voters - first the farm workers and
then the urban poor
under Operation Murambatsvina last year, from which
hundreds of people, if
not thousands, are still in the process of dying. Now
comes the final
onslaught on what is left of any opposition. Soon Zanu PF
may have achieved
what state security minister Didymus Mutasa said in 2002
was desirable
regarding Zimbabwe's population, estimated then to be 13
million. "We would
be better off with only six million people, with our own
people who support
the liberation struggle. We don't want all these extra
people."
Zim Online
Fri 17 March
2006
HARARE - Sweden's ambassador to Zimbabwe Sten Rylander on
Thursday
urged President Robert Mugabe's government to build bridges with
the West to
avert a serious humanitarian crisis in Zimbabwe.
Rylander spoke as the Swedish embassy in Harare donated US$5 million
towards
a United Nations humanitarian programme to buy critically needed
food for
millions of starving Zimbabweans.
"The Zimbabwean government has
the ultimate responsibility for the
humanitarian situation and long-term
developments in Zimbabwe. The
government needs to start building bridges and
regain the confidence and
trust of the international community.
"Much more could be done to bring the country back to normal and
pursue
development policies that benefit the entire Zimbabwean population,"
said
Rylander.
Three years ago, Sweden and the rest of the European
Union imposed
targeted sanctions on Mugabe and his top lieutenants after
accusing the
veteran Zimbabwean leader of violating human rights and failing
to uphold
democracy.
The United States, New Zealand and
Australia also imposed similar
sanctions on Mugabe in a bid to nudge him
towards the democratic path.
But Mugabe denies violating human
rights. Instead, the Zimbabwean
leader accuses Western governments of
seeking to oust him from power for
seizing land from whites for
redistribution to landless blacks six years
ago. - ZimOnline
Zim Online
Fri 17 March 2006
JOHANNESBURG - Two South Africa-based
Zimbabwean businessmen who were
arrested on Tuesday on allegations of fraud
appeared in a Johannesburg court
yesterday.
The two, Ebrahim Adamjee
and Simon Rudland who are directors of a transport
company, Pioneer
Corporation Africa (PCA) were arrested on Tuesday by South
Africa's crack
police unit, the Scorpions.
Yesterday, Adamjee was released on R1.5
million bail while Rudland was
remanded in custody pending his bail
application on Wednesday next week.
South African police seized
cigarettes worth R9 million, R600 000 in cash
and some computers during the
raid. - ZimOnline
Sent: Friday, March 17, 2006 12:20 AM
Subject: The debate over the Z$ 8
billion given to the 'pro-senate' MDC
The debate over the Z$ 8
billion state funding given to the 'pro-senate' MDC
This week Behind the
Headlines explores the contentious issue of the Z$8
billion given to the
pro-senate faction of the MDC under the Political
Finances Act. Harare East
MP and lawyer Tendai Biti believes the Mutambara
led faction actually
received more money from government than announced and
used this to fund
their congress. Biti believes Zanu PF is funding the group
under the guise
of the Political Finances Act. Pro Senate MDC Deputy
Secretary General
Priscilla Misihairambwi Mushonga responds to these
allegations on the same
programme. She says they did not use the money for
their congress and Biti,
as a lawyer should know better. Mushonga explains
how they were able to cash
the money despite the split.
Lance Guma
Producer/Presenter
SW Radio
Africa
+44-777-855-7615
www.swradioafrica.com
Behind The
Headlines
Thursday 5:15 to 5:30pm (GMT) live on the internet at www.swradioafrica.com
Friday 5:15
to 5:30am on Medium Wave broadcasts 1197khz
Also available on internet
archives after broadcasts at
http://www.swradioafrica.com/pages/archives.php
SW
Radio Africa is Zimbabwe's only independent radio station broadcasting
from
the United Kingdom. The station is staffed by exiled Zimbabwean
journalists
who because of harsh media laws cannot broadcast from home.
Full
broadcast on Medium Wave -1197KHZ between 5-7am (Zimbabwean time) and
24
hours on the internet at www.swradioafrica.com.
[ This report does
not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations]
BULAWAYO, 16
Mar 2006 (IRIN) - Zimbabwe's local authorities and health
experts have
warned that the erection of ventilated pit latrines by the
small number of
beneficiaries of the country's urban renewal housing project
could pose a
serious health hazard.
Government has encouraged the occupants of the 150
new houses hastily
constructed after the controversial Operation
Murambatsvina (Clean out
Garbage), which affected hundreds of thousands of
people last year, to build
the toilets while they await the installation of
formal ablution facilities.
But health experts pointed out that the pit
latrines were not geared to
dispose of human waste in an urban environment
and could easily result in
the outbreak of diseases associated with poor
sanitation, a lack of hygiene
and access to potable water, such as cholera
and diarrhoea.
Many of the new houses do not even have access to water,
and the capital,
Harare, is already battling an outbreak of cholera, which
has claimed more
than 20 lives this year.
Urban councils have also
objected to the construction of the pit latrines.
"Government and the
housing ministry have said it [construction of the pit
latrines] should be
done and we are not stopping them, as they will not
brook any advice. But
this is a sad development for the country, that
literally means we are now
taking rural life into urban areas instead of
vice-versa," said Japhet
Ndabeni-Ncube, an official of the Urban Councils
Association of Zimbabwe, in
Bulawayo, Zimbabwe's second city.
"The whole process just shows how
disorganised the housing programme is,"
Ndabeni-Ncube
remarked.
Government has defended the latrines as a temporary measure.
"We cannot
watch them [the homeless] live in the open while there are
houses, just
because there is no toilets and water," said Local Government
Minister
Ignatius Chombo.
According to the official Herald newspaper,
more than 150 houses have been
constructed under Operation Garikai/Hlalani
Kuhle (Live Well) subsequent to
the Murambatsvina campaign aimed at clearing
slums and flushing out
criminals, which left more than 700,000 people
homeless or without jobs, or
both.
March 16, 2006, 7 hours, 51 minutes and 55 seconds
ago.
By Tagu Mkwenyani
Harare (AND) African News
Dimension exposes how Zimbabwe's dreaded spy
agency tried to influence the
outcome of the arms cache case that could have
nailed innocent members of
the opposition MDC.
DETAILS about the heavy involvement of the
Zimbabwe's dreaded spy
agency into the discredited arms cache case have
surfaced, a day after the
state withdrew charges against opposition
activists accused of plotting to
kill President Mugabe.
In a
major climbdown prosecutors conceded in court that the state's
case against
the suspects could not be sustained, and backed down from
pressing charges
under Section 10 of the Public Order and Security Act
(POSA). For the past
week, the government had claimed that the accused had
conspired to possess
weapons for the purposes of banditry, insurgency,
sabotage and
terrorism.
They were said to have planned to spill oil on the road
used by
President Mugabe's motorcade so that it could slip and be involved
in an
accident. Mugabe travels in a customised bullet proof Mercedes Benz
and
travels with a large convoy accompanied by heavy-duty motorcycles. The
accusations were raised a few days before the anti senate faction held its
own congress, expected to give Morgan Tsvangirai a fresh mandate to lead the
party for the next five years.
The Minister of State Didymus
Mutasa also threatened to physically
eliminate the suspects. But in court,
the accusations failed to stick,
prompting prosecutors to withdraw the
charges. Inquiries by Africa News
Dimension reveals even thought it appeared
that the state had no case
against the suspects, Zimbabwe's spy agency were
determined to ensure that
they were convicted of the case. Legal experts
close to the case said the
arms cache discovery may have been one of the
many special projects by
Mugabe's dreaded spy agency, determined to put
under lock and key critics to
the regime that stands accused of running down
a once prosperous country.
Several Zimbabweans have been accused
in the past of plotting to kill
Mugabe, who accuses the west of working
towards effecting a regime change in
Zimbabwe. And the involvement of the
Central Intelligence Organisation in
the case became very apparent in the
court this week. Prosecutor Levison
Chikafu told the court that the CIO had
taken some of the items that had
been illegally seized from one of the
accused, Giles Mutsekwa, a defence
secretary for Tsvangirai's
faction.
He told the court that he did not oppose the application
by Mutsekwa's
lawyers to have a computer and documents taken from his office
and home
returned to him. Observed Justice Hungwe: "He (Chikafu) indicated
that he
did not oppose the order sought in respect of the release of the
property
confiscated form the 3rd and 4th applicants but that his superiors
from
Harare were in the process of persuading the police to retrieve the
same
from the members of the Central Intelligence Organisation who had the
physical possession of the property in question." It also emerged that
members of the spy agency didn't just keep the items illegally confiscated
from the suspects, they also took party in meetings where prosecutors
preparing for the case in an effort to influence its out.
They
didn't just attend these meetings as mere observers, but
threatened senior
law officers from the Attorney general's office to go
ahead with the
charges. In one case noted by Justice Hungwe, Joseph Jagada
and Florence
Ziyambi, senior officials from the AG's office had to make a
hasty retreat
to Harare after being threatened by the members of the spy
agencies. "As a
result of the threats against the senior state counsel, the
situation got
tense. In fear of their safety, both senior state counsel left
for Harare,"
said Justice Hungwe when he delivered his ruling ordering the
detentions
illegal.
In one instance, the AG, Sobusa Gula Ndebele is reported
to have
ordered his officers to discontinue the interviews after
appreciating the
gravity of the clashes. In yet another incident, the Judge
noted: "The
senior state counsel went into conference with the security
agencies. Mr
(Lawrence) Chibwe (a defence lawyer) says he later heard 1st
respondent
shout at counsel accusing them of behaving as if they were
defence counsel.
The atmosphere was tense. No-one shouted anything back at
first respondent.
Later, according to Mr Chibwe, state counsel
emerged from this office
appeared shaken and subdued. He could not say
anything further to them
excerpt to wish the two traveling to Harare a safe
journey. They all
dispersed. Mr Chikafu, fearful of the threats offered by
the enraged state
agents did not sleep at his usual place of abode that
night." The
unimpressed Zimbabwean judge remarked about the way the case had
been
handled: "This behaviour deserves the highest possible censure. It
cannot be
justified in a democratic society... This is the type of conduct
that brings
the administration of justice into disrepute."
AND
Zimbabwe
From BBC News, 15 March
Zimbabwe
Zimbabwean Pedzi, 29, tells the BBC News website how he manages to
get by
working as a payments officer in the country's eastern city of
Mutare.
I skip breakfast because I cannot afford to eat three
meals a day. My lunch
of stew with sadza [Zimbabwe's staple diet made from
maize meal] is
subsidised by the company I work for. Over weekends I will
eat sadza and
vegetables or some Kapenta fish or two eggs which costs me
about 50,000
Zimbabwean dollars (24 cents). I am studying for my final
diploma in credit
management. I cannot afford the classes though and so I
just have to get
hold of the reading material and then register for the
examinations. This
year they cost Z$4m. Regarding my responsibilities
towards my family, and
there are many people at my rural home, I give them
what I can and bring
what I can when I visit. And for the rest of their
needs they make a
subsistence living off the land. So in short you can see
that there is no
money to spare. Most of my income goes on basic foodstuffs
and things like
meat are a luxury - I cannot budget for it because I can
rarely afford it.
The Zimbabwean government currently measures the
Zimbabwean dollar at
99,210.00 to US$1, however the black market in the
country trades at
210,000.00. To give a true comparison of costs the latter
exchange rate has
been used.
Pedzi's monthly budget
Per
month Z$ US$
Pay 7,296,667
35
Study fees 333.333 2
Rent 2,000,000
10
Dependents 3,000,000 14
Electricity 200,000
1
Water 150,000 1
Transport 960,000
5
Food 4,150,000 20
Phone 500,000
2
March 16,
2006
By Andnetwork .com
BULAWAYO (AND) - Stung by
widespread food shortages and a fast
crumbling economy, the Zimbabwean
government has shelved the recruitment of
youths for training under its
infamous national youth service programme.
Impeccable sources in
the ministry of Youth Development and Employment
Creation revealed that the
lack of adequate financial wherewithal and other
auxilliary support had
forced the government to put a stop to the
controversial quasi-military
training
scheme.
But he said government was busy mobilising resources for the
rescuscitation
of the camps to restart its youth indoctrination programmes.
He said the
responsible ministry was scouting for $200 billion to finance
the project.
But it was doing so under the auspices of a youth empowerement
programme
through training in varios proffessional fields such as capentry
and
farming, the official said.
Organisations such as the International
Labour Organisation (ILO) had
already been hoodwinked to make donations, it
emerged. Secretary for Youth
Development and Employment Creation, Mr Prince
Mupazviriho would neither
deny nor confirm the closures.Zanu PF has
manipulated the youths by
indoctrinating them with propaganda that has seen
their hate for the West
and the opposition Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC) surge in the past
years.
It has also used the youths to
terrorise members of the MDC and
denying them food aid especially in times
of elections.Human rights groups
and the international community have spoken
strongly against the programme
and called on President Robert Mugabe to
close down the camps. But the
governmenmt has refused to
comply.
By Billy Maan
"In view of the maize-meal
shortages and the general economic
difficulties, the programme could not
continue and therefore government had
to temporarily freeze it," said a
source prefering anonymity.The official
revealed that of the five training
camps across the country, including Guyu
and Kamativi in southern Zimbabwe,
none was fully operational.
More than three million people in
Zimbabwe need food aid
28 November 2005
Harare, ZIMBABWE, November 23:
CARE International is calling on the
international community to respond
immediately to WFP's appeal for food for
Zimbabwe. More than 2.9 million
people in Zimbabwe are in desperate need of
food, and as food stocks begin
to run out, people will not be able to feed
themselves without
help.
"The food situation here is really getting grave," said Barbara
Shenstone,
CARE International's country director in Zimbabwe. "There just
isn't food in
the rural areas. People are clamouring for food everywhere.
Schools are
asking for help for hungry children. Many of the most vulnerable
are eating
less than one meal a day. There is a lot of suffering already.
This is very
serious. People need food now."
The country is bracing
for January when food stocks begin to run out.
January to March are normally
the leanest months for rural Zimbabweans as
they wait for the next harvest,
but this year, a prolonged drought and
skyrocketing food prices mean
hundreds of thousands of people will not have
enough food.
WFP has
appealed for funds to bring in 300,000 MT of food to Zimbabwe; so
far, just
180,000 has been pledged. This food is needed to supplement any
supplies the
Government of Zimbabwe is able to import in the next few weeks.
Working
in partnership with the World Food Programme and USAID, CARE is
delivering
food to nearly 700,000 people in the coming months. CARE began
distributing
food for WFP in October, and will distribute to 595,000 people
from now
until March. CARE's C-Safe programme, with food from USAID, will
deliver
food to an additional 100,000 people.
About CARE International:
CARE
is one of the world's leading humanitarian organizations fighting
global
poverty. In more than 70 developing countries, CARE helps poor
communities
create lasting solutions to their most threatening problems.
CARE's
integrated projects include emergency relief, preparedness and
mitigation,
community rehabilitation and longer-term projects in areas such
as
education, HIV/AIDS, health and small-business development.
March 16, 2006
By Elias
Wilson
Bulawayo (AND) THE Zimbabwe Republic Police has run out of
food to
give suspects held in holding cells at various police stations in
Bulawayo,
it has emerged.
A visit to the Bulawayo Central
Police holding cells revealed that
relatives of those in the cells were now
compelled to bring food to those in
the cells since the police could no
longer provide food. "When my sister was
arrested yesterday, she phoned home
asking me to bring some food since there
were not being provided by food,"
said a woman who had brought food for her
sister who was arrested for
blocking pavements.
She said her sister told her that there was no
more food being
provided by the police and there was now a timetable for the
relatives to
bring food. "She said the police told us to tell our relatives
to bring food
at 6 am for breakfast, 12 pm for lunch and 5 pm for super,"
said the woman.
However it also emerged that those who did not have
relatives around
Bulawayo were asked to ask for food from their
inmates.
"She said the police told those who did not have relatives
to ask for
food from the other or starve." The police station is usually
busy during
the meal times, as relatives, carrying baskets would be bringing
food.
Although in the past relatives were free to bring food, this was only
done
as supplementary to the food that was provided by the police. Contacted
for
comment, Police spokesperson Oliver Mandipaka refused to she more light
only
saying there was enough food.
'I do not know anything
about that, there is enough food to feed those
arrested," he said. The
country has been gripped by a shortage of food that
has resulted in the
disappearance of mealie-meal on the formal market.
Thousands of people in
the country are facing hunger due to the droughts
that have been ravaging
the country for the past three years.
AND
March 16,
2006
By Tagu Mkwenyani
Harare (AND) Decomposing bodies
go unclaimed for months prompting one
of Zimbabwe's major hospitals to
restrict use of its mortuary.
ONE of Zimbabwe's major hospitals has
taken drastic measures aimed at
reducing overcrowding in its mortuary whidch
is currently full of
decomposing bodies.
So bad is the
situation at Parirenyatwa, a national referral
institution that visitors to
the wards are greeting by bad odours in the
corridors emanating from the
stinking mortuary where unclaimed bodies stay
for long periods.
While the hospital's mortuary has a carrying capacity of 54 bodies,
the
facility these days carries as many as 130 bodies per given time.
Parirenyatwa Group of Hospitals, Thomas Zigora admitted that things had
become so bad that the once well-equipped medical institution was now
battling to remain afloat in a harsh economic environment.
Zigora said plans to construct a new mortuary to cater for the
increasing
deaths, attributed to the HIV/AIDS pandemic, had failed to
materialise due
to financial constraints. He said this left the institution
with no option
but to restrict the use of their mortuary. Zigora said: "In
order to ensure
that we always have space for patients dying in the
hospital, it has been
resolved that with immediate effect, bodies not
collected after three days
will be sent to funeral parlours where relatives
will be expected to collect
these bodies at their own expense. "Until such
time as the situation
improves, we regret to advise that the Parirenyatwa
Mortuary will only be
reserved for hospital deaths."
Due to high burial costs, many
low-income Zimbabwean families prefer
to let the bodies of their relatives
stay in mortuaries until such a time
when they are accorded pauper's burials
by the State. Mortuary attendants
say some bodies remain unclaimed for very
long periods and end up having to
be disposed of at the hospital's expense.
"Currently our mortuary has a
capacity to hold 54 bodies. Of late the
mortuary has had as many as 130
bodies. The hospital's mortuary equipment is
old and cannot cope with these
numbers. The heavy load places a strain on
the compressors. This has led to
bad odours permeating the hospital
corridors nearest to the mortuary," said
Zigora.
Harare
(AND)
March 16, 2006.
By Tagu Mkwenyani
Harare
(AND) PRIVATE hospitals in Zimbabwe, batting to contain
escalating costs,
are detaining patients for failing to settle medical
bills.
The
practice is becoming rampant in Harare where several people have
spent
several days detained in the wards for failing pay their bills.
Hospital
executives argue there is no way they can remain in business if
they allow
patients to leave without settling their arrears in a highly
inflationary
environment.
The prices of drugs and food go up almost on a daily
basis in Zimbabwe
where inflation is officially pegged at 781 percent. On
average, private
hospital now charge $2 million a night for patients to
sleep in hospital
beds. After adding meals and drugs, the bill can even
shoot up to between
$5m to $10 million a day.
The detentions,
which may be illegal, are mainly affecting pregnant
women have to spent some
days in hospital when they go for labour. So far,
no detained patient has
challenged the legality of the detentions in court
but human rights lawyers
say the case could become an interesting test case.
"We are working on
something. It's too early to talk about the case," said a
human rights
lawyer in Harare today. Last week, a university lecturer in
Botswana who is
a Zimbabwean was detained at a private clinic in Belgravia.
AND
Zimbabwe
March 16,
2006
By Andnetwork .com
BULAWAYO (AND) - The wheels of
justice in Zimbabwe`s second city have
been in a virtual limbo for close to
a month as prison officials continue to
fail to avail the accused persons in
court due to biting fuel shortages.
State prosecutors told
witnesses and dozens of relatives of the
accused who packed the magistrates
court this morning that only a handfull
cases will be heard as the state was
not able to transport the bulk of the
defendents from holding camps in the
fringes of the city.
"We are very sorry that we are unable to bring the accused here for
trial or
remand. The problem is that we don't have fuel. We really apologise
for the
inconvinience," announced prosecutor Albert Marimo. But his
announcement was
met with fierces jeers of disapproval from many people who
complained that
their relatives and friends were being denied justice as
some of them had
been in custody for the past three or so weeks.
A magistrate in one
court had to cool tempers as one woman complained
bitterly about the long
detention of his husband for what she described as a
petty crime.AND failed
to obtain an immediate comment from the government.
Zimbabwe has
been in the throes of a severe economic crunch that has
culminated in the
shortages of gasoline and basic commodities. The
six-year-old gas crisis has
crippled almost all sectors of the economy.
[ This report does not necessarily reflect
the views of the United Nations]
BULAWAYO, 16 Mar 2006 (IRIN) -
Confronted by chronic poverty, soaring
commodity prices and shortages of
basics such as maize-meal, the elders of
Zimbabwe's aboriginal San group
have raised the alarm and are appealing for
assistance to avert a
humanitarian disaster.
"For the past years our situation has remained
bad, but the hunger that we
are facing at the moment is just too much. Life
has never been easy for us
... In fact, what makes matters even worse is
that we are not receiving any
kind of support [humanitarian aid] from
anyone," Levule Maphosa, a community
elder in Mgodimasili village, told
IRIN.
Mgodimasili is a sprawling settlement where about 200 San people
live in
dilapidated thatch and mud huts in western Zimbabwe's Matabeleland
North
province. Zimbabwe is home to an estimated 1,200 San, most of whom
live in
abject poverty.
Maphosa noted that although some of his
subjects had managed to plough tiny
patches of land for subsistence farming,
out of desperation many of them had
started harvesting the maize cobs before
they were ripe.
"Some are now surviving by eating maize cobs and
amakhomane [melons] from
their fields. But the crops are not yet mature and
this means that when
harvest time comes, some of us will have nothing to
store for future
consumption. So I believe [the] government and other
well-wishers should
help us with food because we are in difficult times.
After all, we are also
Zimbabweans who deserve care," he pointed
out.
Although the San have abandoned their traditional hunter-gatherer
lifestyle
and embraced modern farming methods, most don't have enough land
or
resources to sustain themselves, even when harvests are good, for longer
than three months, according to social workers.
Apart from food
shortages, the San are faced with grinding poverty. Melina
Ndlovu, a
resident of Makhulela San village about 20 km from Mgodimasili,
told IRIN
the community lacked farming inputs, which condemned them to the
status of
permanent beggars.
"At one point Christian Care [a humanitarian NGO] gave
us cattle ... but
they died due to drought, otherwise we could be farming
large pieces of
land, like our neighbours from the Kalanga and the Ndebele
tribal groups,"
Ndlovu commented.
Over the last few years her village
had relied on the goodwill of the two
neighbouring ethnic groups, but
recurrent droughts have rendered them nearly
as vulnerable as the
San.
"They [the Kalanga and Ndebele] may be better off than we are, but
they are
also facing shortages because there is no maize-meal in shops.
Maize is also
not available at the Grain Marketing Board [outlets]," Ndlovu
said.
Social Welfare Minister Nicholas Goche told IRIN that "no community
is being
neglected" by the government, but refused to
elaborate.
Zimbabwe faces a 1.1 million mt grain deficit, which has
resulted in
widespread shortages of maize-meal. The country lacks the
foreign exchange
to import sufficient grain, while rising inflation, now at
almost 800
percent, has continued to undermine people's spending
power.
[ENDS]
The Scotsman
A PROMINENT
women's rights campaigner from Zimbabwe will today address
students at
Edinburgh University.
Tabitha Khumalo, a woman's officer from the
Zimbabwe Congress of Trade
Unions, will use her speech to raise awareness of
the problems facing women
in the crisis-hit African country.
The
event is being hosted by the Edinburgh University Students'
Association.
Association president Ruth Cameron said: "We are delighted
to host such a
strong and inspirational campaigner. Tabitha fights every day
for basic
rights for women and I think we've become too complacent about
women's
rights in this country."
The national minimum wage in
Zimbabwe is just £12.50 a month but not even
this applies for many
women.
New Zimbabwe
By Dr
Alex Magaisa
Last updated: 03/16/2006 11:02:33
AN ASSESSMENT of the recent
exchanges between and among observers in
relation to Zimbabwe demonstrates a
fundamental difference in the way issues
are framed and consequently,
seemingly divergent perspectives and strategies
targeted at dealing with
those issues. The framing of issues has also
influenced the characterization
of the two factions.
To my mind the issues can be categorized as first,
the immediate and second,
the long-term issues. The point of difference
within the MDC appears to
centre on the approach toward those sets of
issues.
Perceptions, probably wrong have been created in relation to
those issues
the result of which is that each faction is considered to have
a firm grasp
of one set but not the other. This paper seeks to demonstrate
the importance
of understanding the wider picture - to take into account
both the immediate
and long-term issues - and therefore show that the
protagonists are singing
the same hymn, except that some are on the first
verse while the others are
on the next one.
The set of immediate
issues encapsulate the problems that people are facing
on a daily basis.
These are inter alia, the food shortages, transport blues,
sky-rocketing
prices, unavailability of basic commodities and services such
as
electricity, fuel, access to healthcare and medicinal drugs, etc. These
are
problems that manifest on a daily basis they are visible, they are felt
each
day and they are escalating, with no end in sight. People are desperate
for
an end to the current scenario. It is normal for people to concentrate
on
these immediate problems, because like any other members of the animal
kingdom the human being's basic need is survival. The people of Zimbabwe are
suffering and it is natural instinct to seek survival and enjoyment of life.
The predominant belief in relation to overcoming these immediate problems is
that ZANU PF must go and be replaced by a party that understands and
responds to their daily suffering.
The long-term issues, though not
fully divorced from the immediate ones are
not always immediately apparent
or relevant to the general public. They are
often framed by the leadership
and brought to the people for consultation
but ultimately the leadership has
the onus of raising awareness and
demonstrating their importance as far as
solving the existing problems is
concerned. They require more patience,
thought and properly tailored
strategies and are generally
leadership-driven. When talking about long-term
issues people often refer to
creating a proper land distribution system and
carefully tailored
agricultural policy, developing a long-term economic
policy that promotes
investment and growth, rebuilding the image of the
country, developing an
appropriate ideology, revamping the political and
economic culture,
self-determination and anti-imperialism, etc. These issues
do not have
immediate appeal to the people who are struggling to pay school
fees and
wondering as each day passes, whether they will have a meal the
next day. It
is common to dismiss those who seek to address these issues as
being out of
touch - to state contemptuously, that "we do not eat policies"
or "we do not
have anti-imperialism for breakfast". But the public
skepticism that does
not mean the leadership must shy away from addressing
these
issues.
The key point here is that it is important for politicians to
frame the
issues properly when they address the public. The main worry is
that there
are those who tend to focus on the immediate issues which have
wider appeal
among the general public but forget their responsibilities as
leaders who
should define the agenda for change and guide the public. These
politicians
tend to defer to the public, usually framing each statement as
the "voice of
the people". "People-driven", "the poor", or generally "the
people's will",
become catchphrases which dominate public statements but
given their
elasticity and fluidity, they really mean very little. The
strategy here is
to talk the language of suffering, to appear to be closer
and more favorable
to the public, to be "with and for the people" as is
often stated. The
promises centre generally on escaping the immediate
problems - on delivering
bread and putting an end to the visible hardships.
These politicians are
often liable to be referred to, perhaps harshly, as
populists.
They have good grasp of the tough conditions, read the mood
well and sing
the tune that the public wants to hear - it is about survival.
However,
because of a fixation with the immediate issues, there is
unfortunately,
often a poor grasp of the long-term issues and consequently,
a lack of
coherent strategies for permanent solutions. Unsurprisingly, a few
years
down the line, people who were attracted by the popular speeches that
touched on issues of immediate concern and expected a quick escape from
poverty realize that their honeymoon is often short-lived. The economic and
political culture does not change, there are no proper policies tailored to
deal with the long-term issues because the agenda focused on the immediate
issues. This has occurred in countries close to home - Zambia, Malawi and
more recently in Kenya where the popular Rainbow Coalition that took power
in 2002 speaking the language of suffering has begun to entrench itself and
has no strategy to address the underlying causes of the immediate
problems.
On the other hand, those that seek to address the wider, long
term issues
often face the criticism that they are taking an academic,
elitist and
sometimes unnecessary approach. They are accused of being out of
touch with
the issues that affect the people. In other words, by addressing
the long
term issues, they are deemed to be out of touch with the immediate
realities. Perhaps they make the mistake of not speaking the language of
suffering more prominently. They may have the most rationale and
well-thought out policies and strategies for tackling the problems facing
the country, but because they are outshone by those who speak the language
of immediate suffering, those who appear closer to and claim to represent
the poor, their message is often lost or misrepresented.
This is a
most unfortunate result because to my mind, it is those long term
issues and
strategies that require more attention in the process of
long-term
transition. The danger is that when leaders continually refer to
"the
people" they are simply trying to use politically correct language, to
sugar-coat their words while they are in fact abdicating their
responsibility to make leadership decisions. When people choose you to lead
they expect you to generate ideas and to implement them for their benefit.
Yes, you can consult the public, but you have the responsibility,
ultimately, to make decisions and follow the right course. Should you fail,
the public's recourse is to elect new leadership. You are the leader and you
must create the ideas and strategies to bring them out of poverty. When
leaders purport to be acting "with and for the people", they hardly
acknowledge that there is a minority which is left on the sidelines.
Handling minorities or dissenting voices is something that both ZANU PF and
the MDC have so far failed to properly deal with.
In my opinion,
long-term issues are as important as, if not more, than the
immediate issues
which more often are symptoms of deeper, underlying
problems. The immediate
issues are important to the extent that they enable
the party to identify
with the public and therefore attract popular support.
However, if Zimbabwe
is to achieve long-term change, stability and
prosperity there is an urgent
need to address the long term issues at the
root of immediate problems. As I
have said, these issues are not always
popular but they are crucial.
Politicians should not be afraid to address
issues of land,
self-determination, anti-imperialism, relationships with
international
financial and aid organisations and other issues which are
often
contemptuously dismissed as not meeting or relevant to the immediate
needs.
Similarly politicians must be prepared to lead from the front - to
bring to
the table the issues that may appear unpopular. The challenge for
the leader
is to demonstrate to the public why those issues are important
and how they
can be addressed. The challenge is not to promise to bring
bread to the
table - that is the easy bit - but to convince the public that
the shortage
of bread will ultimately be solved by a proper agricultural and
land tenure
policy.
Having observed the exchanges that have taken place in recent
weeks there
seems to be a view that the Tsvangirai-led MDC is in touch with
and
therefore for the people because they speak the language of the
suffering.
In other words they are talking about the immediate problems
which resonate
with the views of the common individual. Critics dismiss them
as lacking a
long term strategy and failing to address the less-eye catching
wider
issues. There is a view that shows respect for the qualities of
Mutambara
indicating that he probably has what it takes for the future.
Critics,
mainly from the opposite side argue that although he is good and
has the
characteristics that are required for a new Zimbabwe he ought to
have joined
the Tsvangiari-led faction. They dismiss the faction as elitist
and out of
touch with the immediate issues. In my view, it is the way issues
have been
framed that causes an artificial barrier to change. The challenge
for the
opposition is to be able to address both the immediate and the
long-term
issues. Those identified with the immediate agenda will ultimately
deliver
little in the long run if they go it alone on the back of popular
support.
Those identified with the long-term agenda may be marginalized for
allegedly
lacking a grasp of the current realities - and sadly, their
strategies and
expertise in dealing with the long term problems would be
lost to Zimbabwe.
Despite the problems, my optimism has not waned.
Properly done and far from
the public stage where grandstanding is the norm,
there is a chance to
create synergies. As much as we must address the
immediate issues, it is
imperative that we do not dismiss the long-term
issues even though they may
not have popular appeal in the immediate sense.
And importantly, much as it
is important to listen to the public, we expect
our leaders to think,
generate ideas and implement them. They are elected to
lead and the must do
exactly that and not wait for people to tell them what
to do. Perhaps that
way we can start to see leaders bringing in issues that
can be deployed for
long term change rather than a fixation with sweetened
words that appeal to
the ear of the poor, without much substance that is the
ultimate goal.
Dr Magaisa is a lawyer and can be contacted at wamagaisa@yahoo.co.uk
March 16, 2006
By Tagu Mkwenyani
The
University of Zimbabwe has expelled three militant students who
spearheaded
demos over new fees.
The University of Zimbabwe has expelled three
student leaders who had
earlier been suspended for taking part in
disturbances that rocked the
institution last month. Students went on
demonstration to force the
university to reverse fee increase that would
force many poor students out
of their programme.
The three
militant student leaders: Mfundo Mlilo, Collen Chibango and
Wellington
Mahohoma were served with expulsion letters this afternoon. The
letters
dated 16 March and signed by the registrar, a Mr S. Chevo said; "The
committee (student disciplinary hearing) found you guilty of the
charges....the committee recommended that you be expelled from the
university with immediate effect." The letter further states that "the
penalty is intended to help you and all other students to appreciate the
need to make this university a reputable institution, reflecting on proper
image to the outside world and the university community."
AND -
Zimbabwe