Zimbabwe's Anglicans defy riot police with return to church

http://www.timesonline.co.uk

March 17, 2009

Jan Raath in Harare
Sebastian Bakare, the Anglican Bishop of Harare, ignored the riot policeman
at the altar trying disrupt his Sunday service, and carried on with worship.
In front of the church's first full congregation for years Bishop Bakare
told the representative of Zimbabwe's security services: "If you want to
attack me, I am in your hands."

Yesterday Bishop Bakare recounting the incident that highlights the tension
between Church and State.

Since September 2007 the Anglican Church in Zimbabwe has been controlled by
Nolbert Kunonga, the former Bishop of Harare and a zealot of Robert Mugabe's
repressive regime. He broke away from the Lambeth Palace-affiliated Harare
diocese, and defied a high court ruling last year ordering him him to share
churches with his Anglican rivals.

A fortnight ago the Church secured an affidavit from Police Commissioner
Augustine Chihuri, in which denied knowing anything about a police operation
to force Anglicans away from their churches. It was read to parishioners by
Anglican priests wherever they met, and they were urged to return to their
churches on Sunday.

Emboldened by the formation of the new power-sharing Government, the church's
flock is now beginning to return in force.

Masvingo farmer abducted, assaulted

http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=13517

March 16, 2009

By Owen Chikari

MASVINGO - Johannes Nel, a commercial farmer in Gutu, is nursing injuries
after he was assaulted and taken hostage for hours by a group of suspected
Zanu-PF supporters over the weekend.

The incident occurred amid growing concern over fresh farm invasions across
the country.

Nel, a large-scale cattle rancher, was on Monday reported to be in hiding.

Officials within Commercial Farmers Union confirmed the attack on the
farmer, adding that the ongoing farm invasions went against the current
spirit of unity.

According to workers at Nel's farm, a group of about 100 invaders raided the
property and dragged the farmer from his vehicle before taking him hostage
for almost six hours.

"They came here numbering about 100 and abducted our employer whom they
force-marched into their car and drove off," said one of the workers.

"They promised to give us land if we help them to remove Nel".

The CFU says Nel was bundled into a Zanu-PF truck before being dumped about
80 kilometres away from the farm.

"Farm invasions are continuing daily," CFU president Trevor Gifford said.
"They are against the spirit of unity which our political leaders are
preaching everyday".

Sources within the CFU said Nel and other farmers evicted from their land
were still in hiding for fear of their lives.

"Most of our members who have been either harassed or assaulted on their
properties are in hiding," said the source.

Although Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai has called for an unconditional
halt to all fresh farm invasions, some suspected Zanu-PF supporters appear
to be ignoring the message.

A visit to Nel's farm revealed that about 100 suspected Zanu-PF supporters
were camped on the land and have literally taken over the farmer's property.

"You waste your time telling us that you are a journalist," said one man who
appeared to be the leader of the invaders. "Join us and you will also get
land."

Elsewhere in Mwenezi three unnamed commercial farmers fled after they were
chased away by suspected Zanu-PF supporters over the weekend.

The police in Masvingo on Monday refused to comment on the ongoing farm
invasions saying the issue was political.

"We have been instructed not to comment on those issues because they are
political," said a policeman at Masvingo Central Police station who
requested anonymity

On the eve of his 85th birthday, President Robert Mugabe said that all white
commercial farmers who had been served with notices to vacate their
properties after the government acquired them should do so immediately.

"You should leave those farms because they were acquired under our law,"
said Mugabe.

Mugabe's remarks appear to have sparked a wave of fresh farm invasions by
supporters of his Zanu-PF party.

Zimbabwe's food production took a nose dive beginning in 2000 when Mugabe's
supporters invaded white-owned farms ostensibly to address the land
imbalances of the colonial era.

Western governments, whose assistance is badly needed to resuscitate the
economy, have said that they will only consider giving financial aid to
Zimbabwe if they see indications of genuine political and economic reforms
by the new inclusive government.

Only Australia has so far pledged US$10 million dollars for water and
sanitary facilities.

Bennett says Chinamasa has vendetta against him

http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=13530

March 16, 2009
Geoffrey Nyarota

TRANSCRIPT of SW Radio Africa interview

Hot Seat interview: Journalist Violet Gonda interviews Roy Bennett. The
Deputy Minister of Agriculture designate says he was racially discriminated
against and individuals like Minister Patrick Chinamasa have a personal
vendetta against him. He talks about his position on the farm invasions and
also says genocide is taking place in Mutare remand prison, a place filled
with walking skeletons.

Broadcast: 13 March 2009

Violet Gonda: Roy Bennett, the MDC National Treasurer and the Deputy
Ministry of Agriculture designate is my guest on the programme Hot Seat. I
spoke with him after his release on Thursday after spending a month in
prison in spite of two High Court rulings ordering his release.

Roy Bennett: Kanjani, Violet.

Gonda: VaPachedu veduwe.

Bennett: Eeeee vakomana zvakaoma.

Gonda:  Munotamba here?

Bennett: Ndiripo hangu hameno imi?

Gonda: Tiri vapenyu. How are you feeling?

Bennett: Alright thanks Violet. Obviously pleased to be out of there but at
the same time very, very humbled, in awe and basically also just very sad of
the conditions in there and the state of affairs here in Zimbabwe.

Gonda: Will talk a bit more about the conditions in prison but first how
does it feel to be free?

Bennett: Violet I can't really say I am free. I am under very stringent bail
conditions. I am in a country where the rule of law is questionable. There
is no separation of powers and there is interference of the judiciary from
the highest level. So you don't feel safe at all. I could be re-arrested any
minute. You have no idea what's in store for you, day to day.

Gonda: Can you tell us about the bail conditions. I know last week the High
Court had said you could pay US$2000?

Bennett: Yes, I now have had to pay US$5000 bail. I have to report three
times a week - Monday, Wednesday and Friday to the CID Law and Order in
Harare. I have had to surrender my passport. I have had to surrender title
deeds. My son took me to the airport - to Charles Prince airport - he used a
friend of ours' car and they have since been visited. It's a lady, she is a
widow. She was visited and picked up by the CID Law and Order and
questioned. She was accused of harbouring a criminal, wanting to know where
else I stay in Harare, who else I know. The other guys who were with me at
the airport they have also been picked up and questioned. So the fear and
intimidation continues and frankly who would want to see me or have me in
their house if tomorrow they are going to be followed up and victimised by
the Law and Order people in Harare.

Gonda: What about the charges - what do you make of those?  You have.

Bennett: They are absolutely ludicrous. There is absolutely no substance.
The charge is contravening Section 10 of the Public Order and Security Act
(POSA) - which means that I was in possession of arms of war without
authorisation from the Minister. Now linked to that is the fact that they
are saying I am the person who funded Mike Hitschmann to purchase weapons.
But you just have to look at the weapons in that were in his possession.

Mike Hitschmann was a registered arms dealer. He was a member of the police
and now of the police reserve. He has on record many certificates where he
has delivered arms to the armoury in Mutare from farmers who were leaving
the country - they left their arms with him. He was originally charged with
treason but that was all thrown out. He was then charged and convicted under
exactly the same charge that I have been charged with and in there he put in
an affidavit saying where he had obtained those weapons and the fact that
those weapons had been left with him by farmers who were too scared to hand
them in to the police. And he would wait until there was enough and deliver
them to the police station. And that was all on record as having done this
before.

So the whole thing is absolutely ludicrous and a figment of their
imagination. I hardly new Mike Hitschmann - I had seen him maybe twice or
three times before he was arrested and those times have been when I
delivered speeches either at the legion club or the hall in Mutare. So you
know it's ridiculous, Violet.

Gonda: Some MDC activists including officials like Giles Mutsekwa were also
slapped with the same charges but had the charges dismissed. So how is it
different? (Interrupted)

Bennett: Exactly. It's ridiculous. They first charged me with treason, then
they charged me under the Immigration Act and that was dismissed in court
and it looked as if they were just going until they could find something to
stick me with - and eventually they came up with this charge.

Gonda: So what was the content of your interrogation in custody?

Bennett: Well basically I had no interrogation at all. All I was offered to
do was give a 'warned and cautioned' statement which I said I know nothing
about those allegations. But it would appear Violet, and it is very obvious
that there are certain individuals inside this government who have not taken
on the spirit of moving forward - who are still filled with hatred and
vengeance and basically have personal vendettas against me. I will put it
down to these sorts of people.

You know for our nation to move forward we need forgiveness, we need love
and we need to rebuild the country to move on. We don't build anything with
hatred and vengeance.

Gonda: So who do you think was behind your arrest?

Bennett: I have no idea Violet but it is very, very obvious that it is to do
with the Justice Department. It is to do with those who have control over
the Attorney General's office and those who have control over the prisons.
So it is definitely the Ministry of Justice - who have the people that have
been victimising me. So I would think there is none other than Patrick
Chinamasa, who still has a vendetta against me over the issue in Parliament.
The fact that I served eight months in prison is not enough. He is a man
that is filled with hatred. The man is filled with vengeance. I have
forgiven him, I forgave him a long time ago and I have asked for his
forgiveness. So I pray that one day he will repent and get on his knees
before he meets his maker because the sort of things he does and is involved
in destroy a country - they don't build a country.

Gonda: What about the MDC itself do you think it did enough to get you
released?

Bennett:  I am sure the MDC has done everything in its power to get me
released. You know it's not about the MDC, it's not about Patrick Chinamasa,
it's not about me Violet - it's about the nation of Zimbabwe that is
suffering under the most extreme conditions. When I speak to you about the
conditions in prison you will understand what is happening in our nation.
And basically it's a case of everybody should be joining together in the
spirit of forgiveness and the spirit of healing to move our nation forward
to build a better life for the people that are suffering.

Gonda: You mentioned that it could be people like Patrick Chinamasa or some
individuals in ZANU PF .

Bennett: Well I understand that Paradzai Zimondi who is the Head of the
Prisons himself ordered the people in the region not to release me the first
time the High Court granted me bail - he ordered them to come and take those
bail papers away. So these are some of the individuals who have personal
vendettas, whether it's to protect themselves from whatever they have been
involved in or whether they don't want to move forward in the government of
unity. Whether they don't want to forget and forgive I don't know but
definitely I know that from what happened at the prison is that he was the
one who phoned and ordered that my (release) papers be taken away.

Gonda: You came back early this year, in early February actually, from South
Africa where you were living in exile, to take up this position as the MDC
Deputy Minister of Agriculture - so with what's been going on are you still
going to take up that appointment?

Bennett: I have committed myself to serve the people that elected me into
office and whatever I have to do to satisfy their demands I will do. Our
President Morgan Tsvangirai has appointed me as the Deputy Minister of
Agriculture and therefore I will accept that position. I will do it to the
best of my ability to be able to move things forward in order that we can
feed ourselves again and become a nation that can be proud of its
agricultural background.

Gonda: Can you comment on the rumours that there were attempts to actually
trade your freedom for a general pardon and amnesty for abuses of the past
28 years?

Bennett: I am not sure Violet. I did hear this but again I was in prison so
I wasn't privy to it but I understood that was one of the conditions but I
haven't spoken to anyone directly to confirm this.

Gonda: And speaking of conditions, can you describe the conditions in
prison?

Bennett: It's an absolute humanitarian disaster and I would liken it to
pictures that I have seen from the concentration camps. There is absolutely
lack of food, lack of medical attention, lack of cleanliness - a lack of
everything. There is absolutely nothing in the prisons. Prisoners get one
meal a day - a piece of sadza the size of your hand and water with salt in
it. Those prisoners who do not have relatives or people outside supporting
them are in worse conditions - or look like those emaciated, skeletal bodies
we saw during the holocaust. Basically it is a human rights tragedy and a
serious abuse of human rights.

Gonda: How many prisoners or inmates died while you were in jail?

Bennett: Whilst I was in jail five died in the four weeks that I was there.
The bodies don't get collected. They sit in the laundry, there is no
mortuary. Most of them sit there for four days - one sat for five days.  The
(inaudible) exploded. They had to put them in plastic bags. I cannot even
begin to describe the situation and it is not the prison people's fault.
They are trying their best. In fact they are being paid nothing yet they are
trying their best to keep things running with absolutely no support from
government and absolutely no resources. There is nothing Violet. People don't
even get toilet paper, people don't get soap. So people are in there eating
one piece of sadza and water a day and nothing else. That is all there is.

The medication from the medical side is very little and very sparse so the
whole thing is just an absolute tragedy and disaster.

Gonda: So will you be able to use your position as a minister to campaign to
improve the living conditions of prisoners?

Bennett: Obviously once I am able to explain to my colleagues these
conditions and bring it to their attention - I am sure there are other
prisoners who are being released who can confirm everything that I have said
because I am sure Mutare Remand Prison is not an exception. I am sure
throughout the country this is the situation. So yes I will do everything in
my power to be able to make those responsible for these conditions
understand the conditions and therefore do something about trying to
alleviate those conditions - and bring back what is needed under the
constitution, what is needed under the Prison Act, what is needed under the
Prisons Standing Rules and Orders - whereby each prisoner should receive x,
y & z.

But it needs the intervention of some international tribunal - the Red
Cross, the United Nations need to do something- people are dying. It's a
total genocide that is taking place in the prisons.

Gonda: And while you were in prison I don't know if you heard the tragic
news that Amai Susan Tsvangirai passed away after a car crash that actually
injured the Prime Minister.

Bennett: Yes I did. I just felt terribly saddened and terribly sorry and I
just hope that it was a genuine accident and that there was nothing sinister
about it. I have no actual figures but judging from the history of political
figures dying from road accidents the immediate thought that comes to your
mind is that there is something wrong. You know I just feel terribly,
terribly sad. It's such a tragedy and certainly for a man who has such a
weight on his shoulders to lose his wife at this stage I think it's
absolutely tragic. What can I say? No words can express the feelings he has.
All I can say is in my capacity I am totally behind him and will give him my
full support and solidarity.

Gonda: And there has been an outpouring of support countrywide and
throughout the rest of the world - and also from ZANU PF with Robert Mugabe
actually calling for peace and an end to violence. Now given your experience
is a robust public effort required to foster national healing and
reconciliation?

Bennett: Most definitely Violet. It's not even an effort; it's a genuine
sincere will that is needed. It is the will of forgiveness; it's the will of
throwing away vengeance. It's a will of believing that you are above the law
that you are entitled because you were a war veteran and you fought for
Zimbabwe so you rule the country, nobody dare questions you - anybody who
does then death with him. That is the spirit that has to be removed and
there has to be a spirit brought in that the country of Zimbabwe belongs to
the people of Zimbabwe. Respect their will, give them good governance, and
give them decency and human rights.

Gonda: Let's go back a little - because many people don't know what exactly
happened on the day you were arrested on the 13th of February. Can you
briefly tell us how you were arrested?

Bennett: Sure Violet. Basically what happened was that when we realised that
the Deputy Ministers were only going to be sworn in the following week -
obviously the Saturday was Valentines Day and Monday the 16th was my 52nd
birthday. So when I was talking to Heather (wife), she said I should come
and spend the weekend. And obviously I wanted to spend the weekend with the
family.

So there had been a group of people that had come from South Africa to
attend the inauguration of the Prime Minister's rally at Glamis Stadium.
They had a spare seat in a chartered plane so they offered the seat to me.
My son took me to Charles Prince airport to drop me off. There was a bit of
a problem with the plane so they were delayed and eventually we got in. I
did my immigration, my passport went, I spoke to the immigration guys and we
sat around there for a good hour waiting for the plane to be sorted out.
When it was sorted we got on and the plane started to leave when the tower
turned the plane back and then I realised there was a problem. I got off the
plane to go and see what the problem was and CID Law and Order were waiting
to arrest me. I asked them why they were arresting me and they said that I
would be told in Marondera; from there I went to Goromonzi. At Goromonzi
they showed me the warrant for my arrest - for treason - the guys who
followed me told me that I was taken to Goromonzi. From there they moved me
to Mutare Central.

Gonda: Were you ever mistreated?

Bennett: No, I wasn't.

Gonda: You spent eight months in jail for pushing the Justice Minister
Patrick Chinamasa in parliament and that was in 2004 and now you were
arrested again a few years later - and on the day of the swearing in of
senior Ministers in the new government. Why do you think there is such an
enormous determination to keep you behind bars?

Bennett: Violet I think there are certain elements in ZANU PF that has never
moved forward. They are still harbouring hatred and vengeance and also fear
of what they have done in the past 29 years. And obviously see me as a
scapegoat because they are severely racial. They hated the fact that a white
person could have the support of Zimbabweans. Like I have always said I have
never seen the difference between our colours. I am a Zimbabwean and I have
always given my best to anybody who is Zimbabwean and never worried about
the colour.

So you don't know Violet, but basically there are people within ZANU PF who
are trying to make this thing fail at all cost and basically wanted to use
me as a tool to either make the MDC walk away from the deal or to use me as
a tool to bargain certain positions with.

Gonda: So do you think your appointment as the Deputy Minister of
Agriculture was to spite ZANU PF, considering that you are white? And that
your appointment could have been read as spiting the regime that chased most
white commercial farmers, including yourself, from their farms?

Bennett: Violet I think more than anything my appointment was by the Prime
Minister who assessed his candidates for government and placed people with
the most experience and the ability to deliver in the positions he believed
they would deliver and I think that is the reason why I was placed where I
was placed. I don't think it had anything to do with the fact that I am
white or to spite anybody. I think it's got a lot to do with trying to
rebuild a nation that has been completely shattered and destroyed by years
of hate, vengeance and maliciousness and basically that is what people have
to overcome. And it is in that spirit that I believe I was appointed and I
think it is in that spirit that I will work at that position.

Gonda: You know some people have been asking why did you go back to Zimbabwe
knowing that you had a case hanging around your neck?

Bennett: There was never any case. It was always trumped up stuff and I was
never fearful because I had not done anything wrong. But in view of the
Global Political Agreement, in view of the assurances I was given by the
South African government and SADC that we were moving forward on this thing
I came home to take up my rightful position in my home - under a period
whereby we were moving forward with goodwill and unity to deliver on our
nation. So those were the reasons I went home. So at no time was I ever
thought there was a case that could be brought against me because I had not
done anything wrong.

Gonda: So you were actually given assurances by the South African
government?

Bennett: I was yes.

Gonda: Who in the government?

Bennett: Well senior members there and I am not at liberty to name. Very,
very senior members within the South African government.

Gonda:  So do you think they did enough to secure your release?

Bennett: You are dealing with despots Violet and I honestly do believe that
everybody concerned played a part in getting me released. But when you are
dealing with people that believe they have the sole right to Zimbabwe. They
are war veterans and they believe it is their total right to rule Zimbabwe
how they see fit - unanswerable or unquestioned by anybody. And people that
will go to any lengths to remain in power, to destroy the country, and to
destroy anybody around the country who opposes them. They are not going to
listen to anybody and there is no amount of pressure that can be brought to
bear on despots. Despots have thrown all caution to the wind and will do
anything. I do think they have tried and I think my colleagues in the MDC
tried very hard  and one hopes that there are elements now that are
beginning to see that we need to have an open heart and reconciliatory
nature in moving this thing forward.

Gonda: Earlier on you talked about the appalling conditions in prison and
you said there is a genocide taking place there. Can you compare your
previous experience to this one and is there a difference?

Bennett: There is a huge difference Violet. A huge, huge difference. The
conditions before were bad as far as the toilets were concerned, as far as
the blankets, lice and everything else was concerned. But at least then -
when I was in prison - people were getting three meals a day. They were
getting a cup of porridge in the morning and a cup of tea. They were getting
soap issued once a week. They were getting fruit every weekend. So they were
getting breakfast, lunch and supper. They were getting meat once a month and
the relish was edible.  But now you have one meal a day that is half the
ration of sadza that was being given the last time with salted water. You
have absolutely no soap being issued, you have no fruit coming in, and you
have nothing else.

So when I say it's genocide it's definitely a genocide because anybody that
is going into prison for any sustained length of time and does not have
family who have the means to support them and come and visit them in prison
and bring them food those people are going to die - because the diet that is
there nobody can live on. And there are walking skeletons in that Mutare
Remand Prison that are complete proof; and whilst I was there five people
died in the most emaciated conditions you could ever wish for, where they
had become unconscious, defecating in their blankets and eventually died
from the state of the food they were receiving in prison.

Gonda: When you say its genocide do you think it's deliberate and is there
something that the government can actually do about this?

Bennett: Well obviously they can do plenty about this Violet and that is by
opening their hearts and begin to have the goodwill to rebuild the country.
Why is the country in the state that it is in? Why has it been reduced to
such levels where you have the Minister of Justice who hasn't got the means
to be able to deliver any form of budget to the prisons yet they continue to
arrest people, they continue to overcrowd the prisons and they can't feed
them? So that has to be genocide.

Surely when you can't feed someone in detention and they have no access to
be able to get any food you are killing them. So surely you would stop
arresting or declare an amnesty and release people or do something to save
life. But it continues. Everyday there were about five, six and sometimes 12
more people coming into the prisons and no one being released because none
of the guys who were on remand were going to the magistrates' court,
because the prison didn't have a vehicle. And for a prison that should have
had 160 inmates you have 360 people. So it is just a total, total mess that
could be avoided by decisions to stop arresting people or releasing people
on bail so that they can get out and eat while waiting for their trial.

Gonda: So given what has happened to you is it safe for other activists and
personalities to return to Zimbabwe at this time?

Bennett: You know Violet you cannot hide from these people forever because
the more you hide from them the more you give them the power of fear and the
more aggressive they become. So I firmly believe that the only way to
challenge a bully is to stand up to him and take it to the limits. They must
do whatever they want to do. If they are going to kill me or whatever they
want to do they must do it.  I have done nothing wrong. All I have ever done
is stand up for people who have elected me into a position, stand up for
what I believe on, and stand up for what is right and try to hold my
integrity through this whole crisis.

If that means I will be incarcerated again, killed, whatever so be it
Violet. These things come to an end. These sorts of dictators and the sort
of people filled with hate and vengeance thank God are very few in Zimbabwe
and they are isolating themselves every single day. And the population is
becoming more and more angry at being held at ransom by a few people who
believe it is their sole right to rule Zimbabwe unquestionably.

Gonda: You have been talking about forgiveness so do you think the same
should be applied to perpetrators of gross human rights violations?

Bennett: Most definitely not. Yes you forgive people but there has to be
repentance from the people you are forgiving and there has to be justice.
Forgiveness, justice and repentance all go hand in glove. Perpetrators of
violence, people who have committed murder, acts of rape, acts of arson, and
acts of theft against other political victims sponsored by the State or the
opposition against ZANU PF - everybody has to be brought to justice in order
to have national healing. You will never have a national healing unless you
have justice. So yes I can forgive somebody but that person then has to
face the justice system and go through the process of either being convicted
or acquitted as a result of their actions.

When I say forgiveness, to heal a country and for us as Zimbabweans to move
forward we have to in our own hearts forgive those who have perpetrated acts
against us personally. Because unless we do that we build up hatred and
vengeance in ourselves and start recycling all over again - where we start
now applying the very principles that have been applied to us in order to
get even with the people that did it to us. And that's very wrong.

We need to forgive those who have been used by a regime to commit these acts
against us and then the issue of justice taking its course needs to happen
whereby there can be no impunity. The courts, the rule of law has to be
totally re-established, the police have to operate without fear or favour
and the courts have to operate independently with a separation of powers -
rather than the interference and fear that is put into the magistrates, the
clerks of courts and the prosecutors by people that threaten them with their
lives or imprisonment.

Gonda: While you were in prison Robert Mugabe actually swore in all the
Ministers into the new inclusive government. And you are the only Minister
left to be sworn in. You have already said you will take up the position of
Agriculture Minister, so do you know when you will be sworn in?

Bennett: I understand and I was with the President (Tsvangirai) yesterday in
Buhera and he basically said to me that the governors need to be sworn in so
when the governors are sworn in I will be sworn in together with them.

Gonda: And you will be sworn in by Robert Mugabe?

Bennett: Yes. Ya.

Gonda: How do you feel about that?

Bennett: I feel very desperately sorry for the man Violet. I pray for him
and I have forgiven him and I have no problem - maybe to look him in the eye
and shake his hands and say to him that I have forgiven him, that I
sincerely hope that we can move this country forward in the best interest of
everybody, might have a good effect.

Gonda: Do you think he will have a problem swearing you in?

Bennett: That's his problem. You know I sincerely hope not and I hope he has
the same spirit that all of us have to try and move this thing forward.

Gonda: And I don't know how much you have been briefed about what's been
happening on the farms while you were in prison. Many farms were invaded
actually while you were in prison and the courts have ruled that the SADC
ruling on protected farms is not binding. So first of all what is your view
on the current invasions, especially as you are the Deputy Minister of
Agriculture designate?

Bennett: Violet I am sure that everything that is happening now is illegal
and I am sure it is something that is again a process whereby people are
trying to grab what they can while they can and with impunity. But again
these issues will be revisited, they will be dealt with in accordance with
the law and basically the whole process will be sorted out. We have to get
back to the rule of law. We have to get back to respecting SADC rulings and
judgements and whether we like it or not I honestly believe that will
happen.

Gonda: Some people say just this pairing up with a person like yourself who
is highly disliked in ZANU PF - and you will be the Deputy Minister of
Agriculture - a white commercial farmer for that matter - how are you going
to do it? What sort of plans do you have to turn it around? Is it a priority
to resuscitate farming now and how easy will it be, considering that it has
been decimated?

Bennett: I think it's a serious challenge ahead of us Violet but I don't
think it's an impossible challenge. I think like anything it's your spirit
of what's in your heart in moving these processes forward. And like I have
said before I will enter into the position with the total clear and open
heart to make agriculture productive again and it is possible to do that. It
is possible to sit down with people and work a way through everything that
has happened - nothing is impossible and it's the will and the perseverance
and genuine goodwill, the good heart that you have that can make these
things work. And I honestly believe that it is possible and that we will
eventually get there.

Gonda: Have you had a chance to speak to the Minister of Agriculture?

Bennett: I haven't. No unfortunately I haven't.

Gonda: When you returned to Zimbabwe, it is said that you visited your old
farm in Chimanimani - Charleswood Estate. Given an opportunity would you
want it back, would you want to return to the farm?

Bennett: Firstly that is irresponsible reporting and totally incorrect that
I went to Charleswood farm. That is absolute nonsense. I never went anywhere
near Charleswood farm. Secondly yes I would move back on to my farm
tomorrow. That farm was taken from me through political victimisation. It's
been totally destroyed, there is nothing happening there and in the interest
of moving agriculture forward and in the interest of unity I have a right as
a member of the government to property that I own. It's got nothing to do
with me being white. It's got nothing to do with me being a commercial
farmer. I am a Zimbabwean who has been politically victimised of something
that he owns. I am sure there will be a way to work through this and yes I
will go back onto my farm and I will rebuild it and I will move forward in
the interest of the community of Chimanimani and in the interest of doing
what I do best and that is farming.

Gonda: VaBennett perhaps I can end here by saying we hope to speak with you
at a later date when you have settled in since you have just come out of
prison and I hope we can chat some more on the crisis in the agricultural
sector.

Bennett: With pleasure Violet, anytime. Obviously I still need to get my
feet on the ground and understand where we are going and then with pleasure.
Any time.

Feedback can be sent to violet@swradioafrica.com

Teachers threaten strike unless govt tops up US$100 allowances

http://www.zimonline.co.za

by Patricia Mpofu Tuesday 17 March 2009

HARARE - Zimbabwe's teachers have threatened a fresh work boycott unless the
country's new government agrees to pay them more than the US$100 allowance
paid to every civil servant last month.

Officials from the Zimbabwe Teachers Association (ZIMTA) and the Progressive
Teachers Union of Zimbabwe (PTUZ) - the two representative bodies for
teachers in the country - told ZimOnline on Monday that their members would
not report for duty for the second term in May unless they were paid more
money.

The union officials said they told Education Minister David Coltart in a
meeting yesterday that they would not report for duty unless the government
topped up their salaries or allowances.

But the union leaders appeared comfortable with teachers getting paid US$100
this month, indicating their members would remain at work if this was the
case but would go on strike if the allowance was not topped up in April.

"We told the minister that our members are very unhappy and have given the
government up to April 2009 to find the money, failure of which teachers
will not go back to work," said ZIMTA chief executive officer Sifiso Ndlovu.

PTUZ secretary general Raymond Majongwe said: "We have registered our
concerns with the minister and have also written to the Minister of Public
Service on the failure to hold salary negotiations for March as agreed last
month."

Coltart described his meeting with teachers' unions as "fruitful" adding
that his ministry and the government was working to improve salaries for
teachers.

He said: "It was agreed the government has no capacity at the moment to
improve on their allowances. The Minister of Finance has assured us the
government is looking for funding. We are aware of their concerns and we
will be continuously looking into improving the salaries."

The government of national unity between President Robert Mugabe, Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and Deputy Premier Arthur Mutambara is broke and
has no cash for salaries for teachers and hundreds of thousands of its
workers including the police and army.

The hard cash allowances paid civil servants last month and due to be paid
this month were raised from donors.

But rich Western governments with capacity to fund the unity government have
refused to provide support until they see evidence Mugabe is committed to
genuine power sharing and to implementing comprehensive political and
economic reforms.

Finance Minster Tendai Biti last week told journalists the international
community had to step in and assist Zimbabwe's new government or it would
fail to deliver on its promises and ultimately collapse.

Biti yesterday said he could not comment on whether the government had found
money for salaries for its workers as promised last month but pleaded with
civil servants to be patient while the administration looked to address
their salary grievances.

"What I can say is that we are all the time looking for money. It takes time
but we are trying all the time. Civil servants will be paid but we appeal
for patience," said Biti.

However government sources said civil servants will again be paid US$100
each to be deposited in their respective bank accounts beginning today, with
teachers the first to get paid followed by soldiers who will be paid
tomorrow.

The rest of government workers will receive their allowances in coming days,
according to our sources.

The Southern African Development Community (SADC), which facilitated
formation of the unity government in Harare, is planning to hold an
extraordinary summit to discuss ways to convince the international community
to provide US$2 billion urgently needed to kick start Zimbabwe's stalled
economy and restore basics services such as health and education.

But analysts see little hope that Western governments - many that had
demanded Mugabe's resignation before they could support Zimbabwe - would
agree to give significant aid before Harare meets a set of tough benchmarks,
including providing a credible economic recovery plan, upholding human
rights and taking firm steps to write a new and democratic constitution for
the country. - ZimOnline

Zimbabwe urged to safeguard investments

http://www.businessday.co.za

17 March 2009

HOPEWELL RADEBE
Diplomatic Editor

ZIMBABWE should guarantee the protection of private investments if it wanted
its economy to recover quickly, a senior official said yesterday at the
SA-Zimbabwe Joint Permanent Commission for Co-operation held in Victoria
Falls.

The official told Business Day last night that SA expressed its concerns
that the government in Harare needed to take control of and ensure a proper
land distribution programme.

By being seen to be bringing an end to the violent invasion of farmland, SA
believed that Zimbabwe would bring political stability and "reduce the lack
of trust" in the new power-sharing government by foreign and regional
donors.

Zimbabwe agreed to finalise an agreement on bilateral investment promotion
and protection, economic co-operation and the avoidance of double taxation.
"This will be dealt with as a matter of urgency through parliament so that
it can give potential business investors some sense of security," the
official said.

South African Foreign Affairs Minister Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma co-chaired the
commission with her Zimbabwean counterpart, Simbarashe Mumbengegwi.

Zimbabwe prisoners emerge with horrifying tales of abuse

http://www.theglobeandmail.com

Abductions and torture are government's way of saying that nobody is safe,
lawyer says
GEOFFREY YORK

Globe and Mail Update

March 16, 2009 at 8:13 PM EDT

HARARE - A 73-year-old pensioner. A 2-year-old toddler. A woman who was HIV
positive. Age or illness meant nothing - none were exempt from the cruelties
of detention at the hands of President Robert Mugabe's security forces.

More than 40 activists and opposition members - along with one activist's
2-year-old son - were abducted by Zimbabwe's security agents last fall.
After months of abuse and isolation, about half of the abductees have
finally been released from jail. Their accounts of beatings and torture are
a horrifying glimpse into the abyss of Mr. Mugabe's prison system.

Fidelis Chiramba, 73, says he nearly went crazy after weeks of torture and
solitary confinement. "I thought I was going mad," he said as he recovered
in a Harare medical clinic.

"After months of not talking to anyone, you become sick. I had no voice. I
thought I would never see my family again. At one point I tried to kill
myself."

Mr. Chiramba believes he was targeted by the security agents because he
headed a branch of the leading opposition party in Mr. Mugabe's home
district. Eight men burst into his house at 3:30 a.m. on Oct. 31, breaking
down his kitchen door and hauling him away. He was taken to a series of
police stations, where he was accused of operating a military training camp
in Botswana, a common charge against opposition members.

Then he was handed over to state security agents, who blindfolded him and
took him to secret torture camps. He says they beat him on his feet, his
arms and his back, leaving his limbs scarred and swollen.

In one camp, he says, his captors forced him into a deep freezer, then
poured boiling water on him, leaving his skin covered in blisters. "I
suffered a lot," he says. "I had a headache all the time."

His wife, Sophie, had no idea where he had been taken. "I thought he had
died," she said. "I was in pain. I didn't know where he was."

After almost two months in the torture camps, he was transferred to a
maximum-security prison, where his family was finally allowed to visit him.
But he was classified as a "security risk" and kept in solitary confinement.
He says he saw dozens of prisoners dying of hunger in the prison, while
guards begged the prisoners for a share of their food. "This is a government
that lets people die of hunger," he says.

Mr. Chiramba was finally released on bail on Feb. 27, almost four months
after he disappeared into the country's Kafkaesque system of confinement.

He remains defiant, even though he suffers liver problems and has difficulty
walking as a result of the beatings. "I will not give in," he says. "I still
support the MDC."

Another of the abductees was Violet Mupfuranhewe, who was not released from
detention until last week. She is the mother of a two-year-old boy. The
security agents kept the boy in detention too, and he was beaten by police
when he cried, according to the mother's lawyer, Alec Muchadehama.

Another detainee was Audrice Mbudzana, a woman who is receiving medical
treatment for HIV-AIDS. Last week she told a Zimbabwe newspaper, The
Standard, that her health suffered during her detention because she was
forced to sleep on a hard floor and was given substandard food.

Several detainees said they were tortured with a variation of the notorious
water-boarding technique. They were tied up, hung upside down, beaten, and
then dropped head-first into drums of water.

"You feel like you are drowning," said Zachariah Nkomo, a 33-year-old former
employee of the CARE relief agency who was abducted in early December.

He said he was dropped into a water drum for an hour every day for several
days. "You feel like you have water coming into your ears and nose and
mouth."

Mr. Nkomo, who was finally released on March 3, says he suffered eye and ear
infections and still has damage to his hearing today. He also has a back
injury because he was dropped onto the floor once when he was tied
upside-down.

He says the police repeatedly questioned him about CARE's operations in
Zimbabwe, accusing the agency of supporting the opposition party, a charge
strongly denied by CARE. The agency, along with other independent
organizations, was partially banned by the Zimbabwe government for three
months last year.

Mr. Muchadehama, the lawyer for most of the detainees, said the authorities
routinely denied that they had custody of the detainees, even when their
relatives had seen them at police stations.

Even today, with a new "unity government" in power, about 20 people are
still being kept in detention in unknown places, he said.

The abductions and detentions, he said, were a way for the authorities to
show that "nobody is safe" in Zimbabwe, even when the opposition party is
sharing power. "They wanted to demonstrate openly what they're capable of
doing. It was a way of saying, 'Don't forget that we are in control - look
at what we can do.'"

Rift looms over control of ZSE

http://www.herald.co.zw

Tuesday, March 17, 2009
 

Business Reporter

A fight is brewing between Zimbabwe Stock Exchange management and the
Securities Commission over the control of the bourse, with the former
believed to have instructed brokers to ignore a meeting called by the
commission last week.

Of the 31 registered brokers, only 10 attended the meeting that was meant to
brief stockbrokers on the role of the Securities Commission and to review
trading since the market re-opened last month.

The Securities Commission took over the role of regulating the market from
the Zimbabwe Stock Exchange's management committee late last year.

Among the objectives of the Securities Commission is to regulate capital and
securities markets with a view to providing investor confidence. It is also
empowered with supervising and regulating security exchanges and advising
Government on such matters as well as preventing financial manipulation.

"The Securities Commission had organised a meeting last Thursday but most of
them did not turn up saying they had been instructed by the ZSE chairman Mr
Seti Shumba not to attend," said one source who cannot be named.

Commission's chairperson Mrs Willia Bonyongwe confirmed yesterday the
meeting was not well-attended but could not give details.

"It's true we had a meeting last week with brokers, some turned up and some
did not," said Mrs Bonyongwe when she was contacted for comment.

However, it is understood a meeting between stockbrokers and the ZSE
management committee would be held today to discuss the "rift".

"A meeting will be held tomorrow (today) between the stockbrokers and ZSE to
discuss the matter," said a dealer with one stockbroking firm.

Mr Shumba was not immediately available for comment as he was said to be
away. ZSE chief executive Mr Emmanuel Munyukwi could not comment.

Mnangagwa sucked into scandal

http://www.fingaz.co.zw/

Monday, 16 March 2009 21:56

DEFENCE Minister Emmerson Mnangagwa has been sucked into a saga involving
the abuse of inputs from the state-run Grain Marketing Board (GMB) in a
matter that could be a precursor to exposing how government resources were
diverted to prop up ZANU-PF's 2008 election campaign.

The name of the ZANU-PF legal supremo surfaced in a court case in which the
State is accusing Jeffrey Tabva, a former Central Intelligence Organisation
operative and Andrew Raymond Williams of defrauding the state granary of
720x50kg bags of urea fertilizer, over 30 000kgs of flour, more than 70
metric tonnes of mealie meal and 600x50kg bags of Silo mealie meal.
According to court papers submitted to magistrate Lillian Kudya the
Anti-Corruption Commission said Tabva was once Mnangagwa's subordinate.
The State is alleging that Tabva and Williams misrepresented facts to GMB
officials that they had been sent by the Minister when in fact they had
hatched a plan to loot the national food reserves.
But Tabva denied the charges saying he was acting on behalf of not only
Mnangagwa, but other ZANU-PF politicians to win the hearts and minds of the
electorate ahead of last year's harmonised polls.
The State alleges that on May 27 2008, Tabva went to GMB Aspindale depot and
misrepresented to the inputs supervisor Malvern Chani that he had been sent
by Mnangagwa to purchase 720x 50kgs of urea fertilizer.
The State said as a result of this misrepresentation, Williams instructed
his accountant Jacqueline Mututwa to pay GMB $58 647 745 440 000, through an
electronic money transfer from Dayan Trading Stanbic Bank account number
0140032346601 Msasa Branch the same day. The money was deposited into GMB's
account with Agribank Nelson Mandela Branch account number 001989477011. A
copy of the transfer number 50944 has been handed over to the bench.
Three days later, the payment was confirmed and a receipt issued in
Mnangagwa's name after which Tabva told Williams to arrange to transport the
products.
Tabva's lawyer Itayi Ndudzo replied in court papers: "During the 2008
election period, the accused person was actively involved in the campaigns
for ZANU-PF and made numerous purchases of various commodities for the
benefit of party members in various constituencies.

"The purchases were for the benefit of various politicians including the
Honourable Minister Mnangagwa. At the instance of GMB officials some
commodities for the benefit of Honourable Mnangagwa's constituency were
dispatched in his name after GMB had authenticated that the purchases were
indeed for his benefit."
Ndudzo said his client had not prejudiced the GMB as all commodities were
fully paid for in local currency.
Tabva said he had a long-standing relationship with the parastatal through
two companies in which he is a director: Honay Investments (Pty) Ltd and PSC
Agric Limited.
He further alleges that he has supplied imported mealie meal and other
commodities to GMB since 2004 and has documents has documents to prove his
claims.
Tabva added he was well known to GMB senior personnel and that GMB owes one
of his companies PSC Agric Limited more than US$533 000 for maize supplied
in April 2006.
Williams, on the other hand, said in his defence outline that he does not
have any relationship with GMB but was only contracted to transport Tabva's
commodities through a company owned by one of his brothers-in-law, Abdul
Hussein.
Giving evidence in court yesterday Chani who is in charge of receiving and
dispatching stocks said although, Tabva and Williams are said to have
ordered 720 bags of fertilizer each weighing 50 kgs, they were given only
500 bags after negotiations as new farmers were also in need of the farming
input.
He admitted releasing the commodities to the suspects and maintains all
documents were in Mnangagwa's name.
Chani said processing of and authentication of all sales and beneficiaries
is done at head office. Of the 500x50 kgs, only 333 bags were recovered at
Dayan Trading Premises in Graniteside.
Meanwhile ZANU-PF and Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) officials are
quaking in their boots over a Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) audit into the
possible abuse of farm implements.
The audit, the first of its kind since the central bank started distributing
farming implements under its farm mechanisation programme, comes after
reports that the facility was being abused by politicians.
Government sources said the audit, which officially kicked-off on Monday,
would soon name and shame the culprits from the three main political parties
who took advantage of the RBZ facility.
They said several beneficiaries of the programme sold implements including
tractors for a song to line their pockets while others had donated the
equipment to their relatives.
"The central bank wants to come clean on this issue and is aware that such a
facility could be subject to abuse," said a source who spoke strictly on
condition of anonymity.
While Kumbirai Nhongo, the spokesperson for the RBZ could not immediately
comment on the audit, police and government sources said several culprits
had already been arrested on allegations of abusing the equipment.
"There was rampant looting of farming implements and cases of abuse are
trickling in. The culprits will be appearing in court soon. There is more
than meets the eye," said a police source privy to the investigations.
Government sources said the central bank, which mobilised the resources
including tractors, scotch carts, harrows and ploughs had been inundated
with reports pointing to abuse of the government programme.
The probe team is receiving a daily allowance of US$50 for the 30 days they
would be at work.
The audit teams comprising officials from the central bank, the
Anti-Corruption Commission, police and State Security agents have been
dispatched to the country's 10 political provinces.
RBZ governor Gideon Gono said the main objective of the audit was to ensure
that equipment received was properly allocated, used productively and
properly maintained and serviced.
He said the RBZ wants to make sure that equipment allocated to farmers was
consistent with the farm sizes.
Gono further stated that all equipment allocated by the RBZ must be
available on the farm in order to facilitate physical inspection by the
audit teams.
"All farmers are required to fully cooperate with the audit teams," said
Gono.
In order to ensure the smooth implementation of the audit, beneficiaries
were being asked to make available offer letters, title deeds or permits,
equipment service records, proof of delivery of produce to formal markets
and copies of delivery notes acknowledging receipt of equipment.
The RBZ audit comes barely a month after the government named nine
legislators from both ZANU-PF and the MDC who allegedly abused subsidized
agricultural inputs distributed to farmers under the National Food Security
Programme.
Not even one single scheme put together by the government has been
implemented without political bigwigs, who have mastered the art of
piggybacking their cronies at the slightest opportunity, abusing their clout
to plunder whatever little public resource is available.
Examples include the VIP Housing Scheme, the War Victims Compensation Fund,
the on-going plunder of diamonds in Chiadzwa, the crony-capitalism that
collapsed Roger Boka's United Merchant Bank inn the 1990s and the multiple
farm ownership of commercial farms distributed under the chaotic land
reforms.

Home Affairs Ministers summoned

http://www.fingaz.co.zw/

Monday, 16 March 2009 22:02

THE Joint Monitoring and Implementation Committee (JOMIC) stamped its
authority last week to steer the inclusive government on the correct path
when it summoned Kembo Mohadi and Giles Mutsekwa - the Home Affairs
Ministers - to explain the persistent detention of the remaining political
prisoners that continues to hobble the shaky power-sharing arrangement.

It has since emerged that the Ministers who preside over the police and the
Attorney General's Office - both under fire for attempting to undermine the
historic inclusive government - can also not account for three of the
remaining political prisoners whose whereabouts are unknown.
More than 30 Movement for Democratic Change (MDC-T) activists were held
incommunicado by State security agents since October last year in connection
with alleged acts of insurgency against President Robert Mugabe's
government.
The activists who were later to be handed over to police after worldwide
condemnation had been held despite a High Court order compelling the State
to produce them.
But last week President  Mugabe struck a deal with JOMIC to have all
political prisoners released on condition they dropped their appeals in the
High and Supreme Courts in line with the Global Political Agreement (GPA)
signed on September 15 2008.
This led to the release of most of the prisoners except seven. The seven
include MDC-T treasurer Roy Bennett, Ghandi Mudzingwa, the Prime Minister's
assistant, Kisimusi Dhlamini, Andreson Manyere, a journalist and the three
unaccounted for.But Bennett was yesterday granted US$5 000 bail by Supreme
Court Chief Justice Godfrey Chidyausiku after he dismissed the State's claim
for his continued detention. This was an increase of US$3 000 from the
previous bail money set by the High Court.
Chidyausiku also ordered Bennett to surrender his title deeds  for Stand 901
of Umtali Township Lands held under deed transfer number 7571-88, surrender
all his travel documents, report thrice a week at Harare Central's Law and
Order Section, not to interfere with witnesses and to reside at a given
address.
Among the prisoners that were freed without charge include two-year-old
Nigel Mutemagawu.
JOMIC -  the principal body charged with the implementation of the GPA -
last week summoned Mohadi and Mutsekwa and ordered them to release the
remaining prisoners who have been languishing in remand for subversion and
recruiting fighters to topple President Mugabe.
Mohadi and Mutsekwa told the Committee, accused of lacking stamina to get
things done, that they had not been briefed on the situation and would in
due course inform JOMIC on any development regarding the prisoners after
checking with subordinates.
Contacted for comment this week Mutsekwa confirmed being hauled before
JOMIC. Mutsekwa said he, together with Mohadi, had since ordered the police
to release the remaining three prisoners as soon as their names were
verified.
But as of yesterday the defence lawyer, Alec Muchadehama, was still pursuing
a Supreme Court appeal to have them released.
"The delay was caused by the fact that there was confusion over the names of
the detainees," Mutsekwa said. "That has since been sorted out and we have
given the police instructions to release the prisoners in the spirit of the
inclusive government. However, there are three more whose whereabouts are
still unknown. The police have said they are not in their custody, so we are
still looking for them. We must ensure that the police comply with court
orders because they are the face of this inclusive government and we must
ensure that faith is brought back to the police force."
Mohadi yesterday said he was sure the remaining political prisoners had been
released.
Said Mohadi: "I am sure they have been released by now. I was in Zambia, but
my co-minister should have more detail because they must have appeared in
court last Friday and released."
JOMIC chairperson, Elton Mangoma, has expressed concern about the flouting
of the provisions of the GPA signed between President Mugabe's ZANU-PF and
the two Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) formations led by Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara, the Deputy Prime Minister.
"We were satisfied (with Mohadi and Mutsekwa's explanations) but I think we
are hitting a brick wall at the execution stage of decisions," Mangoma said.
"We are still trying to figure out where the stumbling block is. Maybe it
could be at the stage of communication, I don't know."
Mangoma said his Committee would leave no stone unturned in making sure that
the culprits behind the continued incarceration of the prisoners were
exposed and dealt with to enable the inclusive government to operate
smoothly.
"On the issue of detainees, we agreed that all of them should be released
sometime ago, but this has not yet happened," Mangoma said.
"We are therefore concerned that what we are agreeing on is not happening.
The three principals agreed to the outstanding issues of the political
detainees; that they should be released, so I don't see what the problem is.
We spoke to the two ministers of Home Affairs and expressed our concerns to
which they said they would get back to us."
Mangoma said his committee was looking at all outstanding issues with a view
to making sure the provisions of the power-sharing agreement were
implemented. Apart from the release of the political prisoners, ZANU-PF and
the MDC have also agreed to review the appointments of Provincial Governors
and the reversal of the appointments of permanent secretaries last month.
Tsvangirai had vowed not to join hands with his long time rival President
Mugabe in a unity government before all prisoners, who at the time included
human rights defender Jestina Mukoko, were released.
Mukoko, the director of the Zimbabwe Peace Project, was freed by magistrate
Mishrod Guvamombe on US$600 bail and US$20 000 surety and ordered to
surrender all travel documents and report to Norton Police regularly.

Robert Mugabe's pilot tried to stay in UK illegally because he feared president

http://www.telegraph.co.uk

Robert Mugabe's personal helicopter pilot tried to stay in the UK illegally
because he feared Zimbabwe's despotic president, a court heard.

Last Updated: 10:24PM GMT 16 Mar 2009

Air force ace Matthew Mufiri, 35, spent 10 years ferrying Mugabe around the
stricken African nation before fleeing with "quite a few stories to tell," a
judge heard.

However, after arriving on a visitor's visa in 2004 and being rejected for a
job in the RAF, Mufiri then attempted to claim his right to stay in Britain
by offering officials a fake birth certificate belonging to a woman who had
died in an accident in High Wycombe, Bucks.

The woman - Kathleen Durkin - has been falsely cited as the mother of more
than 70 applicants for British passports, to the immense distress of her
family, the court was told.
Nick Ashby, defending, told Judge Anthony King, sitting at Reading Crown
Court, that from the age of 21 years the defendant had flown helicopters
which carried the Zimbabwean President.

"Given the exposure at such a high level to the government, there are
concerns about his safety and protection at the present time," said the
barrister.

"He has quite a few stories to tell."

Mr Ashby admitted that after Mufiri was rejected for RAF service in 2004, he
registered with a London management college and obtained a student visa
which expired in October 2007.

The married father-of-one then attempted to fraudulently claim British
ancestry after paying £3,000 pounds for the false birth certificate but was
arrested when police and immigration officials raided his home in Gould
Close, Newbury, Berks, on January 10.

Prosecuting, Sandra Beck said: "At interview he was asked why he failed to
mention or make reference to a British-born mother when he came to the UK
and why he left it until his student visa ran out.

"He could not answer and checks carried out by the British Embassy in Harare
proved the birth certificate was fake."

Sentencing black-coated Mufiri to six months in prison, Judge King said: "It
was perfectly clear that this was a banned activity following up on your
knowledge that if you did not use false documents you would not be able to
remain."

However the judge made no order for deportation after learning that Britain
does not throw out any illegal immigrants or over-stayers from Zimbabwe
because of the country's political turmoil.

The only way for Mufiri to be deported would be if he volunteered to go, the
court was told.

Judge King added: "Whether he will be deported or not will be a matter for
the Home Office.

"For my part I see no reason why he should not be."

Mufiri admitted one charge of fraudulently claiming the right to stay in the

Inside Zimbabwe: A world undone by neglect and madness

Ditch central banking

http://www.businessday.co.za

17 March 2009

Allow me to take issue with the opinion piece, No easy choices available for
Zimbabwe currency reform, by Peter Draper and Andreas Freytag (March 2). The
authors favour retaining central banking in Zimbabwe and reject both the
"dollarisation" and currency board options I proposed in my 2008 book,
Zimbabwe: Hyperinflation to Growth, which was published in Harare. (An
amended version is available at http: //www.cato.org/pubs/dpa/dpa6.pdf).

During its history, Zimbabwe has had several types of monetary systems.
Central banking is the only system that worked badly. The long-term record
of central banking in most of Africa is also poor . To retain central
banking is to perpetuate a system that has destroyed the livelihoods of
millions of Zimbabweans. In contrast, the long-term records of currency
boards and dollarisation are good.

Historical experience shows that currency boards and dollarisation are both
easy to implement. Governments have adopted them in the midst of war,
economic crises and political turmoil. They have proven to be durable. Small
initial stocks of foreign currency have never created a problem because, by
promoting economic stability, currency boards and dollarisation have enabled
the stocks to grow quickly.

The authors' theoretical arguments against currency boards and dollarisation
are oft-repeated. Indeed, they always seem to arise whenever these monetary
regimes are debated. But, in fact, they have never posed serious obstacles
to establishing currency boards or dollarisation in practice.

Steve Hanke

Professor of applied economics
The Johns Hopkins University
Baltimore, Maryland

Selling out the masses in the name of power sharing

http://www.triumphnewspapers.com , Nigeria

RABI AUWAL 20 1429 A.H.
TUESDAY  MARCH 17 2009.

By Kola Ibrahim
The majority MDC opposition leader, Morgan Tsvangirai has been sworn in as
the Prime Minister of Zimbabwe while his minority MDC faction leader Arthur
Mutambara has also been appointed the Deputy Prime Minister of the country
in a power sharing agreement introduced by the House of Assembly and signed
into law by the 84-year old Robert Mugabe, the despotic president of the
country. This process brings to some end the wrangling between different
layers of the ruling class in Zimbabwe which started after the March 2008
presidential election. Then, the MDC leader and presidential candidates,
Morgan Tsvangirai had openly withdrawn from the presidential run-off, the
first round of which he won, citing brazen violence and state terror through
unwarranted arrests and detention against his party members.
While his reason for withdrawing from the elections were genuine,
Tsvangirai, rather than start building grass root movement among the working
and poor people, including the million of unemployed and the poor peasants,
he preferred to hobnob with imperialism and its African lapdogs like the
Nigeria's former civilian dictator, Olusegun Obasanjo. This gave Mugabe the
excuse to further attack the rank and file opposition members by portraying
them as imperialist agents that want to cripple the country, more so that
Mugabe is seen by a section of the population as an independence hero. It is
ironic that while Morgan Tsvangirai and his lieutenants in the Mugabe's
cabinet are now to live under the cozy and elitist environments and official
perks, cases of the rank and file party members, many of whom are detained
or traumatized - upon whose back Tsvangirai and his ilk rode to power - took
the back seat in the final power sharing. This again shows the character of
the capitalist oriented opposition in Zimbabwe.
Morgan Tsvangirai and the MDC top-shots have portrayed the power-sharing as
a landmark despite the fact that power was not totally given to them. Also,
the Southern African Development Commission (SADC) - the Southern African
ruling class regional organization - and its South African negotiator, Thabo
Mbeki, have portrayed the power-sharing as a confirmation of their dubious
policy of "quiet diplomacy" and "African solution to African problems". The
ruling western imperialist governments like US, UK and France and the
capitalist multilateral agencies such as United Nations, while raising
concerns about Mugabe's sincerity, have commended the power sharing process
as a step towards 'democracy'. However, these various instruments of
imperialism are only interested in their selfish capitalist interests, and
cared much less about the poor people. Moreover, the power sharing, even if
it is popular among some sections of the working people - who have illusion
in the agreement, cannot move the Zimbabwean society forward politically and
economically, both on a short and long run bases.
The reality is that aside official perks and opportunity to serve as conduit
pipe for imperialist plunder of the economy, the MDC cannot be said to have
gained from the power sharing. Before the formalization of the power
sharing, the two camps have agreed to five-point Global Political Agreement
(GPA) which among others raised the demands for cutting the power of Mugabe
and resolve human rights issues; but the power sharing has legitimized
Mugabe's terror and undemocratic power usurpation. In the power sharing
agreement, Mugabe is still made the executive president which makes him not
a figurehead as is being postulated by the MDC but a major decision maker in
the country. Also, while the oppositions have majority in the government's
cabinet, decision making is not by simple majority decision but through
consensus which gives Mugabe veto over decision-making in the cabinet some
vital appointments.
Though, some balance has been struck on the issue of security with the
formation of National Security Council comprising the Mugabe and MDC
representatives, the reality is that Mugabe still have the power over the
security and coercive instruments - the police and the army. It will be
recalled that one of the major issues that had delayed the power sharing is
the claim of the opposition to the control of the police, but through the
back door, the opposition controlled by Morgan Tsvangirai has been made a
junior partner in the security arrangement. Furthermore, while the MDC
condemned the land "redistribution" of Mugabe, that claimed to give land to
the black Zimbabweans but actually favoured some thousands rich pro-ZANU-PF
supporters, the opposition party actually agreed in the GPA that the "land
'redistribution' is not reversible". This is a rebuttal of the MDC's claim
of defending poor peasants.
It can however be argued that since Mugabe was forced to agree to power
sharing in the first instance, this in itself shows that Mugabe has been
curtailed. This will be a superficial analysis. In the first instance,
Mugabe and the ZANU-PF ruling clique (and its military backbone) desperately
need the power sharing - or a façade of it - that will neutralize the
growing opposition at home. It will be recalled that teachers, medical
workers and civil servants are currently on strike in defence of their
living standards. In the country, which last released inflation rate is more
than 231 million percent, there is acute food scarcity while the currency
has collapsed; the workers' salaries could hardly take them to work talk
much less of helping ensure survival. This has made workers to demand being
paid in foreign currency especially US dollar and South African rand - a
demand that Mugabe has not met. Mugabe knows that these industrial struggles
will develop into political struggles which can unseat him in a political
uprising, and which can give the opposition to lay claim to the movement and
take power.
Furthermore, the economic crisis that had seen tens of thousands fleeing the
country coupled with growing health concerns especially the outbreak of
Cholera that had killed hundreds, can put pressures on pro-capitalist,
pro-imperialism African rulers (many of whom get to and sustain themselves
in power through brazen despotism or fraudulent electoral means) to isolate
Mugabe. It is the summation of these points that have made the power sharing
a lifeline for Mugabe rather than a curtailment. With the limited inclusion
of MDC factions, Mugabe may hope to get economic and humanitarian supports
from the international community and reduce tension. It may also afford
Mugabe to neutralize political opposition. The power sharing rather than
emboldening and building MDC's strength, will give the Mugabe's government
and its ZANU-PF ruling clique, the opportunity to neutralize the opposition
and ensure the continued existence in power of ZANU-PF ruling caste and its
military backbone. This is the same way that Mugabe neutralized its former
political adversary - ZAPU - when the latter joined force with Mugabe in a
political alliance that led to the neutralization of ZAPU. With MDC
commitment to neo-liberal capitalist policies of privatization,
commercialization, retrenchment, etc, the MDC will be at some period
isolated and lose its mass base. This is what Mugabe is looking and waiting
for.
Imperialism's hypocrisy is clearly manifested in the current issue of
Zimbabwe. It is funny that the same imperialism especially Gordon Brown's
Britain and other European ruling class that condemned Mugabe and called for
his removal for human rights violations and in fact placed embargos on
Zimbabwe, which compounded the suffering of the Zimbabwean poor, is
committed to the agreement and the power sharing process. In fact, US and
European imperialisms condemned South Africa and SADC for the so-called
quiet diplomacy over Zimbabwe, but the same ruling classes were quick to
accept the power sharing agreement. This clearly shows the nature of the
so-called international community - it is a structure for the continuation
of capitalist profit-system - where the interests of the common people come
last, if at all. The Zimbabwe crisis also reflects the rottenness of African
ruling classes. While many of African rulers claimed to be committed to
"quiet diplomacy", none of them could even clearly condemn Zimbabwe neither
did they condemn western capitalist imperialisms' role in the suffering of
poor Zimbabweans. Even those who condemned Mugabe either did so on behalf of
imperialism (like Botwana's president) or are themselves not different from
Mugabe (like Angola's Dos Santos). In fact, African rulers through SADC
actually helped Mugabe to stabilize, because the fear of a latent uprising
in Zimbabwe that can inspire other African poor, is the beginning of wisdom
for these corrupt, pro-imperialist rulers. This explains why most of African
ruling classes are conduit pipes for imperialist plunder of the Africa,
which despite having huge human and material wealth, constitute one of the
world's most poor.
The MDC's involvement in the Mugabe's government is a reflection of the fact
that the poor people need an independent working class political alternative
with a socialist orientation. Tsvangirai's excuse that there is need for
stability is unfounded and fraudulent. The same Tsvangirai fought for almost
one year in order to secure most viable positions, especially finance
ministry, in the cabinet. In actual fact, MDC and Tsvangirai's interests,
aside the crass struggle for power and official perks, only wants to satisfy
the interests of imperialism. This explains why it was ready to accept
participation in the government immediately some 'juicy' positions like
finance minister, which could allow it to implement the neo-liberal
capitalist policies, that will again put the agricultural and natural
resources of the country to multinational vampires and their local
collaborators. According to the spokesperson of MDC and Deputy Information
minister, Bright Matonga "We will respect property rights; we will respect
the issue of declaration and repatriation of dividends,...So really we are
inviting people in manufacturing, in tourism, in farming, in mining." This
is another euphemism for privatization, commercialization, liberalization,
etc which are being implemented by various African leaders but have led to
more suffering and political instability.
Tsvangirai himself was quoted in a post-swearing in rally to have committed
himself to neo-liberalism. Though he promised to start paying workers US
dollar salaries and called on them to resume, this is just a stop gap
measure and has nothing to do with the real living standard of the poor. In
the first instance, what caused the demand for dollar salary is the collapse
of the economy engendered in the first instance by Mugabe's implementation
of WTO/World Bank-inspired neo-liberal policies - the same policies which
Tsvangirai and both factions of MDC have committed himself to. Tsvangirai
also promised to seek for humanitarian support from multilateral agencies to
resolve the health and food problems. While some minimal support may come
the way of Zimbabwe in this direction, the reality is that adequate
resolution of the health and food crises can only be resolved when the
agricultural and natural resources of the country is put into public
ownership and used for the interests of the poor people.
The Zimbabwe's crisis has further exposed the limitation of the so-called
progressive or leftist intellectuals in Africa, many of whom either support
imperialism and MDC in the name of fighting for democracy or blindly support
Mugabe's despotic rule under the guise of fighting imperialism, without
giving a working class political alternative that will defeat imperialism
and despotism - which will come together at some critical point when their
interests merge, as currently witnessed. All this point to one thing - the
working people need their own mass party that will be democratically built
from the grassroot to the national level. Such a party will link the
immediate demands of the people - vis-à-vis end to despotism and poverty
with the ultimate need for a system change. This will mean a struggle for
genuine land distribution for the millions of poor peasants, massive public
works programmes that will provide jobs for millions of youth and
unemployed, nationalization of the commanding height of the economy under
the democratic control of the working poor themselves coupled with
agro-inspired industrialization that will develop the country on an
environmentally friendly and sustainable bases.
While the central trade union, ZTUC vaguely condemned MDC collaboration with
Mugabe, it has also tacitly given a nod to the power-sharing in a defeatist
manner without building a working class alternative. This placed enormous
tasks before the Zimbabwean working class activists to start to build a mass
working poor political alternative. Of course, there may be some illusions
in the power sharing for now, but political development will further shows
to the mass of people, the frauds of Mugabe's anti-imperialist propaganda
and MDC fake commitment to people's welfare. The coming period will provide
the working mass of people of Zimbabwe and indeed Africa (where neo-liberal
capitalist has held sway) with the necessary lessons needed to build a
political alternative for socialist-oriented revolution.
*Kola Ibrahim contributed this to Economic Confidential from Obafemi Awolowo
University (OAU), Ile-Ife, Nigeria, 08059399178, kmarx4live@yahoo.com

The Herald up to its usual mischief

http://www.herald.co.zw/inside.aspx?sectid=1809&cat=1

CFU implicated in Tsvangirai crash

Herald Reporter

THE Commercial Farmers' Union has been implicated in the car crash that
claimed Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai's wife as it also emerged that a
senior official in the Premier's Office had declined an offer of
security-trained State drivers to chauffer the Premier to his rural home
during the fateful weekend.

This comes against the background of claims in some circles that had the
State provided adequate security no lives would have been lost.

However, it is understood that on February 19, 2009, the secretary in the
Prime Minister's Office, Mr Ian Makone, wrote a letter to CMED (Private)
Limited with a list of drivers he wanted to chauffer Mr Tsvangirai around.

Although Mr Makone declined to comment on the matter, sources said the
secretary to the Premier had turned down an offer of security-trained State
drivers in preference for drivers from the MDC-T party.

He allegedly proffered a list of eight drivers, their national
identification numbers and their licence numbers.

When contacted last week, Mr Makone refused to comment, referring all
questions to one of the party spokesmen, Mr James Maridadi, who told The
Herald that they were not overly concerned about what instructions were
given pertaining to drivers and security ahead of the fatal accident.

"I think we should focus on beefing up security and ensuring that it does
not happen again," he said.

However, a local weekly newspaper, The Standard, reported that a company
based in Boston, John Snow International (JSI), was claiming ownership of
the Nissan truck and that the company's operations were being conducted at
the CFU headquarters in Marlborough.

Last week, the United States Embassy in Harare issued a statement disowning
the Nissan Diesel truck that side-wiped PM Tsvangirai's vehicle but
confirmed that it had been bought with their money. This is despite the fact
that the truck's registration, 81TCE128, belongs to a configuration reserved
for United States Embassy vehicles by the Central Vehicle Registry.

Initially, the Americans had admitted that the car belonged to their
government's development agency, Usaid, and that it was carrying out US and
UK business at the time of the crash.

The statement said the truck was "delivering essential HIV and Aids drugs
and medical supplies to health clinics under an effort co-financed by Usaid
and the United Kingdom Department for International Development".

The Herald is reliably informed that the contractor in question is Crown
Agents, a concern

with roots steeped deep in British colonialism and which was only
"privatised" in 1997.

The company's website says they work directly with the UK and American
governments and it lists among its "permanent" and "elected" members as the
Royal Commonwealth Society, the UK International Chamber of Commerce, BBC
World Service Trust and the Commonwealth Business Council among others.

Government and diplomatic observers, yesterday, said there was need for
greater scrutiny of the operations of all the organisations involved.

"Yes, JSI could have been involved logistically in Usaid and DfID's work but
something does not sound right about it all. And the starting point would be
to question what, if any, connection there is between JSI and white
commercial farmers," a Government official said.

A diplomatic source said: "Crown Agents, Usaid, JSI and DfID have been
working together for a long time now and it would be natural to want to know
their positions on the accident.

"They worked closely when the cholera outbreak was at its peak and
Zimbabwean security authorities should determine exactly how far this
friendship and their interests in the country go."

He added: "It might be a coincidence but JSI's headquarters here are at what
is called Agriculture House or CFU (Commercial Farmers' Union) House in
Marlborough. On the day of the accident, white commercial farmers were at
the scene before the Prime Minister's own close people knew what had
happened."

The farmers, mainly from the Beatrice area, were at the scene of the
accident before even the police and had run-ins with security details as
they filmed and photographed the wreckage.

Independent House of Assembly Member of Parliament Professor Jonathan Moyo
has called for a full international investigation into the accident to
prevent a cover-up.

No hope for progress with Mugabe in charge

http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=13506

March 16, 2009

By Tendai Dumbutshena

AFTER nearly three decades of untrammelled power, Robert Mugabe has driven
Zimbabwe into a ditch. He owes it to the country and its people, at this
late hour, to do the only correct thing that can get it out of the ditch.

He must announce that, at the very latest, he will retire from all forms of
politics after the adoption of a new constitution early next year. Most
people will argue that his exit is an immediate imperative.

In December 2009, Mugabe's five-year term as president of Zanu-PF comes to
an end. He should inform the country and his party that he will not seek
re-election. He should ask the party to prepare for his succession and that
of the dead wood that surrounds him to provide an opportunity for a new and
younger leadership cadre to lead Zanu-PF.

In the country elections are expected to be held next year after the
adoption of a new constitution. Mugabe should inform the nation that he will
not stand. It must be an unequivocal commitment to Zimbabwe and the world
that the Mugabe era will end when new elections are held, preferably in the
first quarter of 2010. This is what is needed to restore confidence in
Zimbabwe's future.

Two things must happen to reverse Zimbabwe's catastrophic decline. Firstly,
there must be a transition to an open democratic society firmly rooted in a
strict adherence to the rule of law in all its manifestations. Secondly, a
massive and well structured financial aid package is required to fund
immediate needs and get the economy productive. Money that comes in dribs
and drabs will not do.

Nothing short of a Marshall Plan for Zimbabwe will do, given the enormity of
the crisis. In fact, what is required as a starting point is debt
cancellation. Given the global financial crisis, there is no money to pay
for Zimbabwe's debts and fund a rescue package. Criteria for debt
cancellation are clearly spelt out. Central to it are good political
governance and sound economic management. These criteria cannot be met under
a Mugabe government. If this fundamental reality is not accepted Zimbabwe's
recovery is simply not possible.

Mugabe cannot be part of Zimbabwe's transition to a true democracy. It would
require a miraculous metamorphosis of his persona. By his own admission he
is a disciple of a closed one-party dictatorship. Pluralism in politics is
anathema to him. People must not be fooled by recent conciliatory remarks on
the need for peace and reconciliation. These are words which, so far, are
not matched by deeds. They do not reflect reality on the ground.

At precisely the moment he called for reconciliation at the late Susan
Tsvangirai's funeral service last Tuesday, homes of MDC officials in Buhera
were being torched. Innocent people continue to languish in prison. Violence
and arrests continue unabated. Mutare's MDC deputy mayor is the latest high
profile victim of arbitrary arrests.

Over a week ago authorities in South Africa's border town of Musina closed a
site where about 3 000 Zimbabwean refugees were sheltered. Six months after
the signing of the Global Political Agreement which promised all sorts of
freedoms and reforms, none of these people opted to return to Zimbabwe,
literally 10 kilometres across the border. Instead they chose to trek
southwards to an uncertain future in Pretoria and Johannesburg.

They do not believe in a future offered by a government controlled by
Mugabe. They do not believe that Mugabe is genuinely committed to the
democratic transformation of Zimbabwe. Those who fled violence do not
believe that they can return home, partake in free political activity and
remain safe and free. Their fears are reinforced by the continued menacing
presence of Mugabe as head of this inclusive government. Like many
Zimbabweans they know that this inclusive government is a cynical tactical
ploy by Mugabe to buy legitimacy and time to prepare for a violent onslaught
in the next election.

Put simply, the chances of Zimbabwe's economic recovery under Mugabe are
nil.

But Mugabe must not call it a day because some foreigners demand it. He must
do so because it is in the best interests of his country and people. He must
do so for posterity. He has a chance to salvage something positive from what
has been a disastrous reign. At this critical juncture he is a colossal
impediment to progress.

As prime author of Zimbabwe's demise he owes it to the country to give its
people the best opportunity to rebuild their lives and country. He owes it
to all those who fled violent persecution and sought economic opportunities
outside Zimbabwe to create conditions for their return. He must quit office
in order to give his people a chance to make Zimbabwe a land of opportunity
for them and their children.

If Mugabe were to announce his exit today confidence in Zimbabwe's future
would soar to unbelievable heights. If Zimbabwe were a listed company its
shares would hit the roof. Zimbabweans in the Diaspora would return home in
their thousands. Hope and confidence emanating from Zimbabweans would
galvanize the international community into concrete action to render
assistance for its reconstruction.

A political and economic renaissance of Zimbabwe would, given its relatively
solid human capital base, transform it into a small but dynamic emerging
economy. The present generation of Zimbabweans would be able to bequeath a
decent country to its children and grandchildren.

There is another reason why Mugabe should depart. After 29 years in power
and aged 85, what can he offer the country? Zimbabwe faces daunting
political and economic challenges. What can an obstinate octogenarian so
wedded to the sterile politics of one-party rule offer a country in
desperate need of fundamental political and economic transformation?

What can he offer his own party which faces certain death should he continue
to lead it. If Zanu-PF does not embark on a serious path of reform under a
young and forward-looking leadership, it will perish. Mugabe's continued
leadership poses a mortal danger not only to Zimbabwe but Zanu-PF itself.

An enormous responsibility rests on the shoulders of Zanu-PF and MDC
leaders.

They should realize that Mugabe is a huge liability to the country. At this
critical juncture no progress can be made with him as leader. He is central
to the solution of Zimbabwe's problem. But he is only a central solution if
he quits the central stage of power he has occupied over the past 29 years.
If he continues to occupy that space no solution is possible.

The majority of Zimbabweans have no confidence in him. They see his
departure from the political stage as a sine qua non of the rebirth of a new
Zimbabwe. They do not, unlike elements of the MDC's leadership, see any
hopeful future in a political dispensation dominated by Mugabe.

Church offers only home

http://www.businessday.co.za

17 March 2009

Sam Mkokeli finds that sleep is elusive for Johannesburg's refugees

HOW do you sleep at night? That is a difficult question for Timothy Gera, a
Zimbabwean refugee who is among thousands who have found shelter at
Johannesburg's Central Methodist Church. Many of them do not have an
immediate answer to the question. They gasp for air, before looking around
to see if any among them has an answer.

There are 2500 people who sleep inside the church building, and 2000 more
who line up along the pavements in the nearby Smal Street arcade.

For Gera, night time is a painful reality, every night.

During the day, he goes around selling his limited skills. Sometimes he gets
R30 for a day's labour. Jobs that come by include construction work, where
he helps builders.

"It is painful to sleep here," he says, referring to the third-floor passage
inside the church.

Gera usually nods off around 2am, and will be up by 4am, having had very
little rest.

Then it's time to get ready for poshto, Zimbabwean slang for feeding schemes
that come some mornings, sometimes not.

When they do come, each person gets four slices of bread and tea. Some days,
they are fed a portion of pap "the size of my fist", says Machengere Tapiwa
.

At night, the women are locked up in four rooms of the church building for
their safety, unless they choose to stay with the rest. The other refugees
line up along the church corridors in all sorts of directions, hoping for
that elusive deep sleep.

The Smal Street Mall is an arcade linking two streets. People squeeze into
rows stretching the whole 200m of the arcade. They sleep on cardboard boxes,
some use sheets of plastic for a bit of warmth, a few have tattered
blankets, and for the rest, their ragged clothes will do.

Before dawn on Friday last week a handful of people were up, sitting outside
the church entrance, blowing smoke through their noses and mouths. The smell
of dagga fills the air, adding to the unhygienic smell characterising the
place.

It is quiet until 4am, when most of the refugees get up to start their day.
They make their "beds" by wrapping up their pieces of cardboard, plastic
bags, and grain bags. Others brush their teeth with toothpasteless brushes ,
while some freshen up on the pavement on Pritchard Street, with water out of
Coke bottles. As the sun rises, many have their backpacks on their backs,
and a few are hitting the road, hoping that this will be the day they find a
piece-job.

At 6.30am, a truck pulls up to empty the 20 portable toilets on the pavement
in front of the church, re leasing a deep stench. But that odour has become
familiar to many who go on without covering their noses.

Bishop Paul Verryn, of the church, says : "People sleep on the steps, many
without blankets. Many do not have a semblance of privacy in any part of
their day."

He says because of the "profoundly difficult" and depressing situation in
the refugee community, "morality can begin to seem irrelevant and anything
goes", such as sex on the church steps and even prostitution.

Verryn says there are many pregnant women who sleep in the building, but is
quick to say they were pregnant when they arrived. There are also 70 babies.

The City of Johannesburg and the church are at odds, with the municipality
threatening to close down the building if the refugees are not driven out.

The church is the refuge that draws them to the city, and hundreds of
refugees have arrived since the government closed down a camp for displaced
Zimbabweans in Musina, Limpopo.

Sleep deprived, they stumble through their days in the city, and try to
survive the deprivation in the church and mall at night. But to many
refugees, the horrors are nothing compared with the situation back home.

mkokelis@bdfm.co.za