Mugabe Parties While Zimbabwe Collapses

Prof. Mutambara: Mugabe's personal opinion does not constitute
govt. policy

http://www.hararetribune.com


Written by Prof. Mutambara
Saturday, 28 February 2009 21:04

The Deputy Prime Minister of the Republic of Zimbabwe Professor Arthur
G. O. Mutambara does not regret any statements that he has made on the
current Monetary Policy and the National Budget.

He stands by every word that he uttered on the above.

When President Robert Mugabe made reference to Professor Mutambara on
ZTV, with regards to the above issues, he was expressing his own personal
views.

The deputy Prime Minister would want to put it on record that he
totally disagrees with these personal views of Mugabe.

It is important that Zimbabweans make a distinction between Mugabe's
personal views and public policy.

The Deputy prime minister responding to Mugabe's statement he made on
national TV Thursday.

President Robert Mugabe shot down recent suggestions by Deputy Prime
Minister, Arthur Mutambara who said last week that the just delivered
monetary policy statement and the national budget would be revised.

Mutambara advised business to disregard the fiscal and monetary
policies recently announced by the then Acting Finance Minister, Patrick
Chinamasa and the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe governor, Gideon Gono.

Mutambara contended the controversial blueprints were produced without
the necessary consultations among stakeholders and were thus fundamentally
flawed.

The statement by the Deputy Prime Minister elicited an angry response
from Gono who declared he was still in charge of the central bank and as
such, his policies stood.

But in a development that has further exposed the huge differences
among government leaders, President Mugabe made a scathing dismissal of the
Deputy Prime Minister's comments.

"That's just an utterance," he said in his first public comments on
recent developments since the formation of the unity government.

In a televised interview this week, that was made to coincide with his
85th birthday, Mugabe said Mutambara's comments did not at all constitute
the correct government policy.

"Those were emotional utterances. I am sure Mutambara regrets where he
said the monetary policy must be nullified.

"How do you nullify a budget that has gone through Parliament? It's
the one that (Finance Minister Tendai) Biti is using, including the monetary
policy. So you don't nullify it."

Mugabe said Mutambara was still new and was thus still prone to making
mistakes.

"You must also grant that we have new people and they would be making
a few mistakes," he said. "Well if mistakes are outrageous, naturally they
put people off but we try to correct each other.

"I have not been making any statements myself. In fact I have avoided
making statements.

"We should as much as possible keep quiet and talk to ourselves in the
chambers that we have provided ourselves with and we have those chambers.

We meet and I don't see why but of course there is always the instinct
of 'let the people hear me and let my voice be heard', but it may be a
croaking voice, you know. Not harmonious and it's not everybody who can
sing. Very few people have nice voices, some will make you deaf."

Meanwhile, President Robert Mugabe in the same interview rubbished
reports that he has secretly bought a £4m bolt-hole in the Far East saying
the massive mansion was being rented for his daughter Bona.

The London Sunday Times reports that Mugabes' house, in an exclusive
residential complex in Hong Kong, was purchased on their behalf by a
middleman through a shadowy company whose registered office is in a run-down
tenement block.

When a reporter and a photographer called at the house last week, they
were attacked by the Zimbabwean occupants.

Mugabe last night said the mansion was not his but it was where his
20-year-old daughter was staying while she was in university n Hong Kong.

"There is a property in which our girl and a relative, the two
students studying in Hong Kong, are staying," Mugabe said.

"We pay rent. After they have finished, we will have nothing to do
with that home at all."
Mugabe said a private company had arranged real estate issues and
secured that property for Bona to rent.

"Because we could not get any other property which we could put them
in, we had this company which offered that house not on sale but rental and
we pay rental because the girl staying there has got to have room for our
security people also," Mugabe said. "What do I do with a house in Hong Kong
really?"

The property came to light during a Sunday Times investigation into
the Mugabes' financial interests in Asia, where a web of associates has
helped them to spend lavishly on luxuries and stash away millions in bank
accounts.

In Zimbabwe, meanwhile, inflation has reached 89,7 sextillion percent,
unemployment stands at 94 percent and almost 4,000 people have died in
recent months from cholera.

Mugabe said he was still building his mansion in Harare and said he
had spent the last 12 years building the Borrowdale property and why would
he need to another house.

"Every month we pay lots of money to (Yugoslavian company) Energo
(Project), we pay Energo (for completing the house)," he said. "Why would I
need a house in Hong Kong, for what?"

Mugabe scoffed at reports that he had another house in Malaysia given
to him by former President Mahathiar Mohammed, a friend to Mugabe, for use
as bolt hole when he seek political asylum.

He was adamant that he was going nowhere and that he would never
abandon his country. He said: "Here l was born and here l fought and I will
die."

Seaway touted as a bonanza for landlocked African states

http://www.thenational.ae/

Thulani Mpofu, Foreign Correspondent

Last Updated: March 01. 2009 9:30AM UAE / March 1. 2009 5:30AM GMT

BULAWAYO // Landlocked Zimbabwe and three of its neighbours could have a
direct link to the Indian Ocean, if an ambitious US$3 billion (Dh11bn)
project to open up the Zambezi River to commercial traffic materialises.

First mooted in the 1950s to reduce freight costs for landlocked countries
in southern Africa, the Zambezi Seaway Project will handle cargo for
Zimbabwe, Zambia, Malawi and Botswana.

The seaway would be 1,500km long from Victoria Falls in western Zimbabwe, to
the ocean to the east. Promoters of the gigantic scheme, the Zambezi Seaway
Corporation, say it will offer a cheaper, faster and more efficient route to
the ocean, thus boosting economies in the hinterland.

John Holland, the project engineer, said the venture would be implemented in
two phases and two sites have been identified at which ports will be built.
He said when complete, the route will mainly transport minerals and other
bulky cargo.

"The benefits [will be] immense," said Mr Holland. "The current cost of
transportation of all goods and minerals to the coast is prohibitive to many
heavy minerals. Floating minerals to the coast will make all goods and
minerals competitive on world markets leading to an industrial boom.

"The current cost of a container sometimes filled with relatively light
goods is around US$3,000 to Europe. Over half of that cost is to the port of
Durban [in South Africa]. More competitive goods equals more meaningful
investment and as a consequence, more economic growth to the entire region."

He said jobs will also be created from building and running the route.

The Zambezi is southern Africa's largest shared river basin and Africa's
third biggest. It flows for 2,574km from north-western Zambia, through
Angola, Namibia, Botswana and Zimbabwe to the Indian Ocean on the Mozambican
coast.

The river supports southern Africa's largest hydro-electrical power
stations - Kariba on the Zambia-Zimbabwe border and Cahora Bassa in
Mozambique. They provide electricity to seven southern African countries -
Botswana, Namibia, South Africa, Zimbabwe, Zambia, Mozambique and Malawi.

Abundant wildlife thrives along its shores and in its waters and it is the
centrepiece of the tourism sectors in the riparian states.

Mr Holland said raising money to finance the venture will be difficult.
However, he said there is already interest from investors who have a
long-term view of benefits likely to accrue from the seaway.

"One only has to look at the economic impact of say the St Lawrence Seaway
to the USA and Canada constructed in the main for timber and grain to see
the future and there are investors who prefer long-term solid investment
with guaranteed growth. Again those investors involved in mining in Zambia,
particularly the Copper Belt, may feel the only way to survive is to cut the
costs of transport of the copper making copper sales both competitive and
secure," said Mr Holland.

He added that the developers will dredge some sections, while canals and
locks will be used to circumvent rapids.

The Cahora Bassa gorge and dam wall will also have to be circumvented for,
"If it were feasible to construct the St Lawrence Seaway to the Great Lakes
of Canada and the USA, circumventing the Niagara Falls for essentially the
transportation of grain and timber, then all the rich mineral deposits in
Central Africa make a seaway," said the Zambezi Seaway Corporation on its
website.

"We will seek government assistance so that we sign a memorandum of
understanding with the participating countries," said Aguy Georgias, the
managing director of Trinity Engineering and Zimbabwe's deputy minister of
economic development and main mover of the scheme. "We will then set up a
public company which will be floated internationally to raise funds."

Environmentalists are uneasy at the prospect of a new, large-scale
infrastructural development project on the Zambezi. They hope that in
addition to environmental concerns, prohibitive costs and rapids will
frustrate progress.

"However, before we can worry about disruption of the environment, they need
large sums of money to finance environmental impact assessments and to
dredge sand on the river, which is heavily silted in places," said Johnny
Rodrigues, the chairman of the Zimbabwe Conservation Trust. "The plan is a
joke, considering the huge costs involved. Regional countries are generally
financially unsound, so at the moment and in the foreseeable future, the
project is not feasible."

Apart from plentiful wildlife, the Zambezi also hosts Victoria Falls, one of
the globe's most spectacular waterfall and designated as one of the Seven
Wonders of the World.

Innocent Hodzonge, the director of Environment Africa, said Malawi could
refuse to participate in the venture because it is already developing the
$6bn Zambezi-Shire Waterways project which will link it to the Indian Ocean.

In May 2007, Malawi signed an agreement with Zambia and Mozambique to reopen
the waterway, which will help them save more than $250m on transport costs,
according to South Africa-based TradeInvest Africa, an online portal on
business, trade and investment in Africa.

"I look at the floods on the Zambezi destroying millions of acres of
foliage, wildlife because insufficient funds are donated to dredge and keep
the water course clear," Mr Holland said. "I see automatic conservation that
these environmentalists are not seized with, building up river banks
preventing soil erosion."

Tsvangirai Snubs Mugabe Party

http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com


Saturday, 28 February 2009 21:38
PRIME Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, despite being invited, on Saturday
did not attend President Robert Mugabe's lavish 85th birthday celebrations
noting that it was a Zanu PF party event.

Instead, Tsvangirai spent the day, hard at work, with Deputy Prime
Minister Thokozani Khupe and the Minister of Health, Dr Henry Madzorera
exploring ways to raise funds for Harare Central hospital.

The Prime Minister was reportedly moved by the dire state of the
referral hospital he visited on Friday and pledged to raise US$1.5 million
for it to resume normal operations.

Tsvangirai, who had considered attending Mugabe's celebrations in an
effort to show his commitment to the inclusive government, is said to have
been alarmed by the programme which showed the event would basically remain
a Zanu PF event, though the political landscape in Zimbabwe has changed.

The Prime Minister received the official invitation at 3pm but in 90
minutes he had already notified Mugabe that he would not want to be part of
it.

James Maridadi, the PM's spokesperson said Saturday: "The PM received
the invite, acknowledged it and sent his congratulations. He, however,
regretted that he would not attend because he felt it was a Zanu PF
function."

Maridadi said Tsvangirai did not want to intrude at what was clearly a
party event.

Also, Tsvangirai had serious reservations about the event because he
is said to be against turning "individual birthdays" into national events.

Tsvangirai turns 57 on March 10 but has told aides he wants a private
function at his Strathaven home.
A cake bought from a local supermarket and a cup of tea with his wife
and children is all he has planned, The Standard was told.

In contrast Mugabe's birthday celebrations  attracted thousands of
people and were criticised as a "sheer waste of taxpayers' money" at a time
seven million Zimbabweans required food aid because they face starvation.

Mugabe's spokesman, George Charamba tried to put a brave face Saturday
saying the 21st February Movement celebrations were a party event and
"therefore Tsvangirai did not snub them".

The invitation to Mugabe's lavish birthday came at a time when the
shaky political relationship between the two had become increasingly
strained following Mugabe's unilateral appointment of permanent secretaries.
Tsvangirai said the appointments were unconstitutional and would not
be recognized.

Mugabe also worsened matters by digging in on the issue of Reserve
Bank of Zimbabwe, Gideon Gono and Attorney General Johannes Tomana insisting
their appointments, which violate the Global Political Agreement (GPA) were
legal.

Donors have been clear to MDC fundraisers that they cannot be in a
position to help as long as Gono is in charge of the central bank.

Mugabe's behaviour left Tsvangirai facing pressure from members of his
formation to be wary of the President's commitment to the new government.

Sources said members of the MDC- T national executive who met on
Friday called for the review of the party's participation in government in
view of Zanu PF's apparent reluctance to see the full implementation of the
deal.

The national executive members did not want their leader to have
anything to do with Mugabe's birthday celebrations at a time when deputy
minister-designate Roy Bennett, Jestina Mukoko and Gandhi Mudzingwa
continued to languish in jail.

There were also concerns that Tsvangirai's attendance would be in bad
taste at a time when 3 900 people have succumbed to cholera and the
inclusive government was battling to convince donors to fund the country's
reconstruction.

The organisers of the so-called 21st February Movement event had
budgeted up to US$250 000 for expensive cuisine and drinks that included
imported whiskies.

MDC- T spokesman, Nelson Chamisa said Mugabe's birthday was a party
event and Tsvangirai was not obliged to attend. He would do so at any
national events.

But party sources said MDC -T hardliners were growing impatient with
Mugabe's intransigence as shown by the renewed invasion of white owned
farms.

Among the diplomatic community, there was also growing concern over
failure by the inclusive government to fulfill commitments made under the
GPA.

US Ambassador James McGee said in Mutare last week it was time the new
government released all political prisoners, who included Bennett, restored
the rule of law and proved that it was committed to respect for human
rights.

He said "doing so would be an important sign that the unity government
is taking its pledges seriously and honestly to have the country move
forward".

Other discordant voices in the inclusive government came from Deputy
Prime Minister Professor Arthur Mutambara.

In a three-paragraph statement said he did not regret any statements
that he made on the current Monetary Policy and the National Budget and
stands by every word that he uttered on the matter.

"When President Robert Mugabe made reference to Professor Mutambara on
ZTV, with regards to the above issues, he was expressing his own personal
views as a Citizen of Zimbabwe," Mutambara shot back.

"The deputy Prime Minister would want to put it on record that he
totally disagrees with these personal views of Mugabe.

"It is important that Zimbabweans make a distinction between Mugabe's
personal views and public policy."

Mutambara told business people at a meeting in Harare not to base
their planning on RBZ Governor, Dr Gideon Gono's recent monetary measures or
the budget that was presented to Parliament before the new government was
sworn in as these would be reversed.

To which Mugabe told the state broadcaster: "Those were emotional
utterances. I am sure Mutambara regrets where he said the monetary policy
must be nullified. How do you nullify a budget that has gone through
Parliament? It's the one that (Finance Minister Tendai) Biti is using,
including the monetary policy."

BY KHOLWANI NYATHI AND WALTER MARWIZI

PM Sees the Decay First Hand

http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com


Saturday, 28 February 2009 21:09
THE paralysis in the health sector that has seen thousands succumbing
to treatable diseases such as cholera is a result of poor prioritisation by
the previous government, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai said on Friday.

Tsvangirai made the observation after witnessing first hand the
collapse of Harare Central Hospital during a two-hour tour that exposed how
neglect had halted operations at the institution.

He heard that the institution needs US$1,5 million to restore
operations, an amount the Prime Minister felt was affordable.

"I was advised that with US$1,5 million dollars, we should be able to
spruce up this place and get the services running again," Tsvangirai said.

"We have to prioritise our level of national investments. "

He said a new mortuary has not been completed for the past 10 years.

Last year the Governor of the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe, Dr Gideon
Gono, splashed millions of United States dollars on luxury vehicles that
were donated to members of the judiciary, parastatals and other
organisations.

Millions of dollars in scarce foreign currency were also spent on the
Farm Mechanisation Programme that involved the purchasing of farming
equipment such as generators, tractors, combine harvesters and scotch carts.

The central bank through the so-called Medical Skills Retention
programme bought cars for top medical staff running into thousands of US
dollars while ignoring problems in the health sector.

"I think we need to appreciate that a healthy nation is a productive
nation and without the health facilities and a health delivery system there
is no way you can have a productive nation," Tsvangirai said.

As he moved through the casualty wards, maternity wing, paediatric
section, Intensive Care Unit (ICU), kitchen and up to the mortuary,
Tsvangirai constantly shook his head in disbelief as he came face to face
with the extent of the decay at the institution.

Some of problems facing the hospital, Tsvangirai heard, were that the
ICU has not been functioning for the past six years and the children's ward,
closed in October last year because of the work boycott by health workers,
has not reopened.

In the children's ICU life-saving equipment and machinery is not
working and needs repairing.

The radiography department was also in a shambles, with X-ray
equipment that has not been working for years, while there is no
radiographer at the institution.

In addition, Tsvangirai heard that the hospital faced an acute
shortage of essential life-saving drugs and other vital medicines.

After the tour Tsvangirai said he had a full appreciation of the
problems facing the health delivery system and committed the inclusive
government to revamping the country's health sector.

"I think I have an appreciation of the level of needs and challenges
the chief executive and management team is facing and I think it's wide-
ranging from infrastructure to staff conditions.

"All I can say is that this inclusive transitional government has put
health delivery as one of its key priorities," Tsvangirai said.

During Tsvangirai's tour health workers who recently returned to work
after the inclusive government promised to tackle their long running
grievances broke into song and dance.

The secretary-general of the Zimbabwe Health Workers' Association, Dr
Malcolm Masikati said Tsvangirai's visit had given workers hope that their
working conditions would soon improve.

"The arrival of the Prime Minister is a good thing indeed as far as
the development of the hospital's infrastructure is concerned. Harare
hospital is one of the largest hospitals in Zimbabwe since we treat most
people here," Masikati said.

"We also have the largest number of workers here and for him to come
here it is a good starting point. At least he can get a reflection of how
much the rest of the country's health sector must be suffering in Zimbabwe."

Masikati suggested the Prime Minister and the new Minister of Health
and Child Welfare, Dr Henry Madzorera consult representatives of the health
workers in order to find ways of reviving the sector.

Zimbabwe's health sector collapsed as a result of neglect and under
funding.

Under president Robert Mugabe's administration ministries such as
Defence and Home Affairs were allocated the bulk of the funds in the
national budget at the expense of critical sectors like health and
education.

Unable to cope with poor salaries and sub-standard working conditions
health workers walked out of their jobs in October last year, forcing
authorities to close down the institutions.

For the first time in the history of independent Zimbabwe all health
workers -doctors, nurses and support staff - united and staged a protest
march to protest against the decline of service delivery and conditions of
service.

BY BERTHA SHOKO

8 Abductees Granted Bail at Last

http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com


Saturday, 28 February 2009 20:58
A Harare Magistrate on Friday granted bail to eight MDC-T supporters
and human rights activists who were abducted by state agents last year on
accusations they were involved in the recruitment of alleged bandits.

Magistrate Mishrod Guvamombe ordered the release of Concelia
Chinanzavana, Fidelis Chinanzvavana, Fidelis Chiramba, Violet Mupfuranhewe,
Colin Mutemagawu, Manuel Chinanzvavana, Pieta Kaseke, Audrice Mbudzana and
Broderick Takawira on US$600 bail each.

The activists, some of them still battling to recover from injuries
caused by weeks of torture by state agents, were also ordered to report to
their nearest police stations on Mondays and Fridays.

They were abducted between October and November last year on what the
MDC-T insists were "trumped up charges" of banditry, sabotage and terrorism.

Takawira is an employee of the Zimbabwe Peace Project (ZPP) whose
director Jestina Mukoko remains in custody on the same charges.

Takawira failed to attend his father's funeral on Thursday. Guvamombe
set March 4 as the trial date for the activists.

However, the activists had not been released by yesterday morning as
the defence team, led by Alec Muchadehama, was still battling to raise the
amount required for the bail which he said was "too much".
He described the conditions of most of the activists as grave since
they had no access to adequate treatment.

"Their conditions are very severe and they need urgent medical
attention," Muchadehama said.

During the first week of last month, the Zimbabwe Association of
Doctors for Human Rights (ZADHR) reported that Chiramba, the MDC-T district
chairperson for Zvimba South showed signs of cardiac failure caused by
severe hypertension.

The defence team is also alleging that most of the activists were
subjected to various forms of torture and inhuman treatment from their day
of disappearance and during the incarceration period.

Muchadehama said that they were seeking urgent medical treatment for
the activists most of whom he said might need to be hospitalized, once
released from jail.

Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai has demanded the unconditional
release of all political detainees in the spirit of the power-sharing
agreement that ushered in the new inclusive government.

On Wednesday he said: "With respect to detainees, the Principals to
the Global Political Agreement, namely myself, President Mugabe and Deputy
Prime Minister Mutambara, last week agreed that all political detainees who
have been formally charged with a crime should be released on bail and those
that have not been charged should be released unconditionally. This has not
yet happened.

"Indeed, rather than allowing the judicial process to take its course
with regard to the granting of bail, the Attorney General's office is
willfully obstructing the release of all detainees by abusing the appeal
process and this must stop forthwith."

But President Robert Mugabe who has been accused of acting in bad
faith insists the courts should be allowed to determine the cases on merit
and at their own pace.

BY EDGAR GWESHE

Pandemonium

http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com


Saturday, 28 February 2009 20:58
CHINHOYI - Hungry Zanu PF supporters fell over each other as they
scrambled for food at President Robert Mugabe's much hyped 85th birthday
celebrations yesterday, where ordinary people were served boiled meat and
sadza.

There was pandemonium as elderly people and youths rushed to the
serving points soon after a combative Mugabe finished his winding speech.

Bouncers worked over time trying to control queues as people fought
their way to get their portions of the ordinary meal served on plastic paper
plates and old newspapers because of a shortage of plates.

For the people, there was no sign of the classy cuisine and expensive
drinks budgeted for by the organisers of the North Korean-style event.

Top government officials, including Mugabe, had their lunch at a hotel
where entry was restricted.

In his speech, Mugabe vowed the violent land seizures from white
commercial farmers would continue despite the inauguration of the unity
government.

He said there would be no letting up on the land redistribution
despite concerns it was poisoning the political environment and worsening
the economic collapse.

"Once a farm is designated the original owner must be prepared to
vacate that farm within a time frame that is acceptable," he said.

Mugabe dismissed the ruling by the South African Development Community
(Sadc) Tribunal that gave beleaguered farmers a reprieve, describing it as a
non-event.

"That's nonsense, absolutely nonsense," he said. "We have courts here
in the country which can determine the rights of our people."

He assured his supporters that Zanu PF was still in charge despite
losing its parliamentary majority to the Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC) formations in last year's elections.

"In the hierarchy I am on top as the President, followed by Vice-
President Joseph Msika and Joyce Mujuru then (Prime Minister Morgan)
Tsvangirai and his deputies, it has come to this because we lost the March
elections," he said.

About 4 000 people, including Zanu PF ministers and those who were
dropped from the cabinet, attended the event.

Ordinary people said they attended because they thought Tsvangirai
would be part of the proceedings.

Mugabe's rectangular cake weighed 85kg and it was written 85 on all
sides with different decorative colours.

BY CAIPHAS CHIMHETE

Exodus of Key Staff Worries Bulawayo Council

http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com


Saturday, 28 February 2009 20:55
BULAWAYO - The City Council lost more than half of its workforce last
year alone and fears persist of more losses of critical staff this year.

Middleton Nyoni, the city treasurer, told a Zimbabwe National Chamber
of Commerce (ZNCC) meeting that council was left with 3 125 workers
following massive resignations.

He blamed the unusually high staff turnover on the uncertainty caused
by the government's order for the Zimbabwe National Water Authority to take
over water and sewer reticulation from all local authorities.

But the MDC-controlled council resisted the takeover, which the
government has since reversed.

"Sadly, we have had challenges in our efforts to deliver services that
would satisfy you and the other consumers," Nyoni said.

"We have various challenges that relate to service delivery and one of
them is that of labour. As council, we lost quite a number of workers last
year."

From an initial workforce of about 6 200, the council is left with
only 3 125 workers.

"This, however, puts a strain on the effectiveness and efficiency of
council's service delivery."

He said council had no capacity to fill the vacant posts because of
cash flow problems that have been worsened by the dollarisation of the
economy.

Last month, council workers went on strike for more than two weeks
demanding salaries in foreign currency.

"Our major challenge at the moment, given that salaries are now paid
in foreign currency, is to raise the capital to meet the salary bill," Nyoni
said.

"I am sure if the situation does not improve, we are likely to have
more job losses because people are being offered jobs in South Africa and
elsewhere."

Council had proposed a US$189 million budget for this year but it is
being reviewed downwards following an outcry by residents.

BY NKULULEKO SIBANDA

US Dollar Knocks out Flashy 'dealers'

http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com


Saturday, 28 February 2009 20:49
FOREIGN currency dealers who were leading flashy lives courtesy of
Zimbabwe's economic collapse, have become the biggest victims of the
dollarisation of the economy.

The dealers had become well known for leading charmed lives, which
included dining and wining at expensive five-star hotels.

But some of them are now broke and battling for survival. They are
among the millions of Zimbabweans who cannot find jobs.

As the worthless Zimbabwe dollar gave way to multiple currencies, the
black market began to collapse.
 Familiar faces at Bulawayo's notorious "World Bank" along Fort Street
turned to selling imported beer.

And as the market got flooded some began selling recharge cards and
biscuits but were quickly knocked out of business by the modest profits they
were getting.

"Some of my friends have gone back to prostitution," said Sikhangele
Ncube, who now sells mobile phone recharge cards at a popular food court
near the Tredgold Magistrates' courts.

"But there are some who made a lot of money and they have resettled in
Botswana or South Africa."

Unsure of where their next income will come from, some of the dealers
who had left their high-density homes to rent flats in the Avenues area in
Harare and other posh suburbs are retracing their footsteps.

Some have put their luxury cars on the market, where they are fetching
far less than what they were worth only a few months ago because the market
is now flooded.

Shelton Namusi, a former dealer in Harare, said he had abandoned his
trade because of the fast changing economic environment and was set to leave
for South Africa.

"Some of my friends left for South Africa last year when it became
obvious currency dealing was no longer a lucrative business with people
increasingly sidelining the local currency," Namusi said.

"They managed to get jobs in South Africa and they are organising
something for me so I will be joining them soon."

Namusi said he would be forced to move his family from the suburb of
Avonlea to his parents' home in Glen Norah.

"I have enough money to pay the rent in the short term but when I move
to SA, they will have to stay with my parents until I settle down and we see
what we can do," he said.

"God gave us a good life in the past days, we enjoyed it but now is
the time to make some compromises. . . but that does not mean the end of
good things, we just need to explore other avenues and I am certain my move
to SA is one such avenue."

Advertisements for properties to let in the country's elite suburbs
and the Avenues area, which had been invaded by the dealers who could afford
the exorbitant rentals, are increasing in the daily papers and email forums
as dealers seek cheaper housing.

There has also been an increase in the number of vehicles on sale and
it is understood some dealers are selling off these together with some
household goods including furniture.

Nkosinathi Sinini, a car dealer with Leopard Transport, said for most
dealers business started dwindling at the introduction of foreign currency
licensed shops in August last year.

"Another speculation is that most of the foreign currency came from
diamond dealing in Chiadzwa," Sinini said. "With the crackdown on that
source, people are not that liquid anymore."

Sinini said the car dealing business has also been hit hard as most of
their customers were foreign currency dealers.

"Whereas we would import vehicles and they would quickly sell out in
the past, we are now buying more cars locally as most dealers are selling
off to get money to cover various expenses," he said.

"Most of these people invested their money in cars but the painful
thing is that they are now selling at give away prices and contrary to the
past, we as car dealers now have very few customers for these vehicles."

An economic consultant said the price of a 2003 model Mercedes Benz
E240 declined from between US$50 000 and US$55 000 to between US$25 000 and
US$35 000 while that of a 2002 model BMWX5 dropped from between US$40 000
and US$45 000 to between US$20 000 and US$25 000.

But other dealers are still on the streets despite dwindling business.

"People are still changing money for such things as bus fare and other
small transactions," Adamson Shumba, a dealer from Harare's Dzivarasekwa
said.

He said other dealers like him were waiting for the new government to
create jobs so they can go back to the formal sector .

BY JENNIFER DUBE AND NQOBANI NDLOVU

War Veterans Demand Dues in Forex

http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com


Saturday, 28 February 2009 15:44
BULAWAYO - War veterans are demanding monthly pensions in foreign
currency arguing the Zimbabwe dollar has become worthless.

Velaphi Ncube, the Bulawayo war veterans' association spokesperson,
said deepening poverty had forced the ex-combatants to ask government to
consider converting their allowances to more stable foreign currencies.

"War veterans made a lot of sacrifice during the liberation war,"
Ncube said. "The government should keep its promises of taking care of war
veterans who are suffering because of dollarisation."

Government last month started paying civil servants in foreign
currency and most of them were paid an average of US$100 in vouchers
redeemable at banks.

The former fighters, who at the height of the violent land invasions
called on the Zanu PF government to rename the local currency, saying the
dollar was an unwanted colonial vestige, began receiving monthly pensions in
1997 for the role they played in liberating the country.

They are entitled to free treatment at state hospitals, free education
for their children at government schools and most of them are owners of
prime farms grabbed from former commercial farmers.

But runaway inflation has meant that the value of the monthly stipends
they earn in local currency has been eroded, pushing most of them deeper
into poverty.

However, President Robert Mugabe who is the patron of the Zimbabwe
National Liberation War Veterans Association last week said he was opposed
to the payment of salaries in foreign currency.

He said the country did not have adequate foreign currency to sustain
the salaries and was in favour of the resuscitation of the Zimbabwean dollar
now shunned by most traders.

"The monthly allowances we earn in local currency are now worthless
since the local currency is being discarded," Ncube said.

"After consultations with colleagues, we feel that the government
should pay us at least US$80 a month in pensions."

Ncube threatened that the war veterans, notorious for leading violent
demonstrations in support of Mugabe and Zanu PF, would take to the streets
if the government failed to meet their demands or discontinued the pensions.

"Yes we have a new government, but it should continue with the
programmes started by the previous government that used to assist us," he
added.

"There is no reason why the new government should not pay us
allowances in foreign currency and we are prepared for street protests to
press for the consideration of our demands.

Public Service Minister, Professor Elphas Mukonoweshuro referred
inquiries about the veterans' pensions to Defence Minister, Emmerson
Mnangagwa.

"The Defence Ministry is the one that administers the War Veterans'
Pensions Act and it would be best placed to comment about the monthly
allowances for war veterans," Mukonoweshuro said.

Mnangagwa could not be reached for comment. Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai has on several occasions reiterated that the country is broke and
cannot afford lavish spending especially in foreign currency.

Economic analysts trace the root of Zimbabwe's current economic
problems to November 1997 when the war veterans, then numbering about 50
000, arm-twisted Mugabe to award them a lump sum of $50 000 each in
unbudgeted funds.

BY NQOBANI NDLOVU

Report 'without fear or favour' Journos Told

http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com


Saturday, 28 February 2009 15:40
JOHANNESBURG - A leading South African media expert has urged the
Zimbabwean media to play a crucial role in the country's reconstruction by
reporting without "fear or favour" following the formation of an inclusive
government.

Witwatersrand University head of Journalism and Media Studies,
Professor Antony Harber, urged the polarised media to promote transparency
by exposing corruption.

"Media always has a difficult balancing act to perform in times of
transformation but it is worth remembering that they serve the cause best by
fearless reporting, by questioning, by being sceptical, by asking all the
tough questions and fighting for the right answers," he said.

 "This is a time to serve the people, to serve the truth, and not to
serve narrow interests."

Zimbabwe's media has been polarised over the years mirroring the
hostilities between President Robert Mugabe's Zanu PF and the Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) formations, which became part of an inclusive
government two weeks ago.

Harber doubted the dispensation would result in instant change in the
way various media in Zimbabwe approached issues. "I hope the Zimbabwe media
would stop the kind of polarised reporting," he said.

"I doubt their agendas will change, but one would hope that some media
at least can rise above this and see their job as reporting what is going
on, pushing and probing, without fear or favour."

According to the September 15 power-sharing agreement, the media is
expected to provide balanced and fair coverage to all parties.

However, there are concerns, the State media has been slow in adapting
as witnessed by its constant use of hate language. - CAJ News

Starving Villagers Look to NGOs for Salvation

http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com


Saturday, 28 February 2009 15:40
FEARING that roots and wild fruits that saved them from starvation for
the better part of last year are fast running out, villagers in rural
Masvingo have made an urgent appeal to aid agencies for increased food
rations.

The villagers in Gutu in Masvingo have written to Christian Care
requesting emergency food aid, highlighting the desperation in most parts of
the country.

Most of the villagers did not harvest anything during the 2007/8 year
because of drought and have been surviving on wild fruits as donors battled
to meet rising demand.

Christian Care national director Reverend Forbes Matonga confirmed the
villagers had appealed for more aid because of pervasive hunger in the rural
areas across the country.

"They wrote appealing for food. They said now that hacha (a wild
fruit) is no longer available people will starve to death," Matonga told
delegates at a recent Centre for Peace Initiatives in Africa (CPIA)
conference. "We are in a serious humanitarian crisis."

The situation in Gutu is a reflection of most rural areas,
particularly those lying in regions that receive poor rains.

The most affected provinces are Manicaland, Masvingo, Matabeleland
South and Mashonaland Central.

According to an assessment by the government and United Nations (UN)
agencies, the number of Zimbabwean households consuming three meals a day
declined from 54% in 2006 to 23% this year.

The Zimbabwe Vulnerability Assessment Committee's January 2009 report
notes that hunger had deepened in the country during the past three years
forcing many families to cut back on daily meals.

The World Food Programme (WFP), which fed over five million people in
February, said the food situation in the country has deteriorated more
drastically than expected.

"In the worst affected communities, people are surviving on reduced
food aid rations and wild foods - as well as resorting to other desperate
measures such as selling remaining household assets or using tree bark or
soil as a cereal supplement," WFP said.

"Soon people may be forced to start consuming "green maize" (picking
it far too early)."

January and February are usually the peak of the hunger season before
the main harvest in April.
Amon Gutukutu (56) of Mt Darwin in Mashonaland Central said many
villagers were exchanging their livestock for food to save their families
from starvation.

Villagers, he said, were exchanging a goat for a bucket of maize or a
beast for 200kg of maize meal.
"These days we are boiling fresh tree leaves to survive," he said. "A
month ago we used to boil unripe mangoes but they are no longer available.
It's a catastrophe."

A recent WFP survey found that nearly one in five households -
including those receiving food assistance - had sold assets during the past
three months and that more than 70% had done so in order to buy food.

Up to 12% of households had not eaten the previous day.

The demand for food assistance in Matabeleland also remains high
despite interventions by aid agencies.

Recently released statistics by international aid agencies operating
in the region show that over 1,3 million people require food assistance due
to the poor agricultural yields.

World Vision regional director responsible for humanitarian emergency
affairs, Daniel Muchena, said the organisation was spending more than US$70
million on food procurement alone for Matabeleland.

He said the organisation bought more than 100 000 tones of food aid
for distribution to needy and vulnerable groups throughout the region,
adding the need for more aid still remained high.

Matonga said the dollarisation of the economy had worsened the problem
of food insecurity in the country. All basic commodities are now priced in
foreign currency.

"Even vegetable vendors in the rural communities now demand payment of
their commodities in foreign currency," Matonga said.

"While dollarisation might have benefits for local industry, for now
it has made life difficult for the poor."
Matabeleland North governor Sithokozile Mathuthu said hundreds of
people in parts of the province were in need of assistance.

The high demand for food assistance comes at a time when food aid
agencies are cutting on rations they have been giving to the vulnerable
because they are also running out of food.

The WFP and other aid agencies have not been able to secure enough
food aid for the country.

Christian Care said it reduced rations from the standard 10kg a person
a month to 5kg last month and yet February "is the hardest month in terms of
food insecurity levels".

Reduced rations, said Christian Care, will help millions of hungry
people to survive until the April harvest but "they will be more vulnerable
and more susceptible to diseases. That food pipeline is drying up."

BY CAIPHAS CHIMHETE AND NKULULEKO SIBANDA

Firms Threaten ZITF Boycott Over US$ fees

http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com


Saturday, 28 February 2009 16:51
BULAWAYO - A dispute over exhibition fees is threatening to derail
this year's edition of the Zimbabwe International Trade Fair (ZITF) with
most businesses in the city threatening to boycott the event if the foreign
currency dominated charges are not revised downwards.

The Zimbabwe National Chamber of Commerce (ZNCC) Bulawayo chapter
wrote to the ZITF protesting against a schedule of tariffs released by the
company.

According to the schedule, exhibitors would be expected to part with
between US$80 and US$130 per square metre.

But the ZNCC said the tariffs were beyond the reach of most companies
still battling to find their feet following the introduction of multiple
currencies and the virtual collapse of the Zimbabwe dollar.

In correspondence to the ZITF, ZNCC Bulawayo chamber chairperson,
Sheila Sidambe said if the tariffs were not reviewed significantly,
companies would find it difficult to participate at the trade showcase.

"Most of our members who are regular participants at this top event
annually have indicated they are unable to meet the cost of space rentals,"
reads part of the letter.

"They sincerely believe this year's charges are without doubt beyond
their means."

She said they realised the ZITF was an international event but the
organisers should recognise that most companies were struggling for survival
as a result of the economic challenges.

"It is our submission that members have recognised that ZITF is an
international event which needs to be handled on those standards and
therefore should be matched with regional and international standards,"
Sidambe said.

"But our position is that our economy for the past 10 years has been
performing below regional standards. Therefore any charges to a local
company based on international or regional standards would be excessive and
unaffordable to local companies."

ZITF general manager, Daniel Chigaru told journalists recently that
the company would first observe the situation before making any decisions on
the tariffs.

"We will be meeting soon with the minister (of industry) to see what
we can do about this issue of tariffs," Chigaru said. "This needs us all to
put heads together so that we can have a fruitful 50th Anniversary of ZITF."

The 50th edition of the ZITF runs from April 28 to May 2 and there is
optimism this year the event would be bigger following renewed interest by
investors after the formation of the inclusive government.

BY NKULULEKO SIBANDA

ZSE Levies to Protect Investors

http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com


Saturday, 28 February 2009 16:45
THE Zimbabwe Stock Exchange (ZSE) will introduce two levies to fund
the operations of the Securities Commission as well as protecting investors
from stockbrokers' fraudulent activities as it moves to align its activities
to international trends.

According to information obtained on Friday the Securities Commission
Levy would fund the operations of the Securities Commission, which was set
up last year.

The Commission regulates the activities of the ZSE.

The Investors' Protection Levy will be an insurance against
stockbrokers' fraudulent activities.

Information obtained last week showed that the two levies would be
implemented this year and officials from both the Securities Commission and
ZSE were already working on the percentages.

Emmanuel Munyukwi, the ZSE chief executive officer, confirmed the
introduction of the new levies.
Asked whether the two levies would not affect trade on the ZSE,
Munyukwi said they were necessary "as long as they charge reasonable
 amounts".

The new levies come at a time ZSE stakeholders were resisting the
introduction of the 1.5% Financial Sector Stabilization Levy in which the
ZSE and stockbrokers were supposed to pay 1.5% of their earnings to RBZ.

In addition, the stakeholders scrapped provisions whereby sellers were
supposed to liquidate 3.5% of the proceeds at the going interbank market
rate.

The new "taxes" will join the 2% brokerage fee, 0.5% stamp duty and
15% Value Added Tax.

Meanwhile, there are moves to transfer the licensing and supervision
of asset managers from the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe to the Securities
Commission.

The RBZ took over the registration and supervision of asset managers
in 2004 accusing some players of engaging in illegal activities.

Industry players told Standardbusiness the transfer of asset firms'
licensing and supervision will be in line with regional and international
trends.

But RBZ is adamant that they are still in charge of the country's 17
asset managers.

"It remains a rumour but what we can say is that the Asset Management
Act explicitly spells out the Reserve Bank as the legitimate licensing
authority of those entities," said Munyaradzi Kereke, an advisor to RBZ
governor Gideon Gono.

The transfer in licensing and supervision, if effected, will be good
news to the country's asset firms who had a frosty relationship with
monetary authorities.

Asset firms are also battling to raise the US$2.5 million as minimum
capital ahead of the March 1 deadline.

The RBZ accuses some firms in the sector, especially those in group
structures incorporating banking institutions, pension funds and or
insurance companies, of being used as willing conduits to facilitate the
diversion of money into illegal activities.

Justifying RBZ takeover of asset managers' licensing, Gono, in his
2003 maiden monetary policy said many firms represented an "accident
awaiting" that would threaten the financial services sector.

BY NDAMU SANDU

What Future for Zim Monetary Policy?

http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com


Saturday, 28 February 2009 16:38
ZIMBABWE is much in the news again with its newly minted unity
government.

It remains to be seen whether it will cohere and drive a concerted
reconstruction process.
Within this, Zimbabwe's future monetary policy is of enormous
importance owing to the country's infamous inflation rate.

Three monetary reform scenarios are being discussed: an ordinary or
crawling peg to a basket of currencies; "Randization" (adopting the Rand);
and a currency board, ie a do-mestic currency with the money base one
hundred percent backed by foreign reserves.

The latter two would entail Zimbabwe surrendering monetary po-licy
sovereignty - an issue attracting considerable controversy.

The currency board or "dollarization" option is closely associated
with US scholar Steve Hanke.

In Zimbabwe's case he refers approvingly to the currency board
Southern Rhodesia operated in the
1940s. However, the preconditions were very dis-similar to Zimbabwe
today.

Regardless of Rho-desian governments' other failings, their
administrative cap-acity, and therefore the credibility of any new
institutions, was far more developed whilst trade and capital markets were
far less integrated than today.

President Robert Mugabe not only destroyed the economy thereby
creating hyperinflation, poverty and starvation, but he also eradicated a
workable administration.

The latest manifestation is the cholera crisis, now reportedly
affecting 80 000 people and spreading rapidly into neighbouring countries.

Critically, all kinds of economic institutions necessary for a country
to develop are now lacking.

This does not imply that monetary reforms cannot take place. It can,
however, make clear that a currency board or dollarization may be difficult
to implement.

Both regimes necessit-ate meeting a number of institutional
pre-condi-tions, particularly fiscal stability, openness to trade and
capital flows, and market flexibility.

Another basic condition is trust in markets and in state agencies. If
the central bank is not to be trusted, why should the ordinary Zimbabwean
citizen trust a currency board (unless it is located out of the country)?

Furthermore, a currency board would require the Zimbabwean government
to possess sufficient foreign exchange to finance the monetary base.

In January 2008, the latest data available, the Zimbabwean central
bank's foreign assets accounted for approximately 0.1 percent of the
monetary base.

Clearly reserves are too small to finance the monetary base in a
currency board without recourse to massive foreign capital injections from
the donor community.

But those are only likely to be forthcoming once Mugabe and his
securocrats have decisively left the scene - a prospect we find rather
bullish under current political circumstances.

Over time a currency board system requires the ability to earn the
necessary money growth on global markets.

Zimbabwe does not have the production structure (even before the
meltdown) to generate the exports required; the human resource capacity to
sustain such a high rate of exchange (ie the US dollar) through rapid
productivity growth; and the high rate of exchange would encourage imports
(no bad thing if you have the foreign exchange which Zimbabwe won't) whilst
discouraging exports. Hence Hanke's advice could penalize Zimbabwe's
recovery for a long time.

Finally, it is not obvious that the Zimbabwe Reserve Bank should lose
its competencies, as the currency board solution would require.

Those advocating this path argue that the Zimbabwe Reserve Bank has
become so politicised (correct) that it is beyond redemption (debatable).
However, the same argument applies to other State Institutions used as Zanu
PF's piggy bank.

Overall, a currency board may be the least attractive alternative.

What about the second one, namely adopting the Rand, as recently
suggested by South African President Kgalema Motlanthe? For each South
African citizen 1 000 Rands are circulating; adopting the same ratio in
Zimbabwe means 11 billion Rands would be needed.

Currently the total cash circulation in South Africa is about 73
billion Rand - an increase of 11 billion Rand would add at most 15% - a
substantial increase.

This solution requires dismantling the central bank's money issuing
function. Politically this may be easier than having a crippled central
bank. Political pressure would be less than that upon a currency board as
money issuance would require South African approval. Politically this would
be very tricky.

On the other hand, Zimbabwe would gain the reputation of the Rand
without requiring the backup of foreign reserves.

However, South Africa's partners in the Common Monetary Area (Namibia,
Lesotho, and Swaziland) may not support this path.

Also, unless South Africa imposes stringent conditionalities on the
reconstruction loans it undoubtedly will extend to Zimbabwe, the latter's
temptation to deviate from the CMA's strictures using fiscal policy, thereby
destabilising regional currency arrangements, will be huge - especially in
the likely absence of major donor funding.

What about the third alternative put forward by the new Minister of
Finance, Tendai Biti, a simple (or crawling) peg to a basket of currencies
including the rand?

This scenario, coupled with a Zimbabwe Reserve Bank and Finance
Ministry with new leadership seems possible and politically most feasible.

It requires less ambitious policy reforms in other policy areas and
does not require huge foreign reserves to sustain it.

The question is whether Zimbabwean institutions would have the
confidence of their people and foreign investors to sustain the peg.

As with the other two scenarios it is unthinkable without a ban on
government borrowing at the central bank.

This condition must be highlighted as it is the sine qua non of any
sensible monetary reform.

If the government can keep away from the money press, both the peg and
the circulation of the Rand are sustainable.

Overall, it is not clear to us which is more desirable. On political
grounds the peg is more feasible, but if the economy is to be brought back
on track, inflation has to be reduced quickly and Randization proffers that
possibility.

The really interesting question to ask, if Zimbabwe did opt for the
randization route, is whether South Africa will step up to the plate?

It has the institutions to do so: a mostly independent central bank;
strong development finance institutions; and Zimbabwe could join a reformed
Southern African Customs Union to gain access to revenue - although we would
worry about the impact on Zimbabwe's trade policy.

Unfortunately South Africa's track record on Zimbabwe policy to date
is not encouraging, and with its rising budget deficit, pressing social
problems, and escalating debate over the future of domestic monetary policy
Zimbabwean policy makers should exercise caution.

* Peter Draper and Andreas Freytag, respectively Trade Project Head,
South African Institute of International Affairs, and Professor of
Economics, Friederich-Schiller-University, Jena, Germany.

BY PETER DRAPER & ANDREAS FREYTAG

Alex Magaisa: Revisiting 'dead'capital on Zimbabwe's Farms

http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com


Saturday, 28 February 2009 16:29
TWO weeks ago, Interfresh Limited, a Zimbabwe Stock Exchange (ZSE)
listed food and agricultural business issued a cautionary statement to its
shareholders stating that on February 7th 2009, a group of people in the
assured company of law enforcement agents claimed ownership of plots on one
of its properties, called Yarrowdale Farm.

It reported that the uninvited guests also claimed title to the crops
section of Mazoe Citrus Estates, a successful large-scale commercial farming
enterprise. In the same week, the Commercial Farmers' Union reported that
scores of the remaining commercial farms had come under a new wave of
invasions.

All this at a time when the new Inclusive Government is supposed to be
designing a way forward and mobilising financial support across the globe!

You begin to see that this is a country that is at war with itself; a
country torn apart by internal contradictions.

This crazy behaviour is at the centre of the country's unprecedented
economic decline in the last decade. Agriculture was and can still be the
mainstay of our economy but through sheer lack of planning we assaulted the
goose that laid the golden eggs.

Even now when it lies helplessly comatose, we continue to pummel it,
instead of exploring ways of resuscitation.

The sustained assault against the property rights system has dented
Zimbabwe's image and reputation across the world.

Six years ago, I alluded to this problem in an article published in
The Zimbabwe Independent. It was entitled Turning Land into 'Live Capital'.

The central thesis then was that whilst the need for land reform could
not be contested, the wanton destruction of the property rights system had
nevertheless been unnecessary and counterproductive.

It had caused, from an economic perspective, the negative
transformation of land from 'live' capital into a form of 'dead' capital.

The simple truth is that we have failed, in the last decade of land
reform, to produce enough for the country and for the export market.

However much we blame natural disasters, the fact remains that vast
tracts of land remain fallow and unused.

One of the major contributors to this decline is that the architecture
of successful commercial agriculture has been disrupted.

The chief aspect of this architecture is the property rights system.

It was the property rights system that enabled the old commercial
farmers to participate and compete in the formal credit markets, a facility
that is essential to any commercial enterprise.

It is very easy to overlook the fact that part of the success of the
old farmers rested on their ability to access and use the credit market - to
secure loans, to lease sophisticated equipment from specialist finance and
leasing businesses such as Scotfin, UDC, etc.

All this was supported by the property rights system, which enabled
them to trade their rights for financial support.

The incentive for efficiency on the land was the desire to avoid the
risk of losing one's property in the event of failure to meet the debt
obligations.

In addition, using the property rights system, they participated in
the basic derivatives markets to hedge against losses arising from natural
disasters such as drought and disease.

What has happened over the years however is that the country has
regressed into the old and archaic system whereby the farmers have become
perennial dependants of the state - relying in recent years on the reckless,
if well-intentioned, activities of the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ).

The trouble with these RBZ programmes is that they lacked the key
incentives to facilitate agricultural efficiency.

Yanga iri mari isina munhu (There was no accountability). No wonder
that those who got access to the RBZ facilities simply regarded it as 'mari
yehurumende' (government money) for which no one was accountable.
Unsurprisingly, these practices fuelled complacency, corruption and lack of
accountability.

Things could have been different if the RBZ had not usurped the role
of commercial banks which, for years, had been the chief providers of credit
to commercial farmers.

Yet you also understand that the RBZ waded into these murky waters
only because the commercial banks where no longer in a position to lend to
farmers simply because it did not make business sense to lend without
obtaining security.

But that's because the farmers did not have secure property rights
that could be used as collateral to obtain credit facilities from the banks.

So, whilst the rest of the world screams about the credit crunch, for
Zimbabweans, especially the farmers, the credit crunch arrived many years
ago.

Yet in the case of Zimbabwe's farmers it was mainly because of the
destruction of the property rights system.

Going forward, it is important that the new administration firmly
recognises that commercial farming is a business, not just another hobby
that can be attended to occasionally.

For a business to succeed, it needs to be steered by those who have a
stake in it.

That stake must be secure and capable of bringing returns. Like any
business, ownership of or, at the very least, secure rights to property that
are tradable on the market form critical elements of the agricultural
enterprise.

In the last decade, long term investment in the land has been severely
limited, partly because of insecurity over property rights.

A farmer does not know whether he will still be on the land the next
day and in such a case the farmer will resort to very short term farming
practices.

For example, he will only grow quick-yielding crops to earn quick
returns, he farms mainly for subsistence, utilising only small fractions of
the land to avoid huge losses in case someone comes to takeover by force.

There will be little, if any, capital investment in key areas such as
reservoirs, irrigation equipment, buildings, etc just in case it goes to
waste if a big man or woman decides that he or she wants the land.

The new farmer who lives in fear of losing the land is more likely to
build a shack than spend large sums building a mansion that could be easily
taken over.

All this is counterproductive as it leads to underutilisation of land.
The peasant farmers do well for this is the only life they know.

The real culprits are the urban-based farmers who want to do too many
things at once.

They want to be fuel barons, cash barons, retailers and farmers whilst
at the same time holding an office job.

The result is that even some of the credit facilities are often
diverted to other high-yielding projects than farming which requires time
and large amounts of patience.

The trouble is that not only have we locked up assets in this dead
zone but the government-brokered credit facilities have become vast
platforms for corruption.

This perpetuates an unhealthy dependency syndrome and Zimbabwe has
easily descended into a nation of permanent freeloaders.

In conclusion, the new wave of farm invasions perpetuates the
destruction of the property rights system. The effects have reverberated
across the whole economy.

No reasonable investor will invest large sums in an environment where
property rights are insecure. As it is, Zimbabwe must rely on international
handouts - this may be an unavoidable necessity at this stage but we should
not fix a permanent begging bowl on our front gate.

We must believe that we have our own resources which we can use to
create our own capital. We have to believe that we can revive the 'dead
capital' that we have created on the farms.

The property rights system is a necessary part of that revival, as is
the rule of law, more generally.

*Alex Magaisa < wamagaisa@yahoo.co.uk

Sunday View: Youth Must Play Active in Shaping Zim Democracy

http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com


Saturday, 28 February 2009 16:14
I have been in the civic society for the past 10 years, and can write
a thesis on events that I saw unfolding within the struggle for democracy in
Zimbabwe.

As a young person I saw potential for this nation and never imagined
that at some point within the same struggle I would witness death, torture,
hunger and abuse of basic human rights as the political game began to heat
up.

However during this long walk one could easily see the ship swinging
and almost sinking, but the people on that boat fought hard to safeguard the
democracy ship.

Many people have different stories to tell about the democratization
agenda for Zimbabwe. This process has different heroes and heroines across
the political divide, and as such no one wants their best to be called
lesser patriots to the struggle.

The organised politically motivated violence that engulfed Zimbabwe
for the past decade resulted in many people opting out of the political
processes.

Nevertheless, in that struggle the young people remained resolute
regardless of the national youth service carrot dangling in front of them.

The pro-democratic movements had over the years built a vision for
Zimbabwe that resonated with many young people.

A lot of political mistakes occurred resulting in internal conflicts
within the opposition resulting in the October 12, 2005 split. A
people-driven and centred formation won the national support and managed to
continue fighting the "free Zimbabwe" battle to a bitter end.

In that battle Morgan Tsvangirai needed the legitimacy of the people
to continue captaining the ship.

The basis of my analysis is the Youth Assembly and its failure to have
anyone in the inclusive government.

As much as I would understand their anger and maybe disappointment,
one should take a minute and think the difficult position that Tsvangirai
found himself in, as he tried not only to form a cabinet for the first time
in his life but also to accommodate everyone, so that the "cabinet reflects
the set up of MDC".

Tsvangirai looked at strategic positioning and merit of those MPs
rather than covert lobbying and sympathy seeking.

Life is not based on popular politics, but most importantly on
personal achievements shared by everyone.

This is the new dispensation we want to see Zimbabwe moving towards.
Very few if any of the Youth Assembly members took a deliberate route to
capacity building simply because they were comfortable with being in
"structures".

Zanu PF taught us that there are no permanent friends in politics; one
has to assure themselves of survival.

Understood as it maybe, but all visionary leaders start with an
objective in mind and the failure to realise that by my friends in the
Assembly resulted in them being mere spectators.

While many young people might stand in solidarity with my fellow
comrades, we should be clear, and be frank with ourselves and start to think
of other future processes and opportunities lying ahead in the quest of
Zimbabwe becoming a full and true democracy.

The new look politics in Zimbabwe should begin to look at developing
cadres that have a clear vision of a dynamic nation.

This is my realisation not only of the Youth Assembly, but the youth
constituency as a whole.

For as long as we fail to challenge those already in leadership
positions by  widening our capacity base so that we are not wide but
shallow, we will continue to be crybabies in this dispensation.

The events of February 9, 2009 when Tsvangirai announced his cabinet
nominees should open a new chapter which sees young people taking the centre
stage in developing themselves and transcend that knowledge to influence the
politics of the day especially those who will rise from local government
leadership right up to the cabinet.

The transitional phase that Zimbabwe finds itself in will not stop
moving especially taking lessons learnt that a Zanu PF driven type of
leadership has an abnormal definition of youth. As it becomes a nation in
transition, we should also, as young people, be able to manage our
constituency's own dynamics and transition.

This process should in fact be a learning curve for progressive young
people who want to see Zimbabwe being led by people whose merit to lead
qualifies them to do so.

* Sydney Chisi is Director, Youth Initiative for Democracy In Zimbabwe
(YIDEZ).

Comment: Central bank should not probe itself

http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com


Saturday, 28 February 2009 16:11
IT is imperative that a proper audit of all the agricultural inputs
availed to "newly resettled farmers" is conducted. However, the Reserve Bank
of Zimbabwe (RBZ) should have no part in the investigation.

There are several reasons for this. There is concern over the central
bank's role over the past five years, especially its involvement in
quasi-fiscal activities, which have drawn reproaches from international
financial institutions, whose support is vital for the country's recovery
process.

The Sadc communiqué of January 27, 2009 says among other things that
change of leadership at the RBZ is a matter that should be dealt with and
resolved immediately by the all-inclusive government soon after its
formation. Nothing, therefore, should happen until the imminent changes have
taken place.

In addition, the Farm Mechanisation programme is an initiative of the
Reserve Bank.

It would be improper for the central bank to undertake an audit of its
own activities.

Good transparent corporate governance suggests that such an audit be
undertaken by independent external investigators.

The government has conducted four audits on its farm allocations and
utilization yet to this day the findings have not been released. This is one
reason why the RBZ audit needs outsiders.

Sadc, the regional grouping, would not have sent in an investigating
team to establish what happened to the R300 million agricultural support it
gave Zimbabwe if the RBZ is better positioned to undertake the task.

It is our view that a parliamentary portfolio committee or the
Anti-Corruption Commission would be better candidates for the task, which
would focus on who got what, when, for how long.

Also requiring investigation are those who received tractors,
fertilizer and seed beneficiaries, the hectarages they farmed and
consequently the crop harvests delivered to the Grain Marketing Board (GMB).

Given the controversy that has surrounded the handling of the farm
inputs by the RBZ, to allow it to conduct an audit of itself would seem to
suggest a licence in covering up its own excesses.

We strongly believe it would be in the interests of the central bank
for outsiders to carry out the investigation and that the RBZ would only be
too happy to allow such an exercise.

The GMB is one of main areas that should be investigated in order to
verify claims of deliveries by the "newly resettled farmers" because the
potential for manipulation and falsification of records, leading to a
mega-whitewash is enormous.

One simple but useful approach in conducting the audit is to encourage
people to phone in, text messages and email information to a central point,
indicating which farmer received what inputs, what happened and when.

Although farm workers are likely to be threatened by the new owners,
neighbours should be able to confirm whether or not there was abuse or even
corruption in the distribution of the farm machinery and other inputs.

The challenge will be finding people who have not themselves become
multiple beneficiaries of the farm mechanisation and agricultural input
schemes.

The danger that must be avoided is having a few sacrificial lambs
while heavyweight multiple owners are protected. That would be yet another
great betrayal.

An audit of the agricultural equipment is overdue, but the RBZ should
not be the one investigating itself. An external audit can only strengthen
the RBZ's commitment to transparency and vindicate its role in the
disbursement of equipment under the programme.

Revived Zapu Provides Clean Break

http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com


Saturday, 28 February 2009 11:24
THE resurgence of the Zimbabwe People's Revolutionary Union (ZAPU) is
a credible idea that could explicitly execute the dual agenda of recognition
and justice for all those Zimbabweans who have been misrecognised since
President Mugabe took office in 1980.

While many have offered the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) the
same blind loyalty that moulded Robert Mugabe 29 years ago, I have chosen to
divert from this popular view by posing some critical questions, which by
Zimbabwean standards could be viewed as taboo.

I am particularly concerned with the MDC's failure to develop clear
policies of attaining recognition and justice for traumatised Zimbabweans
who have experienced gross human rights abuses ranging from what I would
term socio-economic genocides to mass murders.

Having analysed the MDC as a potential successor to Zanu PF  I find
its policies a duplication of the later.

There seem to be no message of change, instead it has become an issue
of replacing man by man. The hypothetical question I have used in analysing
the MDC as our potential future rulers was - how does the MDC seek to attain
justice for the mis-recognised Zimbabweans who are living in poverty, who
still bear scars of torture, who were murdered, massacres and prevailing
hate.

My conclusion was that there was a need for the MDC to have adopted
the concept of recognition and justice. Unfortunately, its too late.

Tsvangirai's appointment of Tendai Biti as a finance minister has
revealed his weaknesses, which have long been highlighted by those close to
him.

With a tattered economy such as that of Zimbabwe, how is a man trained
as a lawyer be expected to turn around the economy?

If Tsvangirai was really concerned with Zimbabwe's collapsed economy,
he should have  appointed Prof Mthuli Ncube who is a professor of Finance at
Wits Business School, University of Witwatersrand Johannesburg South Africa.

He has extensive experience as an investment Banker. Prof Ncube has
been Assistant professor of Finance at the London School of Economics , UK.

He has written over 20 research papers in the area of finance and
economics some of which have won awards.

Some of his pieces have been published in international journals such
as Journal of econometrics. He is a visiting professor in the research
department of the International Monetary Fund (IMF). He has also published a
book on "Lesson from Zimbabwe".

What does Biti know about finance and economics? Well, the cabinet
posts smacks of political rewards than ability to save Zimbabwe from
collapse.

Zimbabwe's state of economy is in shambles. Perennial wisdom dictates
that it would take an expert to resuscitate the troubled economy, which so
far has been rated by the IMF as the world's fastest shrieking economy.

This weakness of the MDC and its apparent desperation to join Mugabe's
unity government in which he reserves powers to expel Tsvangirai, provokes
debate about whether the MDC really can contribute to change, progress,
healing and reconciliation in a country struggling with a history of human
rights abuses.

In a transitional society, recognition is a concept focussed on
attaining justice and is resonant with debates on the provision of justice
in troubled nations such Zimbabwe, Democratic Republic of Congo, Darfur etc.

Until a new political age such as the one we see in revived Zapu
emerges, struggles for justice in Zimbabwe will not achieve any results at
all.

How can a brutalised nation such as Zimbabwe be expected to move on
and forget the past when justice has not been done?

How can a society be expected to forget the horrors of their plight
under the hands of their tormentors? Justice offers a glimmer of hope and
progress.

Justice is the most fundamental element of peace and in its most
general sense as it implies order and morality. Justice implies basic rules
governing right and wrong behaviour.

Justice and reconciliation share a dynamic interdependent
relationship, mutually informing and benefiting each other.

The brutal impact of 29 years of Mugabe's systematic plunder, social
and economic degradation, and more specifically the direct impact of a
plethora of gross violations of human rights requires someone more mature
and more honest than Tsvangirai.

It will be argued here that in terms of its policy of inclusiveness
and experience, Zapu is strategically equipped to highlight the
long-prevailing injustices.

There are present and historic indicators that Zapu will be able to
address the legacy of President Mugabe's injustices not only against people
of Matabeleland but everyone who has been excluded from the socio-economic
politics that has dominated Zimbabwe in the last 29 years.

Analytical indicators I have employed here show that Zapu will be able
to promote reconciliation, outline necessary reforms, allow victims to air
their pain, provide acknowledgement of a long-suppressed past, and keep
abuses from being repeated.

Because Mugabe can no longer afford to unleash another 5 Brigade to
suppress dissenting voices in Matabeleland, there is absolute no reason why
Zapu should remain in the womb of Zanu PF.

Any such  move by Mr Mugabe, could have serious international
consequences this time around.

Moreso, Zapu can authentically lobby for victims to gain justice
contrary to a popular view that Tsvangirai's MDC is the right institution
for the job.

To be polite, the MDC has surrendered the struggle. As a result, MDC
supporters in the UK feel the pilot of the airbus has committed suicide
before landing.

With Zapu, 20 000 people had to be murdered and over 1 000 senior Zapu
cadres and officials imprisoned.  Dumiso Dabengwa the interim Zapu chairman
was only released from Mugabe's prisons on condition that he accepted the
Unity Accord.

These people who became early victims of state crime in Zimbabwe
suffered long-term harms that resulted from being culturally devalued or
mis-recognised.

Such harms can inflict a grievous wound, saddling its victims with a
crippling self-hatred. In fact, the ZIPRA commander Lockout Masuku, died in
Mugabe's prison as a result of torture.

Moreso, we all agree that Zapu did not join Zanu PF, instead it was
brutalised into joining, hence Zapu became an unwilling partner.

On one hand, the MDC, had to plead with Mugabe to accept negotiations
leading up to a unity government that we are about to witness. Sharing is
for losers.

What puzzles me is why is it that Tsvangirai was sworn-in by  Mugabe.

If this was a real honest power-sharing deal, Tsvangirai was supposed
to have been sworn-in by the Chief-Justice, yet it was  Mugabe who
"recruited" Tsvangirai.

The whole process is flawed. It smacks of Tsvangirai's betrayal of the
people's struggle against Mugabe's injustices, hence today Today Tsvangirai
is quoted in the Press ordering the West to "get over" Mugabe.

How willTsvangirai face people of Matabeleland who voted for him in
large numbers when he is now defending a leader who sent the 5 Brigade
leading to the massacres of over 20 000 people.

The travesty is that Tsvangirai has always spoken of the people's
mandate he has, did he have the people's mandate to join Zanu PF? What a
broken promise!

Zapu  promises a genuine new era. Yet, despite such a potential, the
ability of Zapu seems to be hindered by insignificant operational, social
and political factors such as fear of being mis-labelled by agents of
certain political actors.

To start with, Zapu  itself, cannot afford to be a tribal political
party for one simple reason that it was founded on the principles of
inclusion and egalitarianism.

This shows how important any foundation is. It is imperative to
correct the prevailing misconception that Zapu is a Ndebele political party.
Joshua Nkomo, the Zapu legend was not Ndebele, he was Kalanga. Nkomo
explicitly and implicitly refused to be identified as a Ndebele leader.

And, ZAPU's famous number two, was Josiah Chinamano - who was shona.

Therefore, this raises questions on the agenda of those who continue
labelling Zapu as a tribal party.

The only thing about Zapu is that it offers opportunities to all
tribes, an issue which angers selfish people.  Other high ranking Zapu
officials were Ariston Chambati, Willie Musarurwa and Muchinguri (Oppa
Muchinguri's father).

And one of the most influential Zapu  officials was Garfield Todd, a
whiteman who is of European extract. Earlier Todd was Prime Minister of the
federation of Rhodesian and Nyasaland. Nkomo considered himself a national
leader.

His nickname was never in Kalanga nor in Ndebele, instead it was in
Shona - chimbwechitedza (Slippery man).

For my readers to clearly understand my argument on mis-recognition, I
will define justice from questions of economic and resource inequalities to
questions about acknowledgement of difference, that is, those involved in
social struggles such as equal distribution of wealth, feminist and gay
liberation movements.

While the MDC has in the last 10 years under Mr Tsvangirai, has
attempted to preach the gospel of justice, it has not listed or put down a
programme on how it will  achieve its election promises. Zapu is clear in
its objectives.

Zapu, with its non-tribal and inclusive policy is critical of the
insistence to only deal with harms through unplanned or false promises.

The MDC's policy of addressing harms inflicted by Mugabe's government
on the marginalised Zimbabweans is flawed because it tends to simplify the
victims' experience and puts moral pressure on individuals to conform to a
category or group identity.

For example, on his campaign trail in Gwanda, Matabeleland South
sometime in 2000, Tsvangirai promised villagers that he would not go into
government without bringing perpetrators of the Matabeleland massacres to
justice.

That was the last time Tsvangirai ever mentioned this burning issue.

Some have speculated that it is not in Mr Tsvangirai's interest to see
perpetrators of the Matabeleland massacres brought to justice because he,
himself was a ZANU-PF youth leader singing Mugabe's praise songs when the
ZANU-PF killing machine was unleashed to Matabeleland.

Hence prosecuting those who committed massacres in Matabeleland can be
suicidal for him.

It can be argued that if Tsvangirai was a leader of the Zanu PF youth
wing which has now transformed to green bombers, what will make him
different from Mugabe.

This makes Zapu unique. Zapu's focus on attaining justice for all
Zimbabwean citizens regardless of colour, tribe, and ethnic origins is
resonant with debates on the provision of justice in transitional states.

Zapu understands that equal representation is a central issue in
thinking about justice.

Such a policy offers a better understanding in addressing state crimes
perpetrated by previous regimes.

This policy is ideal in any new perceived democracy. A new leadership
must seek to counter forms of identity and socio-economic injustice
simultaneously because to decouple representation from redistribution will
ultimately lead to further injustice.

Because allowing misrepresentation does not annihilate President
Mugabe's legacy.

This we saw during the transformation of the Zimbabwe Trade Union
(ZCTU) to a political party now called MDC.

The President of the ZCTU Gibson Sibanda was asked to step down
because he belonged to an "inferior" tribe while Tsvangirai who was
secretary-general of the ZCTU was promoted to President of MDC.

A party formed under such a cloud of suspicions is not equipped enough
to handle a transitional country such as Zimbabwe.

Because such a party has chosen to perpetuate some notions that have
led to mis-recognition of other tribes.

Tribal politics does not always succeed, instead it is always
characterised by discontent and mayhem.

This is so because by viewing others not to be full-blooded to lead a
Zimbabwean political party despite being capable reveals some
institutionalised patterns of cultural value that have relegated other
actors as inferior, excluded or simply invisible.

Moreso, we all know that the current MDC chairman also elected Speaker
of Parliament, Lovemore Moyo had to fight for his dear life to remain
chairman as many plotted for his downfall.

The only reason was that he was not full-fledged to hold such a
powerful post on the bases of being Ndebele.

However, the MDC was quick to realise that any plot against Moyo would
damage the party's power-base support in Matabeleland.

People who have gone through Gibson Sibanda's experience suffer a
distorted public identity as they are also prevented from participating at
par with others such as Tsvangirai.

Subsequently, we can conclude that the MDC has been founded on the
same principles as  ZANU-PF. For we all know that all Shona freedom fighters
who were in Zapu camps in Zambia came back alive, while many, if not all
Ndebeles who tried to join Zanu freedom fighters in Mozambique were
slaughtered.

This is a story that has not been told to this day.

I wish to argue that the idea of the formation of the MDC was a good
one, however, because others have been misrecognised, that beautiful idea is
now flawed and problematic.

As long as some MDC actors now feel excluded, misidentified or ignored
completely, the MDC has prevented them from participating as a peer in
socio-political life. It is at this point that Zapu, with its inclusive
policy becomes a remedy.

With such policies, the MDC idea is inadequate. It is problematic
because it offers the same designs that have seen the international
community imposing sanctions against this southern African nation.

Many new democracies are confronted with the need to unite deeply
divided societies. How will the MDC execute such a huge task when it
ideological resembles Zanu PF.

How do people come to terms with a legacy of past injustices,
atrocities, abuses and criminal acts? How can the wounds caused by division,
socio-economic injustices and conflict be healed?

How can society recover from collective trauma?

These perennial questions represent a dilemma for many new
governments. On the same note, while the governments are still young and
often weak, they must find a ways to root out causes of the initial tension
so that former enemies live together in harmony.

Reconciliation can not be achieved without justice, and reconciliation
is a product of justice and redress.

*Admore Tshuma is a research fellow on Transitional justice and can be
contacted on atshuma@hotmail.com In his PhD research, Tshuma is specialising
on troubled nations, poverty and social justice. He has also been a
Chronicle chief reporter.

BY ADMORE TSHUMA

Zim Standard Letters

http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com

Bloated Government, a Betrayal of the Masses
Saturday, 28 February 2009 14:24
THE recently sworn in 61 Ministers and Deputy Ministers demonstrate
the insatiable appetite of our leaders to reward friends and cronies through
ministerial accommodation.

It shows total disregard for the plight of ordinary Zimbabweans by the
powers that be.

One commentator, remarking on this bloated government said: "If it was
only Zanu PF, we would understand but not the MDC formations."

This sounds like a fair comment and I am sure most level-headed
Zimbabweans would share the same view. However, is this an accurate
assessment?

The leader of one of the MDC formations, Professor Arthur Mutambara,
who is now one of the two Deputy Prime Ministers once commented at a rally
and said: "Zimbabweans are all cut from the same cloth; we all share the
same Zanu PF culture"- Is this not true?

If not, how then do we explain the recent developments, which have
left the nation saddled with a monumental government created, ostensibly by
President Robert Mugabe, but with the tacit approval of those the nation
looks up to for salvation? If this is not downright duplicity on the part of
the MDC leaders one wonders what is.

Does this suggest that all along we have been fighting to be like
Mugabe and not to be different? What justification is there for increasing
the total number of ministerial posts from the initially agreed 56, to 61
and invariably, in total disregard to provisions of the agreement?

What assurance does this nation have that those that are representing
the country in the inclusive government will not further alter the
provisions of the agreement to suit their own parochial interests, in the
same flagrant manner they have done to accommodate friends and relatives
through ministerial allocations?

Nelson Chamisa, the spokesperson of one of the MDC-T formations missed
the point when he justified the bloated government. He argued that they had
no option but to accept the appointments of such a huge cabinet because this
was not an MDC government.

If we go by his logic, things should continue to be done the Zanu PF
way until an MDC government is ushered in.

Surely, with leaders who are prepared to exhibit such lopsided logic,
who needs to be told that Zanu PF is still in total control?

Perhaps, Chamisa and others who share the same logic need to be
reminded that the reason why Zimbabweans allowed them to get into an
all-inclusive government is to enable the two MDC formations to stop Zanu PF
from running the country the way they have been doing, which has brought
this nation to its knees.

I am certain that most Zimbabweans would have rejected participation
in the inclusive government if they were not certain, that change was
possible under the arrangement.

This brings me to another important point; Could this bloated
government have been avoided? - certainly yes! Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai and Professor Mutambara should have stood their ground and
refused to budge.

However, because of the "shared Zanu PF culture" that seems to
dominate our lives as Zimbabweans, the two leaders also saw an opportunity
to appease friends and colleagues through ministerial allocations. This is a
sad development.

From a commonsensical view point, I am inclined to sympathise with
Mugabe, because his justification for pacifying friends and colleagues is
now a known historical phenomenon that has for a long time defined life
under his rule.

Mugabe, unlike Tsvangirai and Mutambara, has shared with friends and
cronies, ill-gotten wealth which they collectively, must defend to the
death.

They share the legacy of a historical war of liberation that
 "entitles" them to certain privileges and rights, which they would lose if
they did not defend the liberation identity.

The question that remains unanswered is: what reasons did Tsvangirai
and Mutambara have for agreeing to be part of such a gigantic government?

One can only hope that whatever reasons  motivated their decision to
accept an increased cabinet, it had nothing to do with a rumour doing the
rounds that one female MP threatened to commit suicide unless she was
guaranteed a ministerial position?

I am told the woman finally landed a post. Sadly, such characters
would have captured the sympathy of the powers that be and motivated them to
accept this huge government.

I must remind the MDC leaders that Zimbabweans are dying everyday
because of hunger, starvation, heartaches and hopelessness.

They look forward to the MDC leaders to start doing things
differently, to bring about socio-economic and political changes and stop
the Zanu PF madness.

Andile Nyoni
Harare.

--------------
Need for Immediate Truth and Reconciliation Commission
Saturday, 28 February 2009 14:24
AN inclusive government which some choose to refer as a Government of
National Unity (GNU) has been formed. Its consummation, we were told, became
complete with the swearing in firstly, of the Prime Minister and his
deputies and later, the ministers and their deputies in government.

A lot was said, and rightly so,  with respect to the sheer insensivity
of the size of the government given the utter state of penury that this
nation finds itself in at  present.

The purpose of this contribution is not to repeat what has already
been said but to refocus attention on a matter that has the potential at
some time in future to come back and haunt us all with dire consequences.

Following the inconclusive March 2008 Presidential elections, an
election run-off was, in terms of Zimbabwe's electoral law, mandatory.

The period from the announcement of the results in respect of
municipal, parliamentary and senatorial elections to the holding, in June
2008, of the Presidential run-off, and even thereafter, was one of the
bloodiest in this country's history.

More than 200 people perished in the needless violence that flared up
shortly after the announcement of the results.

Scores of women and girls were raped, hundreds of homes were gutted by
fire, property running into zillions of dollars was destroyed, thousands
were displaced, hundreds were abducted from their homes, and many more were
viciously assaulted, all in the vain attempt to protect and prolong Zanu PF's
hold on power.

The victims of this needless and wanton savagery will bear the scars
of this episode for the rest of their lives.

Children, who were forced to watch as their parents and relatives were
being humiliated and beaten, still carry the trauma of the experience.

But the scale of the brutality witnessed after the elections in March
2008 pales into insignificance compared to the barbarity of the 1980s
witnessed in the Midlands and Matabeleland Provinces.

Then, more than 20 000 people were butchered in cold blood, many in
ways so gruesome that one is left gasping and grasping for appropriate words
to aptly describe the heartlessness of it all.

The scars inflicted then, by the same said Zanu PF, are still visible
today. Men were thrown into disused mineshafts alive, pregnant women had
their tummies ripped open with bayonets on allegations that they were
carrying dissidents, people were herded into huts that were then set alight
with the doors fastened from outside to make escape impossible.

If by some miracle one managed to escape from the raging inferno, one
was met by a hail of bullets from those supervising the massacres, and those
executed by gunfire were left by the roadside with orders that they not be
buried.

It was awful. It was against the order of nature.

The thing with violence is that it is not only the victim who suffers.

Whilst the victim bears the visible scars, and some develop phobias,
the perpetrator has to battle his conscience many years after the violence.

It is a battle that very few individuals are able to win. Many
perpetrators of violence have been known to turn alcoholic.

Others develop mental, physiological and social disorders. To some,
sleep becomes impossible.

Shunned by the society they brutalized, others turn to drugs. After
the violence they realise that they have to return and live with and among
those they savaged.

They are always afraid of possible reprisals from their victims. They
are always nervously looking back over their shoulders. The pressures on
them are enormous.

I raise these issues not to whip up negative sentiments at this time
in our history. I raise them so that the new GNU does not lose sight of
them.

This is part of our history after all. Now, more than at any time in
the past, is the time to focus on these matters and deal with them.

We have a government that wants to be seen to be people-oriented,
although it started badly by being so bloated.

That government must not only start afresh, but must be seen to be
starting afresh. And one of the ways to be seen to be starting afresh is to
deal with the issues arising from the two episodes described above.

I opine, like others before, that a Truth and Reconciliation
Commission along the lines of the one that was set up in South Africa
following the demise of apartheid will go a long way in atoning for some of
the wrongs committed against a substantial portion of the populace.

The Commission will have the dual role of cleansing the hearts and
souls of the victims and the families of the victims, and act as some sort
of therapy for some of the perpetrators who want to atone for their deeds
but have to date not been afforded a platform or opportunity to do so.

We cannot move forward as a country if we continue to carry baggage
from the past.

As long as our hearts and minds continue to be pre-occupied with the
need for justice for past wrongs, as long as those who committed atrocities
continue to fear reprisals, as long as we fail to deal with and confront our
dark past, we shall not be able to make any progress.

We need to break from the past. We need a break from it.

Whilst Zanu PF, in the interest of self-preservation, could not
initiate the Commission when it held the reigns of power, it is now possible
for the new order to start turning the wheel.

Zanu PF is no longer the majority party in the lower house where
issues are initiated. It is no longer the fearsome and all-powerful machine
that it once was.

If by some misfortune it thinks it still is, let us make it clear to
it that the time it did things with impunity is over, never to come back.

Job Sibanda
Bulawayo.

-------------
RBZ out of Tune with the Law
Saturday, 28 February 2009 14:13
ABOUT half of the Reserve Bank's exchange control directive reference
RK:39 has no legal effect, because yet again the Reserve Bank has exceeded
its authority.

Section 35 (1) of the exchange control regulations enables directives
only to authorized dealers and foreign exchange bureaux, not to the general
public, gold producers, tobacco merchants or cotton merchants. In addition,
the scope of directives in terms of section 35 (1) is limited.

The extra-legal parts of the exchange control directive will only
become law if published in a statutory instrument.

N Woolpsmurch
Highlands, Harare.

-----------
Questionable Priorities
Saturday, 28 February 2009 14:11
US$250 000 to celebrate President Robert Mugabe's 85th birthday at a
time when the country is reeling from a cholera epidemic that has needlessly
killed more than 4 000 people, no drugs in hospitals and millions facing
starvation! On top of that, we need help from others to revive the economy.

This speaks volumes  about our priorities.

Disturbed
Harare.

-------------
The Standard SMS
Saturday, 28 February 2009 14:34
Forces of evil
THERE are forces of resistance fiercely working to wreck the
government of national unity.

For the first time we can begin to understand why countries such as
Britain have decided on evacuating their elderly nationals.

I was angry at the British move, but I am the wiser after events of
recent weeks, when there was a sudden spate of new farm invasions, beginning
with Interfresh farm in Mazowe, in Mashonaland Central.

But ever since the swearing in of the Prime Minister, his deputies and
the other ministers, the state media has been at pains how to report the new
order.

But over the past few days they have gone over the top, focusing on
President Robert Mugabe's birthday, which shows clips of celebrations during
last year's event and not this year's.

They are in a quandary over how to begin news reports without the
first item being on Mugabe. So we have the ridiculous situation where Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai goes to South Africa to meet President Kgalema
Motlanthe and every attempt is made by the public media to underplay the
significance of such a meeting and its implications on Zimbabwe's currency
crisis.

Zimbabweans with satellite television are able to watch and listen to
what is happening in the country while the national broadcasters imposes a
black out on covering the Prime Minister and government ministers from his
party or those from the smaller formation of the MDC.

We should be very afraid that there are such forces in our midst who
are prepared to wreck the unity government. -Ides of March, Harare.

******
LOCAL mobile phone service providers are overcharging. One hundred
rand buys 30 (50 off peak) minutes of airtime. In South Africa, it buys 100
minutes airtime plus 116 sms (free handset included on a monthly contract!)
Back home this would cost R549. The only local competition is who charges
the most.- S G, Kadoma.

Salute or quit
IF Constantine Chiwenga and company do not want to salute Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, we patriotic Zimbabweans will not shed a tear
over that.

The people who voted for him will always salute him for the courage
and determination to guide Zimbabwe towards democracy and good governance.

The failure of the security chiefs to respect the people's will shows
lack of pragmatism on their part.

It also demonstrates that their master's degrees have done nothing to
their wisdom.

The only honourable thing for them is to resign for they have outlived
their usefulness. The people's army they head is not their personal
property.

So they represent no one's interests. The soldiers are happy to get
meaningful salaries. To Tsvangirai, my advice is: continue to serve the
people well and you will win their hearts ultimately for the people hunger
for the good life that you have started to deliver.

We are behind our good leader. The guys in Zanu PF belong to the past.

Ignore them. - Morgan Ndizvo, Harare.

******
THE  government of national unity is a paradox. Either that or the
police are being vindictive in their actions against Roy Bennett.

Yet under the terms of the 1987 Unity Accord, detainees were freed
while more than 100 armed men were granted amnesty. Which one could be a
better deal? The September 15 accord is a catalogue of deceit, arrests and
disappearances. - H D, Zvishavane.

Webbing lost
THE spider's habit had been to invite flies into its parlour, but no
fly ever emerged from the parlour once it went in. Over the years, it forgot
to spin fresh webbing.

The flies are no longer being caught. They fly in and out freely. The
spider is no longer agile enough. This time the game plan has backfired. -
Clerka, Mbare.

******
COULD someone tell me where Bright Matonga is, especially given his
theatrics before the all-inclusive government? - Curious, Harare.

Kuwadzana power woes
A section of Kuwadzana 5 has had no electricity since September 2008
despite promises from the parastatal's officials, Mutandwa and King Dube.

In December residents were asked to pay US$30 a household. Only a few
could afford this. Surprisingly surrounding areas that had a similar
transformer problem had their power restored within two months.

Some residents have resorted to paying Zesa staff in order to be
illegally connected to the nearest transformer to them. - Powerless
consumer, Kuwadzana, Harare.

******
THE local currency is now redundant thanks to massive printing by the
Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe. Is the governor's job now that of managing other
countries' currencies? - Tanatswa, Harare.
******
It is always a wonder how businesses continue to operate under Gideon
Gono's watch. In my book, he is the worst governor of the central bank ever
because he failed on every function assigned to him under the Reserve Bank
of Zimbabwe Act.

Now he wants to audit his own mess. Can somebody stop this
tragicomedy? -Chad, Harare.

Skewed priorities
WE spend billions of dollars which would feed millions of people in
Zimbabwe on an individual person's birthday party. Where are our priorities?
God help us. - Disgusted.
******

WE sympathise with civil servants for their plight, especially on
salaries.

But at the same time we disagree with their demand for US$2 500, which
is about R25 000. Are other teachers in the region getting that much?

We urge them to do their homework first and then demand realistic
amounts or else people will ignore them and leave them on their own.

We should not put ourselves in a position where we might have to
recall all the retired teachers and those who are willing to serve Zimbabwe
during its hour of need.

The teachers cannot receive pay and refuse to work. - Parent.
******
I wondered why Patrick Chinamasa was insisting on paying civil
servants using vouchers.

The main issue was: which shops were going to accept these vouchers
and who owns them?

Aren't they Zanu PF bigwigs dipping their fingers into the government's
little foreign currency reserves?  - H D, Zvishavane.

******

Kudos to the new Minister of Energy and Power Development, Engineer
Elias Mudzuri, who ordered the Zimbabwe Electricity Supply Authority to stop
disconnecting consumers who have not paid their bills.

In my view he should demand two things: that Zesa delivers; and
secondly that heads roll at the parastatal. Most staff members are good
people who mean well but they are really frustrated by a leadership that
believes they should deprive operations of all resources to carry out their
work.

Zesa or all the other parastatals should not have such leadership.

Maybe the new minister can find it in himself to enlist the services
of Engineer Simbarashe Mangwengwende, the former Zesa CEO, whose departure
coincides with the collapse in the power utility's service delivery. - Still
in darkness, Mount Pleasant Heights, Harare.