Back to Index

Back to the Top
Back to Index

Besieged White Farmers Hold Land Congress


Panafrican News Agency (Dakar)

March 20, 2001
Posted to the web March 20, 2001

Harare, Zimbabwe

Zimbabwe's white farmers plan to hold a special congress on Wednesday, amid
growing divisions in their union on how to handle thorny negotiations with
the government on land reform.

The Commercial Farmers' Union (CFU), which represents the farmers, has
locked horns with the government over its plans to compulsorily acquire five
million hectares of its members' farmlands to resettle landless blacks.

But sharp divisions have recently emerged in the union over the stalled
negotiations with the government, with a splinter group pushing for the
union to accommodate the demands of the government.

The special congress was called to mend the divisions in the union, and
devise a common position on the negotiations, which the government was now
shunning as it accuses the farmers of deceit in the past.

Former CFU president, Nick Swanepoel is leading the rebels, who are
demanding the ouster of the union's current leaders and acceptance of the
government's demands for five million hectares to break the impasse.

He also implicitly blamed the farmers' union of inflaming passions over land
reform by backing opposition parties, which has aggravated the situation.

The splinter group says the CFU should "accept without reservation the
government's target 5 million hectares of land for resettlement and
immediately place 20,000 families on plots of arable land 2-5 hectares with
free tillage, fertilizer and seed."

"There is need for the CFU to revert totally to its constitutional
apolitical role. The previous stance of the CFU leadership indicates that a
new team is vital to facilitate a negotiated settlement," the group said in
a statement.

But despite the overtures, the government says it will not resume dialogue
with the CFU on its controversial land reform programme, citing what it
called deceit by the white farmers in previous negotiations.

"We have a land resettlement programme that we have to implement to the end.

And that programme is based on clear thinking and historical background. We
will not negotiate with the CFU even after their special congress on 21
March because the union is not a government but part and parcel of the
Zimbabwean community," Agriculture Minister Joseph Made said.

"We know the CFU wants to enter politics, as seen by their actions. We can
see through all what the CFU is trying to do and we cannot be hoodwinked
into thinking that they have changed their position on the land issue. We
will not be taken for a cheap ride by the CFU," he said.

Political analysts say the government is hardening its position because of
overwhelming public support for its land reform programme, which is aimed at
redressing colonial land ownership imbalances.

The 4,500 mainly white members of the CFU control more than 70 percent of
the country's arable land, while the majority blacks farm on poor soils in
marginal farming areas.

Last month, the government invited applications from the public for
resettlement, and received an overwhelming response, even in urban areas.

Land reform is the government's main trump card in next year's presidential
election, which is predicted to be a two- horse race between President
Robert Mugabe and main opposition leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, of the Movement
for Democratic Change (MDC), whose main local financial backer is the CFU.


Back to the Top
Back to Index

From The Daily Telegraph (UK), 20 March

Commonwealth urged to act over Zimbabwe

Australia called on the Commonwealth to take more resolute action against Zimbabwe yesterday, amid growing concern over the breakdown of democracy and the rule of law. Canberra is giving strong public support to Britain in its attempt to persuade the Commonwealth to send a fact-finding mission to Harare to look at land reform and the political situation. But, as the eight-member Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group gathered in London yesterday, Australian officials were trying to avoid a white-versus-black rift, with Britain, Australia and Canada on one side and Botswana, Nigeria and Barbados on the other.

Alexander Downer, Australia's Foreign Minister, told BBC Radio 4: "There is real concern about a country that we and a number of others supported in its battle for independence [and where] law, order and the democratic processes are starting to break down. It would be inappropriate for the Commonwealth to turn its back on those developments. It has reached a point now where the Commonwealth is required at least to think about measures it could take."

Australian officials believe that Zimbabwe could be liable for suspension from Commonwealth decision-making bodies, but Mr Downer said this was some way off. He said: "What I think the Commonwealth can do in the very short run is draw away this argument that this constitutes only a bilateral dispute between Britain and Zimbabwe. This is an issue for the whole international community."

Zimbabwe is not formally on the agenda of the action group, which was set up mainly to deal with the overthrow of elected governments. The meeting has focused on Pakistan, Fiji, Sierra Leone and the Gambia. But the group criticised Zimbabwe last year after the killing of opposition supporters and the wholesale intimidation of voters before the general election. The Commonwealth works on a consensus basis, so any member country can block an initiative it does not like.

From The Star (SA), 19 March

Mugabe fails 'test' by international jurists

Leading South African lawyer George Bizos said on Monday that Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe had failed to reassure an international jurists' panel in a meeting last week of his commitment to the law. Advocate George Bizos, former president Nelson Mandela's lawyer and a regular adviser to the South African government, said Mugabe refused to accept that Zimbabwe's courts could rule on the legality of his land-grab programme.

Mugabe has ignored several court rulings that the seizure of white-owned farms without compensation is illegal and the government should act against the invasion of more than 1 000 farms by self-styled veterans. Bizos said in a radio interview: "He assured us that he was a believer in the rule of law and an independent judiciary; with an unfortunate rider. He said orders of court relating to land invasions were not matters of court, but matters for a political solution. That is not an acceptable response ... Democrats throughout the world are not prepared to accept that qualification."

He said an International Bar Association delegation, including British, United States and South African lawyers, met Mugabe, Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa and about 100 others in a visit that ended on Friday. They inquired into reports of harassment of judges and the media in Zimbabwe, where Mugabe, 77, and in power since 1980, is preparing to fight for a further six-year term in presidential elections due by April next year. "We had a lengthy meeting with the minister of justice. He really spoke along the same lines as the president. But I believe, with due respect to him, that he does not distinguish between the rule of law and rule by law. We had a lot of difficulty touching base with him during our discussion," Bizos said.

A delegation of Zimbabwean trade and finance ministers was in South Africa on Monday for talks with the government on measures to help Zimbabwe reverse a deepening recession. Officials said talks began at an undisclosed venue on Sunday and would end on Monday, when the South African finance ministry would host a news conference. South African President Thabo Mbeki told parliament last week that the ministerial meeting would prepare the ground for a summit with Mugabe in the near future.

From The Daily News, 19 March

Mahachi pledged $100 000 to Zanu PF youths, court told

Moven Mahachi, the Minister of Defence, promised a reward of $100 000 to Zanu PF youths for helping him win last year's parliamentary election in the Makoni West constituency, the High Court heard on Friday. Margaret Chirau, an MDC witness, told Justice Paddington Garwe that Mahachi made the pledge during a Zanu PF victory celebration held at Nzvimbe Primary School. Chirau said: "I was disheartened when Mahachi promised to give $100 000 as a thank-you to those who assaulted us. How could the minister reward violent people?" She was testifying in a petition hearing in which Remus Makuwaza of the MDC is challenging Mahachi's victory.

Chirau, of Village Six in the Romsley resettlement area, said: "Mahachi thanked Punish Mhiripiri, the leader of Zanu PF youths, for helping him win the seat." She said Mhiripiri and his group-terrorised villagers for failing to surrender MDC T-shirts and possessing party cards. Mahachi's lawyer, Ali Ebrahim, denied Mahachi ever made such a promise and instead accused Chirau of misleading the court. Ebrahim asked her why she attended the Zanu PF victory celebrations after her allegations of assaults by the party's members. "I went there to enjoy part of my money which was taken by Zanu PF youths during the campaign period," Chirau said. "If the minister denies this, he will not be telling the truth. At the victory celebrations people like Border Gezi and Oppah Muchinguri were there. They stood up and introduced themselves." Gezi is the Minister of Youth Development, Gender and Employment Creation, while Muchinguri is the Governor of Manicaland province. Makuwaza was represented by Advocate Pearson Nherere. The hearing continues today.

From CNN, 19 March

Zimbabwe accuses Britain of meddling in Kosovo mission

Zimbabwe complained to the UN Monday that Britain, the African nation's former colonial power, was preventing it from delivering arms and ammunition to its contingent of international police in Kosovo. Zimbabwe's Foreign Ministry accused Britain of preventing it from delivering the arms to Kosovo "because British Airways, the only airline flying to Kosovo, refuses to transport these vital items." "The government of Zimbabwe is of the view that the UN peacekeeping operations should not be held hostage to bilateral relations between member states," the ministry said in a letter to UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan, asking him to intervene.

Zimbabwe had 69 civilian police officers in Kosovo as of Jan 31 as part of the UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo, known as UNMIK. British spokeswoman Catherine MacKenzie said Britain had been completely unaware of the problem before the ministry's letter surfaced at UN headquarters. Privately owned British Airways had turned down an oral request to carry the arms without first consulting London, relying on its own overly broad interpretation of British restrictions on arms transfers involving Zimbabwe, she said. In addition, while British Airways was the sole airline serving Kosovo, several other carriers served various nearby cities, she said. "The British authorities were not at any point made aware of these oral inquiries. If we had been, I'm sure a practical solution could have been worked out," MacKenzie said.

President Robert Mugabe, Zimbabwe's only ruler since independence in 1980, has come under fire in Britain for his campaign to seize hundreds of white-owned farms and for what critics see as a campaign to intimidate the media and the judiciary. His troops are also involved in fighting in the Congo.

From The Daily News, 19 March

Zanu PF supporters come to blows over mayoral candidate

A fight broke out in Masvingo over the weekend at a Zanu PF meeting convened and chaired by the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dr Stan Mudenge, to choose the ruling party's mayoral candidate for the forthcoming mayoral election in the town. The party's supporters punched and kicked each other when tempers flared after former diplomat Alois Chidoda, Jacob Chademana, Joseph Mushuku, businesswoman Maina Mandava, Shylet Uyoyo and Jabulani Mbetu offered themselves for the party's candidate.

But before that, an unfortunate supporter was thrown out during the meeting after he unwittingly raised his open hand while sloganeering. The open hand is the MDC's symbol. He was immediately sent packing. He fled the meeting with war veterans and Zanu PF youths in hot pursuit. Police were summoned to the meeting and arrested one woman. When tempers cooled down, the provincial secretary for the party, Raymond Takavarasha, said in view of the development, the Zanu PF Politburo would name its preferred candidate. Susan Gwizi, a supporter, shouted: "There are some people we very well know support the opposition MDC. How can they come and try to contest for the post on a Zanu PF ticket?"

The post fell vacant after the death of Alderman Francis Aphiri in July last year. The elections are due on 7 and 8 April. Mudenge said to the more than 1 000 people at the meeting: "We are going to forward names of the six candidates to the Politburo for final vetting." A similar meeting two weeks ago was aborted after two party districts boycotted the proceedings.

Open letter from John Robertson, 20 March

Do you know...

…that 250 000 commercial farm workers live with their families on the three thousand farms that Zanu PF is trying to confiscate from commercial farmers?

…that these farm workers earn about $500 million a month?

…that 850 000 of their children go to schools on those farms?

…that if the 250 000 farm workers lose their jobs, they will lose their incomes and their housing, and their children will lose their schools?

…that more than a million people will have to move from the farms, and many will have nowhere to go?

…that as $500 million a month disappears from the market place, traders and manufacturers all around the country will be forced to retrench many more thousands of people from their jobs in the towns?

…that many other businesses will shrink or collapse, and among them will be banks, transport companies, insurance companies, equipment suppliers and engineers as well as manufacturers and retailers?

…that many thousands more people will lose their jobs because the commercial farmers will no longer be buying inputs worth about $2 000 million a month? Specialised businesses that employ tens of thousands of other people have supplied these, and most will have to close down.

…that when they have no incomes to pay rents or school fees, most of the town people who lose their jobs will have to go back to their homes in the communal lands?

…that most of their children will have no chance of continuing in the already over-crowded rural schools and might lose all prospect of a better life?

…that although Zimbabwe might have produced enough food for next year, many families will have no money with which to buy it?

…that the money we receive from exporting many commercial crops pays for most of our fuel as well as most of our industrial materials, machines and spare parts? When these exports stop, most industries will stop and our transport services will be crippled.

…that our children might soon have no job prospects, no training prospects and no future outside impoverished peasant farming?

…that even the war veterans will soon be overcome by the poverty that surrounds them?

Zanu PF's policies are a Fast Track to calamity, disaster, chaos and misery. The policies have every prospect of failing, taking with them the livelihoods and dignity of millions of people.

Is this what we want?

We have every possible reason to do all that we can to ensure that the current land reform policies are not brought into operation.

John Robertson is a private sector economist in Zimbabwe.

From The Guardian (UK), 20 March

'My brother was a good man. Why was he killed?'

As an archdeacon in Zimbabwe, Peter Wagner devoted his life to helping others. Last month he was brutally murdered in his church. His brother Hugh Wagner travelled to the troubled country for the funeral - and to try to uncover the truth behind a senseless killing

I was at home with my family when my brother, Tim, phoned with terrible news. Our eldest brother Peter, who was an archdeacon in Zimbabwe, had been found brutally murdered in his church that afternoon - February 26. The church warden had phoned Tim with the news. I was shocked and horrified. I had not expected anything like this, despite the country's recent troubles. Once the shock had passed, all I could think was that I needed to know more: we had only bare details. I contacted the Foreign and Commonwealth Office and the Zimbabwe high commission in London, but neither had heard anything. I then phoned the Guardian foreign desk. They said nothing had appeared on the news wires about it, and put me in contact with their correspondent in Harare, who confirmed that Peter, who was 67, had been murdered in his church.

It wasn't until Tim and I went to Zimbabwe for Peter's funeral two weeks ago that we were able to glean more details. Peter, who lived in Masvingo, 200km east of Bulawayo, had gone to his church at 5:30am as normal, to carry out early-morning offices. When he didn't turn up for an appointment that afternoon, the church wardens went to his house, and found that it had been broken into. So they searched the church, and finally, behind the door leading to the belfry, they found him. His body was already cold - he had been lying there all day. He had been bound hand and foot, and socks had been forced into his mouth. He had been beaten about the head and body, and his neck had been broken. He died of asphyxiation.

The Masvingo police arrested one man and said they had launched a "massive manhunt" for another. The second man is a former caretaker at the church who was recently released after serving a jail sentence for theft from Peter. He is also alleged to have savagely beaten two elderly white women of Peter's mainly African congregation. However, the police have since stated they have been unable to arrest him because he "is never at home when we call".

Peter had been in Zimbabwe since 1970. He had previously worked in Birmingham, but felt a calling to help people in greater need, so he went to what was then Rhodesia. After a few years, he became dean of a cathedral in Zimbabwe, and most of his parish was African rather than European. He had always cared about others, but working with people in need strengthened that tendency. On my first visit to him in 1987, people told me how he gave away his money and belongings to those in need. He gave away most of his stipend and stopped drawing it two and a half years ago, when he was 65, so it could be used for better causes within the parish. He lived on his meagre overseas pension from the UK. To say it was a frugal life would be an understatement.

Peter and I did not talk on the telephone much, but he loved to write long letters. Although he was not involved politically, he used to write a lot about his feelings towards the Zimbabwean authorities, particularly how they abused their power. He felt that way about the Rhodesian regime, and thought President Mugabe was heading in the same direction. There is a culture of petty racism in Zimbabwe. If you ask for help from the police, and they hear that you are European, they will not help you. Peter experienced this a few years ago. He heard an intruder in his house and phoned the police. Hearing his accent, they gave him the line: "We don't have any transport." "But I live just 400 metres from the station," Peter said. "Sorry sir, no transport," they said, and hung up. Luckily, the intruder ran off without causing any harm.

Many people in Zimbabwe, African and European, are disgusted by such behaviour. Everyone Tim and I spoke to was friendly and helpful. Peter's congregation were devastated by his death and they all came up to us to express their condolences - even to apologise. After the intimidation during the elections last year, many people are afraid to speak up in public. But privately, almost everybody, black and white, wants to talk about what is going on. They wanted to know what Tim and I, as outsiders, thought of Zimbabwe, and would then be extremely vocal in their opinions, which were universally anti-Mugabe.

We were in Zimbabwe when it was reported that Peter Tatchell had tried to make a citizen's arrest of Mugabe in Brussels, and the headlines were very amusing, and telling. "Mugabe Nearly Arrested", said the independent Daily News; but the government-backed Herald, said: "Gay Gangster Tatchell Thumps Mugabe". A waiter saw us comparing these headlines in the hotel and came over to speak. "What do you think of this country?" he asked. "Well, it depends who's asking," I replied. "There are only three of us here," he said.

I told him I thought it was a wonderful but troubled country. He described very eloquently how Mugabe was ruining the country, that no tourists were coming, that the tourist economy was crippled and that his livelihood was eroding away. The strange thing is, though, that a lot of the people we spoke to seem optimistic. They say: "In 18 months, two years, all this will change." I asked one man how he thinks such changes can happen, but he was unable to answer.

Peter loved the country. He planned to retire in August and then stay there for the rest of his life. It is a lovely place, but Mugabe is so strong, and his likely successors are equally strong and ruthless. I have hope for Zimbabwe, but, in all honesty, can't see any remedy for it.

Back to the Top
Back to Index

Gold Mining Group Closes Down

Panafrican News Agency (Dakar)

March 20, 2001
Posted to the web March 20, 2001

Harare, Zimbabwe

One of Zimbabwe's biggest gold mining companies, Falgold, Tuesday announced
an indefinite closure citing a difficult operating environment.

It said that escalating energy costs, lack of fuel, high inflation and a
prolonged depressed gold price had left it with no option but shut down.

"Hyper-inflation beyond all expectations, shortages of foreign currency
necessary to procure vital imports, irregular fuel supplies and electricity
load shedding have made monthly profitability almost impossible to achieve
in the face of a weak international gold price and an unrealistic foreign
exchange rate supported by government throughout the year," Falgold said in
a statement.

The company, which saw profits whittled down from 100 million Zimbdollars in
1999 to just 5 million Zimbdollars last year, is the latest mining firm to
announce closure due to the country's worsening economic situation.

Several mining companies have either suspended operations or shut down
permanently, citing operational difficulties.

Zimbabwe is experiencing a severe economic crisis, with most imported
commodities such as fuel and power being rationed because the government has
no foreign currency to import them in sufficient quantities.


Back to the Top
Back to Index


 

Zimbabwe this Week.

Increasingly ours is a bi-polar world. At the one end of the spectrum we have 20 per cent of the worlds population, living in countries where the income per capita is about US$15 000 per annum. In Zimbabwe dollar terms that is Z$1 275 000 a year or Z$3 500 a day. OK, I know that in these countries the cost of living is about three times the cost of living in a poor country, but it is still a lot of money. Its 88 times the wage of our domestic servant and 40 times the minimum wage in industry and mining in Zimbabwe. It’s 150 times the average income of the 40 per cent of our total population who live in the peasant or communal farming districts.

But it’s not just the average incomes that apply in these "rich" countries. It’s also the quality and level of services that come from the State. Walk into a school in these countries and see the facilities now taken for granted. My first response to a visit to Europe was one of astonishment – there were no poor people in sight. I now know that that is not true, there are poor people in Europe but compared to where I come from, everyone looked rich. I am always amazed also at the level of unemployment benefits that are paid as a routine in many of these countries. I know people who have never worked and yet now have homes, cars and children. The people who live in these countries are mobile, well educated, use credit cards (I have never owned one) and communicate across the world with amazing speed. They will live their three score and ten years and expect to do so in comparative security. The level of choice open to such people is just staggering to those of us who live in the third world.

Then there are the rest of us – the 80 per cent who live probably at about 5 per cent of the above standard on average at an income of about US$700 per annum. I know this varies a great deal – both up and down but on average across the world this is probably what you might expect in the developing countries. We are not getting richer and our populations are growing faster so that our conditions of poverty are not being addressed despite all the effort that is being made to do so. What is worse is that as the world economy globalizes and new forms of economic activity take precedence, our people become more and more marginalised. Our schools simply cannot prepare the children they are teaching for a new technologically driven world. They struggle to give them the basics.

It is of grave concern to all of us who have responsibility for policy formulation as to how we are going to somehow break the cycle of poverty and ignorance. How to bridge the gap between the rich and the poor in the world? Of particular concern are the absolutely poor – about 1,2 billion people who live on less than a US dollar a day – and often much less.

This group lives every day on the edge of starvation, go to bed hungry most days and live in crowded and unsanitary conditions. They often sleep rough and have little or no privacy. Their life expectancy is half the world average and declining. Women are the majority in this group and are the most disadvantaged. 50 per cent or more of their children die before they turn 5 and those that survive get little or no education. A significant proportion end up as virtually slaves in the societies in which they live, with little or no choice about anything concerned with their lives. They simply cannot imagine what it is like to sleep in a bed and go to a supermarket with a little piece of plastic that allows you to buy a king’s ransom in goods and food.

Under Mugabe, Zimbabwe has seen a massive and unprecedented decline in living standards and in the quality of life enjoyed by the average citizen. Since 1990 our average incomes have declined 70 per cent in real terms, life expectancy has plummeted 10 years and all social services have deteriorated to the point where they can barely operate, let alone deliver. While the people in the subsistence sector have not experienced such dramatic declines in their living standards, they must now care for dependents from urban society. Whereas in the past the cities created surpluses which were sent home to help make life a bit easier. The time when a family in the rural areas would send a son away to the city to earn a living and send money home is almost over. The urban poor have borne the brunt of the economic downturn and are worse off than at any time in the past century.

The dramatic advances of the first decade of independence – and there were many including an explosion of education and health services and great advances in urban g housing and in rural productivity, have all been lost and reversed by mounting corruption and poor governance. The educated elite we created in those years are now leaving the country and exercising the mobility our education system gave them. They send money home, but its crumbs off the table and can only alleviate the absolute poverty of the families they left behind.

The paradox of this situation is that at the same time as this was happening to the great majority, a minority has been accumulating wealth on a scale not seen in the previous century. A visit to Borrowdale in Harare or any of the other high-income suburbs reveals huge houses, many of which resemble hotels. These have every facility and are luxuriously fitted out. The occupants do not seem to be short of anything and send their children to the best schools and universities. They take overseas holidays and drive luxury vehicles. The disparity between this and the situation in the townships is pornographic and inexplicable. Where is this new money coming from? Real estate agents tell of clients paying for large properties in cash and it is evident that much of the money is not legal. But its also true and has been the case in many countries in earlier centuries that absolute poverty often resides with great wealth for a tiny minority. Europe is full of examples of this historical situation.

The questing then is not only how do we eliminate absolute poverty but also how do we create a more equitable society? I think there are two key elements – education and the economic empowerment of the individual. Lets look at these in the Zimbabwe context.

We need to revisit our education system and to strive to upgrade it to the point where it can deliver to every child, irrespective of their circumstances, a world class basic education that will unlock their potential and open doors of opportunity – not only to further education but also to economic opportunities. This is possible but it requires a rescheduling of our priorities – less spending on the military and more on education, treating our teachers as valued professionals who are doing a key job and should be paid as such. The world community – the rich countries have an obligation to help us achieve this within the next decade and to hold it there.

Secondly we need to give people control over the basic resources they need to live – urban housing on a freehold basis and security of tenure over the land the rural poor cultivate. Take them out of the hands of greedy exploitative landlords and corrupt local authorities and free them from the shackles of their traditional systems of land tenure. The MDC is the first mass political movement in Africa (we have over 2,5 million members) to commit itself to this goal. A nation of home owners and independent farmers who own their own land, would be a nation that could call its leaders to account and would not tolerate the nonsense we have witnessed in this country over the past decade. Don’t tell me it cannot be done – it can be and we have the resources to make it happen and fast. It’s only a question of commitment.

Eddie Cross

12th March 2001.

Please note that this note is personal and does not necessarily reflect the views of the Movement for Democratic Change.

Back to the Top
Back to Index

Zimbabwe may be sharply criticised by the Commonwealth over the turmoil in its democracy and judiciary.

The state's difficulties were not originally on the agenda for the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group meeting, but the British government has requested that they be discussed.

The group is not able to suspend Zimbabwe from the Commonwealth, but is expected to make recommendations for tough action by Commonwealth Heads of Government.

President Robert Mugabe has come under fire in Britain for his campaign to seize hundreds of white-owned farms, and for alleged intimidation of the media and the judiciary.
Back to the Top
Back to Index

From Business Day


Is SA tailing Zimbabwe on the slippery slope?

----------------------------------------------------------------------------
THE cost of events in Zimbabwe, it is argued, can be measured in terms of
the effect they have on foreign direct investor perceptions of the region in
general and SA in particular.

Recent figures from Business Map show that foreign direct investment in SA
over the past five years amounts to R83bn, with just 17% of this amount
arriving in 2000, the poorest performance in real terms since 1996.

Implicit in this connection between SA and Zimbabwe is a fear on the part of
the global (and local) investment community that SA will go down the same
road as its northern neighbour degenerating to the point where the rule of
law is subject to political whim and opportunity. And given the shared
history, such fears are exacerbated by the overt use of race in the
Zimbabwean conflict.

But are there factors that set SA apart from events in Zimbabwe or is it
likely to go down the same path?

The first major difference is the nature of the political settlement itself.
In the case of Zimbabwe, this was an externally sponsored compromise with
the UK at its centre. SA's transition, by comparison, was the result of an
internally led and negotiated process.

Second, SA's post-1994 budgets and its overall macroeconomic management
reflect a prudent yet socially aware government philosophy. Zimbabwe was on
a similar track until the mid1990s, at which time President Robert Mugabe
lurched sideways to attempt to appease domestic critics in the face of
mounting domestic economic hardship.

Third, in spite of the wars in Angola and the Democratic Republic of Congo,
the regional environment is comparatively settled. At Zimbabwean
independence in 1980 the region was at war with apartheid: in Angola,
Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia, Swaziland, Mozambique, Zambia, Zimbabwe and in
SA itself.

Fourth, the scale and professionalism of SA institutions are, in some
sectors, world-class. This, unlike in Zimbabwe, is an indigenous rather than
imported capacity.

Fifth, the SA constitution is on paper streets ahead of its Zimbabwean
counterpart, even though it takes years of parliamentary practice to form a
constitutional state.

Sixth, the SA compact between organised labour, business and government,
while fragile, shows no sign of splitting as have the unions with the ruling
Zanu (PF) in Zimbabwe.

But what might be the signs to watch out for?

Most critically, as with Zimbabwe until the formation of Morgan Tsvangirai's
Movement for Democratic Change, the SA political environment has not been
able to progress to a point where politics and political factions are shaped
primarily by ideology and current issues rather than by race and liberation
struggle alliances.

If anything, in the post-Mandela period the creation of the Democratic
Alliance and the government and opposition reactions to the Zimbabwe land
issue have re-racialised SA politics.

There are shared concerns over the pace of growth and social delivery and a
breakdown in basic services, particularly policing. There is a perception
that both countries share problems of weak and sometimes mis-management in
the civil service.

Related to this are concerns about the failure to implement a concerted
attempt at land redistribution in SA. While this might be occurring in SA by
default through attacks on farmers, this is not a government-sponsored
campaign as it is in Zimbabwe.

The arms deal in SA has highlighted similar problems of nepotism and
corruption of which Harare has stood accused, particularly over its land
redistribution "methodology".

Finally, the high rates of essentially white flight, of skills and capital,
have ominous parallels. This haemorrhage, and government (in)capacity, is
exacerbated, at least in the short term, by affirmative action.

Contrary to official figures which indicate that 80000 people left SA over
the past nine years, more than 2000 people, mainly white professionals, are
estimated to be leaving every month.

Pretoria should act decisively in its attitude to Zimbabwe and its external
partners in managing regional events.

Mills is the national director of the SA Institute of International Affairs
(SAIIA) based at Wits University.


Mar 20 2001 12:00:00:000AM Greg Mills Business Day 1st Edition

   Wednesday
21 March 2001







Back to the Top
Back to Index