Financial Times
By
Tony Hawkins in Harare
Published: March 22 2007 02:00 | Last updated:
March 22 2007 02:00
Zimbabweans rocked by hyperinflation and eager to
make money are turning to
the stock market, generating share price gains
that are as volatile as the
country's political crisis.
On Monday,
the Zimbabwe Stock Exchange's industrials index rose as much in a
single
day's trading as in the preceding 40 years, gaining 569,000 points,
or an
amount equal to its total gains in the four decades to December 2006.
Then
on Tuesday, the index, which includes all non-mining companies listed
on the
exchange, surged a further 1.2m points.
In real money, Zimbabwe's stock
market is not large - its entire market
capitalisation is some Z$61,000bn
(US$3.6bn). But investors are flocking to
the exchange, causing share prices
in the world's fastest-shrinking economy
to outpace both inflation and the
country's collapsing currency.
When adjusted for inflation of 1,730 per
cent in the year to February,
investors are showing real gains of over 200
per cent so far this year, or
60 per cent in US dollars at the much
under-valued parallel market exchange
rate. The reasons for this? No one
wants to hold the local currency, which
is losing value by the minute. In
the parallel market, the Zimbabwe dollar
has fallen from Z$3,000 to the US
unit at the end of December to Z$17,000
today.
Since the start of the
year the pace of economic decline in Zimbabwe has
accelerated and in the
past fortnight, there has been an increase in
political violence with
rallies banned or broken up by President Robert
Mugabe's security forces and
opposition leaders hospitalised.
There are limited opportunities for
investment in Zimbabwe and many
investors have convinced themselves that so
long as inflation continues to
rise the stock market will maintain its
phenomenal growth.
Still, there are reasons for caution, among them the
possibility that the
government might impose harsh measures to stop the
collapse of the currency.
"There are just too many things that could go
wrong," said one asset
manager.
In the meantime, by the end of
yesterday's trading, the industrial index had
gained 850 per cent since the
New Year.
Taipei Times
By
Chris McGreal
THE GUARDIAN, JOHANNESBURG
Thursday, Mar 22, 2007, Page
9
Zimbabwe's opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) has declared
that
the bloody assault on its leadership which prompted an international
outcry
heralds "the final stage of the final push" to remove President
Robert
Mugabe from power. One of the party's leaders has even gone so far as
to
warn of "rebellion, war."
Zimbabweans have been here before, and
been disappointed. So the coming
weeks will be a crucial test of whether the
MDC is finally able to
capitalize on the unexpected transformation of its
image from weak to heroic
and mobilize popular resistance to Mugabe's
27-year rule.
Five years ago, the MDC declared that the voters were about
to turf out
Mugabe. The opposition then watched helplessly as the ruling
Zanu-PF stole
the election.
In the following days the MDC's leader,
Morgan Tsvangirai, backed away from
confrontation with the government just
as Zanu-PF was most vulnerable and
ordinary Zimbabweans were still
mobilized. He said he did not want to see
bloodshed. Since then the MDC has
been on the retreat as it failed to find a
strategy to confront
Zanu-PF.
Tsvangirai launched a "final push" and "winter of social
discontent" but
they failed to get a sceptical population on to the streets.
The collapse in
confidence in the MDC showed as many opposition supporters
did not bother to
vote in parliamentary elections and the MDC split over
Tsvangirai's
leadership.
Now his party is again presented with an
opportunity after the assault on
the MDC leaders laid bare the brutalities
of Mugabe's rule and prompted
Washington to lead international condemnation
of Zimbabwe's president.
The MDC said it would seize the moment. Arthur
Mutambara, a leader of the
faction that broke away from Tsvangirai two years
ago, said the party was
putting aside divisions to rally to the
cause.
"We have our differences but we will manage them," he said. "We
are in the
final stages of the final push. We are going to do it by
democratic means,
by being arrested, beaten, but we are going to do it ...
We are talking
about rebellion, war."
But at the weekend, Tsvangirai
was still talking about foreign intervention
as key to forcing Mugabe from
power. Asked shortly before he was beaten up
why he did not offer more
forceful leadership, Tsvangirai essentially said
it was for the people to
lead and him to follow.
But ordinary Zimbabweans have not shown a taste
for confrontation with the
government even as they have endured a collapsing
economy and food
shortages.
David Coltart, an MDC member of
parliament who supports the Mutambara
faction, said he remains doubtful that
his party could mobilize large-scale
protests.
"For all the publicity
of the past week, the fact remains that the
opposition hasn't been able to
mobilize tens of thousands of people which is
partly to do with fear, partly
to do with divisions in the opposition and
partly to do with a shocking lack
of information for ordinary people about
what is going on," he said. "This
is a very weak population; weak
economically, unhealthy because of AIDS, and
a population that is starving."
The one MDC strategy that may yet pay off
is the quiet negotiation between
its two factions and rival wings of
Zanu-PF.
Tsvangirai has tacitly acknowledged that the best way to
encourage change is
through a power-sharing agreement with those in the
ruling party who realize
that a coalition government would also ensure a
future for Zanu-PF.
But Mugabe's Zanu-PF critics acknowledge that an
opposition able to mobilize
popular discontent would strengthen their hand
in trying to get the
president to finally relinquish power.
This story
has been viewed 51 times.
Independent, UK
By
Basildon Peta in Johannesburg
Published: 22 March 2007
Security forces
in Zimbabwe have been accused of stepping up abductions and
beatings of
government critics, while senior opposition figures are having
their
passports confiscated to prevent them publicising the crisis to the
outside
world.
William Bango, a spokesman for Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC), said:
"At least five opposition officials have been picked up for
torture from the
townships by the police every night before they are
returned to their homes.
The strategy is to try to ensure that the
opposition is destroyed as these
officials would be too scared to
participate in our activities in future."
Passports of MDC faction leader
Arthur Mutambara and senior party officials
Grace Kwinje and Sekai Holland
had been seized. The latest accusations of
brutality came as Western powers
sought to persuade Africa to confront
President Robert Mugabe. Tony Blair
said Mr Mugabe's regime was "appalling,
disgraceful and utterly tragic for
the people of Zimbabwe" and damaging the
region's reputation.
"Let's
be very clear: the solution to Zimbabwe ultimately will not come
simply
through the pressure applied by Britain. That pressure has got to be
applied
within Africa, in particular within the African Union," he told
Parliament.
Few African governments have joined the criticism of
Mugabe, although
leaders meet in Tanzania next week to discuss Zimbabwe. The
Zambian
President Levy Mwanawasa said the region would have to get involved.
"Quiet
diplomacy has failed to help solve the political chaos and economic
meltdown
in Zimbabwe," he said.
In Harare, Mr Mugabe has summoned
judicial officials to a seminar geared
towards preparing them to handle
"terrorism cases".
Sources revealed that the seminar was being attended
by senior magistrates
whom Mr Mugabe wanted to mete out "heavy punishment"
to opposition officials
accused of terrorist activities.
Mr Mugabe's
spokesman, Sikhanyiso Ndlovu, dismissed the opposition MDC as a
"terrorist
organisation" and said the government was justified in
implementing any
measures geared towards countering it.
Mr Bango said his party was aware
of the secret seminar for judicial
officers. They had been told that the
seminar was necessary because Zimbabwe
"was facing a deeper terrorism threat
than ever before and government wants
to develop the capacity of judicial
officers to handle them".
Mr Bango said it was evident that the
government was trying to muzzle the
judiciary so it could target the
opposition whenever "so called terrorism
crimes by the opposition" were
brought before the courts.
Mr Mugabe has over the years weeded out judges
who displayed independence.
Mr Bango said his party feared officials would
be targeted on trumped-up
charges in the next few months as Mr Mugabe
becomes desperate.
"We are being informed that they [the government] want
to plant arms of war
at various places to use them as a pretext of arresting
us and accusing us
of planning a war to justify their claims that we are
terrorists," he said.
Peter Hitschmann, a former Rhodesian soldier and
friend of the prominent
opposition activist Roy Bennett, has now spent over
a year in jail on
charges that he cached arms to use in an alleged plot to
kill Mr Mugabe. Mr
Bango said Zimbabwe was certainly heading for trouble
unless regional
countries intervened now. He said the MDC was prepared to
accept a dignified
exit strategy for Mr Mugabe if regional leaders pressured
him to negotiate
an end to the current impasse.
Vanguard, Nigeria
EDITORIAL
Posted to the Web: Thursday, March 22,
2007
The echoes of brutality from far away
Zimbabwe does not portray
not only that country but entire Africa in good
light. Picture of police
brutality against Margan Tsvangirai, opposition
leader of the Movement For
Democratic Change sends the continent back to the
age of barbarism. Lovemore
Madhuku of National Constitutional Assembly also
suffered a broken arm and a
head wound while in police custody. Many other
activists even from the
church suffered similar fate with few wanton waste
of lives.
Tsvangirai was wickedly battered on the head. His
swollen face,
closed red eye and wounds in different places were
manifestations of police
inhumanity to this leading opposition figure in
Zimbabwe. His and many
others offence was their effrontery to call Sunday
meeting prayers to
address the myriad of political and economic problems
facing Zimbabwe under
President Robert Mugabe.
The
Zimbabwean Police refused them permit and believes that the
only way to cow
the assemblage of coalition of opposition, churches and
civil rights groups
was to cruelly invade their right of association by
inflicting violence on
them. Mugabe has been in power since the country
attained independence in
1980. He has changed the constitution of Zimbabwe
several times to suit his
self perpetuation plan and administered all
illegal means to quell
opposition fire.
It is sad that Mugabe who started on a
bright note has in the
twilight of his life turned into a monster that could
go to any length to
remain in power. Cost of living is said to be soaring in
that country while
Zimbabweans are generally tired of the draconian reign of
an ex-activist and
patriot.
Whatever contributions Mugabe
made in the glorious days of
fighting for Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe's)
independence has been diminished by
his forceful long stay in power and
idealess policies that has not moved the
country forward.
Mugabe has indeed overstayed his welcome while he must be
reminded that,
hard as he could, it would not be possible for him to stop
the hand of time.
It is trite that change is the only constant thing in life
and millions of
Mugabe in Zimbabwe cannot stop it from happening when it is
due.
It is applauding that tyrannical antics of Mugabe's
Police seem
not to be discouraging Tsvangirai and fellow comrades in their
crusade
against bad governance in Zimbabwe. They have erroneously believed
that
remaining in power forever is their birthright.
The
United Nations, UN, and the Commonwealth must quickly
intercede in the
crisis of political, economic and human rights abuses going
on presently in
Zimbabwe. the problem going on in the country should concern
leaders within
the continent too. the African Union can also help in seeking
out ways that
could bring peace and stability in Zimbabwe. On this matter,
we cannot
afford not to be our brother's keeper. The excesses of Mugabe
should be
condemned and checked.
innercitypress
Byline: Matthew Russell Lee of Inner City
Press at the UN: News Analysis
UNITED NATIONS, March 21 -- Following a
Security Council meeting Wednesday
afternoon about Iran, U.S. Ambassador
Alejandro Wolff emerged and told
reporters that there is still a possibility
of a vote this week on the draft
sanctions resolution, and that the
afternoon's meetings were "not a
negotiation session."
Minutes later, South African Ambassador Dumisani Kumalo, the
president of
the Council this month, was asked about Wolff's comments. He
asked
rhetorically, if it was not a negotiation session, what was it? South
Africa
has issued a two-and-a-half page "non-paper" which proposes that a 90
day
time out be built into the resolution, and would omit from the sanctions
list several individuals and companies, including Bank Sepah, Qods
Aeronautics Industries and Pars Aviation Services Company. Others are
requesting that the resolution's proponents come forward with justification
and proof about the names on the sanctions list.
By
Wednesday evening, the UN was full of competing theories on
what will
happened next. Some say that the resolution's proponents will put
it "in
blue" on Thursday night, and demand a vote within 24 hours. Others
note that
Ambassador Kumalo, as Council president, controls when meetings
are
scheduled, and at a minimum could hold off action until Iran's
president,
who has requested to address the Council before any vote of
further
sanctions. Further out, it is speculated that South Africa could run
out the
clock until the end of their month heading the Council, and that the
UK,
which chairs the Council in April, would preside over the sanctions'
enactment. We'll see.
Zimbabwe as Political
Football
In the eddies of this jousting about the Iran
nuclear sanctions
resolution, the issue of Zimbabwe is being buffeted about
like a homeless
cause. A briefing of the Security Council about recent
events in Zimbabwe --
the arrest and beating of opposition leaders, the
crackdown on the press,
the economic collapse -- had been scheduled for
Thursday afternoon. It will
no longer take place, at least at that time.
Ambassador Kumalo Wednesday
evening that "the UK had wanted a briefing on
Zimbabwe, that's not going to
happen now." Amb. Kumalo has previously been
heard by correspondents to say
that Robert Mugabe is just a grumpy old man
who should be allowed to serve
out his time.
Soon after
Ambassador Kumalo's comments, Inner City Press asked
UK Ambassador Emyr
Jones Parry about the status of the briefing on Zimbabwe,
and any linkage to
the negotiations around the Iran sanctions resolution.
Ambassador Jones
Parry said that because the Iran text will now been
discussed on Thursday
afternoon, the Zimbabwe briefing was bumped. He said
he has requested that
it take place, if possible, on Thursday morning, or at
the soonest possible
time thereafter. At 7 p.m., Thursday's Council
scheduled was released, with
Zimbabwe not included in the morning or
afternoon session. (Northern Uganda
/ the Great Lakes, a euphemism for the
Lord's Resistance Army conflict,
remains on the agency for a briefing at 4
p.m., click here for today's Inner
City Press coverage of LRA, Joaquim
Chissano and Deputy Secretary General
Asha-Rose Migiro.) Given South
Africa's position that Zimbabwe issues do not
belong in the Security
Council, it remains to be seen what happens with the
Zimbabwe issues now.
One update on a less prominent hotspot:
earlier in the week,
Inner City Press asked Russian Ambassador Churkin when
Abkhazia will be
considered by the Council, given the request by Georgia
after the contested
elections in the region, and the bombing incident which
the UN says its is
investigating. "It's on the agenda for next week,"
Ambassador Churkin said,
then amended the answer to "next month." What will
Kosovo, the issues are
piling up. We'll see.
Finally, a
review and in-UN sighting. Serge Brammertz of the
International Independent
Investigation Commission on Wednesday spoke at the
stakeout for 23 minutes
without saying much of anything. To some degree it's
understandable: a
prosecutor can only say so much about an ongoing
investigation. But why then
stand at the stakeout for 23 minutes? One wag
noted that those who should
speak and have no excuse not to, such as Ibrahim
Gambari, often rush right
past reporters, while those who can't or won't
speak seem to hunger for
attention. Related or not, Mr. Brammertz was
observed later on Wednesday
eating alone in the UN cafeteria. As someone
once said, the UN can be like
high school...
Feedback: Editorial [at] innercitypress.com
UN
Office: S-453A, UN, NY 10017 USA Tel: 212-963-1439
Gold Coast Bulletin
22Mar07
A 64-year-old former Australian resident trapped
in Zimbabwe has won a court
order allowing her to leave the strife-torn
southern African country.
But it is feared president Robert Mugabe's
corrupt regime will contrive to
prevent Sekai Holland making a dash to South
Africa for urgent medical
treatment.
Mrs Holland's Australian husband
Jim told AAP that a Harare judge had ruled
last night that she and her
fellow opposition activist Grace Kwinjeh were
free to go.
Mrs Holland
has been under armed guard in a Harare hospital where she is
receiving
treatment for injuries, including a broken leg, broken hand and
three broken
ribs.
She says she sustained the injuries in police custody, where she
was also
allegedly lashed more than 80 times by 15 officers.
``The
police have been ordered to stop the armed guard, to hand back the
passports
and to allow them to leave the country,'' said Mr Holland today.
``They
will need to report their movements to police in case of a summons
for any
alleged criminal offence.''
Mrs Holland, policy secretary for Zimbabwe's
opposition Movement for
Democratic Change party, and Ms Kwinjeh were
arrested on March 11 following
an opposition protest, but have yet to be
charged.
The armed guard has been removed from the hospital, Mr Holland
said, and he
was now making plans to leave tomorrow for Johannesburg then
Durban to seek
urgent specialist treatment for his wife's leg.
But Mr
Holland was not hopeful they would be allowed onto the plane, and
he's
afraid the authorities could even try to have them killed.
``The order's
only been issued against the police so if some other organ of
the state
prevents us leaving, we still have a problem,'' he said.
``Perhaps
there'll be a little accident in the ambulance on the way to the
airport -
you've got no idea, we live in very dangerous times.''
Mrs Holland came
to Australia from Zimbabwe in 1961 and married Australian
Jim Holland before
the couple moved back to her homeland in 1981.
Khaleej Times Online
EDITORIAL
22 March
2007
WHAT is going on in Zimbabwe? President Robert Mugabe, at
the helm for over
26 years, has broken his own record in his relentless and
ruthless
persecution of opposition leaders.
Attacking opposition
leaders and beating them up at every possible
opportunity has nothing to do
with democracy or civilised behaviour. Mugabe
is accusing his rivals, as
usual, of seeking to sell the nation's interests
to the West. While the
script is old, the lethal nature of his offensive is
not new.
Over
the years, Mugabe has been accused of many things: widespread
repression,
corruption and mismanagement of economy to the extent that the
inflation
today has shot up to 1,600 per cent, the highest in the world. On
his part,
Mugabe says the offensive against him - with the Movement for
Democratic
Change (MDC) in the forefront - is sponsored by the West, notably
the UK and
its Western allies. Hence his latest call to them, "Go, hang".
Add to this
the current diplomatic stand-off, aggravated by a warning to
foreign
missions that envoys will be expelled if they are found to be
backing the
opposition movement.
Zimbabwe was at one time the most prosperous country
in Africa. Today,
poverty is a reigning reality. That has to do with
Mugabe's own land reforms
policy, under which foreigners - White farmers -
were driven out and their
lands taken in and handed over to local natives a
few years ago. Those who
got the land neither had the resources nor the
expertise to turn them
productive, which should also be reason why there now
is a serious food
shortage.
Zimbabwe urgently needs a change - change
of direction and a change for the
better. While the people of Zimbabwe
finally must determine their destiny,
the international community will have
to come forward to end their suffering
and persecution at the hands of the
present regime.
One
of the people attacked by police after a soccer match shows the injuries he
sustained.
FROM CAJ NEWS
HARARE
CAPS United supporters, including three top
television and movie personalities, were brutally assaulted by the Zimbabwe
Republic Police, during the recent weekend of violence.
The Caps United
supporters, who were travelling from Kwekwe, were accosted by the Zimbabwe
Republic Police at a roadblock mounted near Kuwadzana roundabout along the
Bulawayo highway while returning from a soccer match.
The bus, which was
carrying 75 supporters, was told to pull over at the Kudzawana roundabout before
the AK-74-wielding Zimbabwe Republic Police officers, clad in riot gear, went
berserk, assaulting the passengers.
Among the fans that were beaten were
'Mudoori' (Matirasa Silingwana) of the television series Tiriparwendo and
'Mbudzi Yadhura' (Blessing Chimhowa) of the television comedy Gringo. Silvos
Mudzvova of the hit movie Tanyaradzwa was also at the mercy of police brutality.
The instant justice meted out to those travelling on the highway followed
the torching of a commuter omnibus, which was travelling from Botswana on the
same road.
Police said six MDC supporters were arrested in connection with
the torching of the vehicle, while the passengers' goods were also looted,
according to the police.
"It was the most barbaric incident because we were
coming from a soccer match and were all dressed in our Caps regalia but the
police took no heed. It was a traumatic experience because we were treated like
animals. The police took turns to beat us while we were lying on the tarmac,"
Chimhowa said.
According to an inventory done by the Caps United Supporters
Union treasurer, Tonderai Chimedza their members, who were travelling on the bus
lost $1, 8 million after their pockets were emptied by the police.
The
Zimbabwe Republic Police members also confiscated Caps United regalia and flags
valued at over $3 million.
The Caps United Supporters Union said at least
of sevens of their members also lost cell-phones worth millions of dollars.
Auxillia Madyira, one of the female supporters, sustained bruises on the
buttocks and breast after the police whipped her with a baton.
"I was
assaulted left, right and centre. I have just been to the doctor and I incurred
$200 000 in medical costs. I hid my cellphone in my bra but I was not so lucky
as the police whipped me with a baton across my breasts, damaging my cellphone
in the process," Madyira said.
Madyira, a vendor at Mbare Musika, said she
would not be making a living in the next few days as she was nursing injuries at
home.
Police used tear gas, water cannon and live ammunition to crush
Sunday's gathering by the Save Zimbabwe Campaign, a coalition of opposition,
church and civic groups, in Harare's western township of Highfield.
State
radio Tuesday quoted Information Minister Sikhanyiso Ndlovu as saying opposition
activists had attacked police and were to blame for the violence.
Among
those arrested Sunday in Highfield were two journalists on assignment for The
Associated Press, Harare freelance photographer Tsvangirai Mukwazhi and
freelance television producer Tendai Musiya.
The Zimbabwean
JOHANNESBURG
The
Movement for Democratic Change South Africa chapter is set to close the
busy
Beitbridge/Musina border post in protest against the Mugabe regime's
brutality against its citizens, an official told CAJ News on
Monday.
Khumbulani Sibanda, MDC spokesperson for SA, said COSATU had pledged
maximum
support for the endeavour.
A massive demonstration against the
worsening political situation in
Zimbabwe was planned for Durban on
Wednesday, to be followed by one at the
Zimbabwean consulate in
Johannesburg. COSATU and the South African Communist
Party (SACP) were
scheduled to participate. - CAJ News
The Zimbabwean
HARARE - This week's sharp fuel
price rise in Zimbabwe was the fifth inside
two weeks, as the ripple effects
of the removal of price subsidies begins to
take its toll on the
economy.
In two weeks, the price of fuel has shot up from Z$6,000 to Z$15,000
driven
mainly by the weakening Zimbabwe dollar against major
countries.
"The price of fuel is set to continue rising in line with the
value of forex
on the black market," said economist Ronald
Shumba.
Diesel, the country's most used fuel, rose to $14,500 a litre, 80
percent up
on the previous cost of Z$8,500. Jet A1 fuel almost
quadrupled.
Energy minister Mike Nyambuya told state radio the rise was
necessary for
viability, especially at the state-owned oil importer, the
National Oil
Company of Zimbabwe, or
NOCZIM.
The oil importer, which
until recently had a monopoly on fuel imports, has
been selling fuel to oil
companies at a substantial loss for about seven
years.
But the removal of
subsidies in the pricing of oil products by Reserve Bank
governor Gideon
Gono upset the applecart.
The result has been steep price increases across
all goods and commodities,
which thrive on fuel for distribution. Bus fares
have also shot up, with an
average trip in Harare now asking for $5,000
forcing many to walk or cycle
to work. - Gift Phiri
The Zimbabwean
Editorial 11
Widespread brutality against all those perceived as his enemies, has
been
Mugabe's response to his increased terror at losing power. His enemies
are
now everywhere. No longer is it just the MDC, or Tony Blair and George
Bush,
who frighten him. Now the enemy is within the gate - personified by
his
life-long comrades at arms, Emmerson Mnangagwa and Solomon
Mujuru.
Both factions, which have been gingerly shadow-boxing for the right
to
succeed him, have this week finally had the guts to say they don't want
anything more to do with him. It's now official. Mugabe is liability - even
to Zanu (PF). Faced with unprecedented opposition from within his party to
his intention to extend his rule until 2010 without the mandated
presidential elections in 2008, Mugabe backed down and agreed to elections
in 2008.
He immediately declared his intention to stand for re-election.
Loyal
comrade Nathan Shamuyarira immediately announced that Mugabe would be
Zanu
(PF)'s sole candidate for the presidency.
However, others begged to
differ. Both warring factions were quick to make
know, albeit unofficially
through leaks to The Zimbabwean, that the aged
tyrant's days were now over
and they would not be supporting his candidacy.
At last the MDC and Zanu (PF)
- or at least certain elements within the
ruling party - are in agreement.
Mugabe must go. What happens next is
vitally important. This common ground
must be recognised and seized. It
provides a fantastic opportunity for the
international community to do
something concrete and positive at
last.
Every possible avenue must be explored via which support can be
extended to
the democratic forces in the country, who have paid such a high
price for
their commitment to freedom over the past few weeks in particular.
The
Americans spoke of a "toolbox of measures" - these need to be actioned
as
soon as possible.
South Africa and Britain, both key players, need to
stand up and be counted.
Their silence, in the hour of Zimbabwe's greatest
need, is inexplicable and
unjustifiable in the extreme.
They could still
redeem themselves by acting quickly to condemn the
shootings and beatings,
and offering assistance to the wounded who are
imprisoned in ill-equipped
hospitals, unable to travel for specialist
medical attention.
Targetted
sanctions need to be broadened and tightened.
The EU action this week in
allowing a Zanu (PF) delegation to attend the ACP
parliamentary meeting in
Brussels (while the official MDC delegate is
fighting for his life in
hospital in Harare having been assaulted with iron
bars by eight state
security agents while at the airport en route to the
meeting) is
deplorable.
We pay tribute to the voices that have been raised around the
world. In
particular we applaud Botswana's principled stance in closing its
embassy in
Harare. We implore others to follow suit. This practical step of
showing
disgust at Mugabe's behaviour, while at the same time encouraging
those
brave enough to resist him, is what is needed right now.
The Zimbabwean
HARARE - Reserve Bank of
Zimbabwe governor Gideon Gono is allegedly
bankrolling Zanu (PF) thuggery.
It emerged this week that police officers
who assaulted civic and opposition
leaders while in police custody on March
11 were given Z$1 million each and
a Z$100,000 daily food allowance from
bank coffers.
While Gono this week
raced to distance himself from the brutal assault of
the opposition leaders,
tortured civic and opposition leaders spoke of their
assailants occasionally
referring to "chimari chaGono (Gono's cash)," while
rubbing their hands with
glee.
Police officers in Highfield privately confirmed they had a "windfall"
from
the governor.
National Constitutional Assembly chairman Dr Lovemore
Madhuku told a
press-briefing weekend that his assailants alluded to the
slush fund
available from the central bank for the "Harare
Operation."
"When they stopped beating me, they said 'tava kunotora chimari
chaGono
manje (We are off to go and get Gono's cash)'," said Elton Mangoma,
the MDC
deputy treasurer.
Gono issued a sarcastic response to allegations
that he bankrolled Fascism
this week, saying the reports were
mischievous.
In 2005, Gono allocated an unbudgeted Z$80 million (old
currency) for
Operation Murambatsvina, the destruction of people's homes by
security and
military personnel. He subsequently allocated Z$3 trillion in a
supplementary budget for Operation Hlalani Kuhle/Garikai, which saw only a
handful of homes being built by government.
And to demonstrate the
governor's penchant for bankrolling illegal
activities, last year he
promised $40 million (old currency) to green
bombers confiscating money from
innocent consumers and cross border traders
under Operation Sunrise, which
saw the introduction of a new set of bearer
cheques.
Analysts said Gono
was trying to buy loyalty from the armed forces in overt
maneuvers to
position himself to take over from Mugabe.
"Gono wants to be president. He is
weak in terms of support of the security
agencies. So he is trying to bribe
his way into the security forces, which
is a stronghold of the Mujuru
faction," said a political analyst who
declined to be named.
The Zimbabwean
The late archbishop of Olinde in
northeast Brazil, Hector Camara, used to
speak of the spiral of violence.
When violence is used, it simply gives
birth to more violence. The present
struggle between the Hamas and Fatah
parties in the Gaza strip has turned
into violence and one matriarch, when
interviewed, was quite open about it,
'we will kill them'. By 'them' she did
not mean the Israelis but her fellow
Palestinians of the other party. But
now they are trying to reach out to
each other and work together.
Following the events in Zimbabwe last weekend,
and hearing the accounts of
the assaults on the leaders who were arrested,
we again see the spiral at
work. The government claims the police were
provoked but we ask the simple
question: what gives the government the right
to assault people in custody
who are completely defenseless? Anger, tension,
a desire for revenge - all
are stoked by such actions and can lead to
further violence. As we now see
in the petrol bombs - an echo of 1964.
On
the other hand we could ask what, in such circumstances, would Gandhi say
and do. By praying and fasting, he became a towering human being with a
moral reach that defeated all the might of the British. For him violence was
poisonous. It caused unspeakable suffering to innocent people - particularly
during the partition of India - but more to the point, it degrades those who
perpetrate it. The real victims in the present struggle in Zimbabwe are
those who order and those who commit acts of violence. They have to live
with their actions for the rest of their lives, unless some healing process
can be organized.
The true test of the present times is whether we can
break the spiral of
violence. This calls for courage when faced with
violence, conviction about
the power of truth and an inner spiritual fibre
that can sustain one in
times of pressure.
The core message is that it is
precisely in times of struggle that we
discover our worth. Dare one say it .
but this is a precious time for
Zimbabwe - a time of decision? When there is
peace we can hide away in the
crowd. But when there is a crisis we have to
decide whether to survive
through force, and forget about the consequences
for ourselves and our
children, or whether we try to break the spiral of
violence that threatens
to drown us. If we make the second choice, we lay a
sure foundation for our
children.
When we read the gospels it becomes
clear that, while Jesus speaks out
against injustice and hypocrisy, he is
not violent. He suffers violence but
clearly breaks its power. "The crowds
were appalled on seeing him - so
disfigured did he look that he seemed no
longer human - so will the crowds
be astonished at him and kings stand
speechless before him." (Isaiah
262:14). The Jewish and Roman leaders of his
time did everything that
violence could do. But they could not stamp out the
power of truth and life
that rose up and proclaimed a new way for people
everywhere.
Jesus today tells us that violence achieves nothing permanent or
solid. All
its perpetrators will live to regret it - in this life or the
next.
The Zimbabwean
HARARE
The Zimbabwe Republic
Police (ZRP) has been ordered to conduct provincial
firearms training
courses in preparation for the unpredictable security
situation in the
country.
In a recent memorandum from the Deputy Police Commissioner
Operations,
Godwin Matanga, all provincial police commanders have been
ordered to deploy
armed 24-hour guards in all police camps and to suspend
all leave. In
addition, Commission of Police Chihuri has ordered
plain-clothed policemen
to be armed with pistols in anticipation of possible
public reaction to
recent police brutality.
Matanga noted that the police
had no capacity whatsoever to contain massive
demonstrations if they broke
out simultaneously throughout the country. -
CAJ News
The Zimbabwean
Calls for
dictator to be put on trial in the International Criminal Court,
for current
brutality and gukuranhundi campaign
'Examples of crimes against humanity and
genocide (include) the gukuranhundi
period and the torture of Chavhunduka,
Choto and myself'
- Gabriel Shumba
BY SAVIOUS KWINIKA
CAJ NEWS
WHEN
Saddam Hussein eliminated his political opponents in 1982, the United
Nations turned a blind eye because the world focus was on the war between
Iran and Iraq. The western world then feared the spread of Iranian Muslim
fundamentalism, so the issue of the elimination of Iraq Kurds was of no
significance.
In 1994, the UN despatched a force into Kigali, Rwanda -
with a wrong
mandate altogether. Instead of a peace-keeping mission with a
mandate to
enforce any violations of the law, the mission was of an
observatory nature.
The UN observed nearly a million Tutsis being eliminated
by the
Hutu-dominated militias.
For nearly 27 years, the UN observed a
civil war in Angola with little
effort to stop the carnage. The reign of
former Zaire President Mobutu Sese
Seko was never an issue because his
regime fitted well into the western
agenda of containment of the spread of
communism in Africa.
But when Slobodan Milosevic executed his excesses in
Kosovo, the Americans
swiftly sent a fighting force.
When the East
Timorese voted 'No' to Indonesian domination, a grand scale
massacre was
witnessed an the hands of the Indonesia-backed militias. The UN
was quick to
deploy a peace- keeping mission.
In Liberia, Charles Taylor got arrested only
when a humanitarian catastrophe
had been committed.
Shockingly, in
Zimbabwe, President Mugabe's regime committed a historic
genocide against
the Ndebele people in Matabeleland and Midlands provinces
between 1982-6.
More than 20 000 innocent people, including children and
pregnant women,
were brutally murdered. The commander of the dreaded 5th
Brigade Colonel
Perence Shiri (now Airforce of Zimbabwe Air Marshall) is
still happily
serving.
The UN never condemned that genocide era. Political commentators
assume that
the behaviour of the UN during the Cold War was characterized by
the United
States' security programmes that only paid attention to communism
containment, not humanitarian concerns.
Professor Eldred Masunungure, who
lectures politics at the University of
Zimbabwe, said, "With the United
Nations' mandate to intervene in any
conflictual situations of humanitarian
nature, the Zimbabwe's regime's
excesses have surpassed world events which
have attracted the United
Nations' intervention.
"Remember, Saddam
Hussein was hanged for brutally killing fewer than 200
Kurds. What does the
world say about more than 20 000 innocent children,
women and school
children butchered in cold blood?"
Zimbabweans are oppressed by the Zanu (PF)
regime. Political rallies are
banned. Freedom of association is
constitutionally allowed but selectively
outlawed.
The police force is
politicised. Brutalisation of the regime's opponents is
identified as a
defence against police attack.
A Movement for Democratic Change youth based
in Bulawayo points out, "A few
days ago, the Acting Deputy Police
Commissioner Godwin Matanga, who oversees
police operations, ordered the
police to be armed and shoot when provoked.
The standing order has seen
small-scale miners getting shot and killed.
"The world through the United
Nations is seeing nothing wrong with the
brutalisation of members of the
opposition parties and other civic society
groups. "
The question is,
Does Robert Mugabe qualify for trial in the United Nations'
International
Criminal Court for crimes against humanity?"
The Zimbabwe Exiles Forum (ZEF)
Executive Director, Gabriel Shumba, believes
that others who should be tried
for crimes against humanity include top
government officials like the police
commissioner, and the ministers of Home
Affairs and of State
Security.
"ZEF warns that this intolerance to dissent and violence by the
state
apparatus may lead to defensive mechanisms that may plunge the country
into
anarchy and push it onto the brink of a civil war, a situation that
would be
catastrophic not only for Zimbabwe, but for the whole region," said
Shumba.
ZEF urged the international community, and SADC in particular, to
intervene
urgently before the situation explodes.
"Examples of crimes
against humanity and genocide stem from the gukuranhundi
period, as well as
the subsequent killings post-1999 and the torture of
Chavhunduka, Choto,
myself and thousands of others," said Shumba.
The Zimbabwean
HARARE
BY ITAI
DZAMARA
As it becomes apparent to Robert Mugabe himself that his rule is
coming to
an end, he is lashing out with ever-increasing brutality at
enemies without
and within his own party. Random beatings and shootings of
known MDC
activists have increased daily since last week's assault on MDC
and civil
society leaders.
His latest desperate move has seen the Central
Intelligence Organisation
(CIO) deployed throughout the country to sniff out
senior policemen,
suspected of sympathising with the opposition and
supplying it with tear
gas. The spy agency has also been licensed to
"incapacitate and paralyse"
the MDC and "problematic" civic groups, sources
have revealed.
The Zimbabwean revealed recently that the CIO had compiled a
hit list of
political and civic activists, lawyers and journalists targeted
for
"silencing". We also reported that the Registrar General had been
ordered to
support these efforts by confiscating travel documents belonging
to targeted
individuals.
Sources within the president's office this week
said that a bitter Mugabe,
who openly boasted about police brutality and
threatened a further crackdown
by the state, had followed up his threats by
instructing ministers of state
security and home affairs to "crush the
opposition forces".
"It was agreed that the most effective strategy to
inflict fear into the
nation would be crushing the leaders of the
opposition," a source said. "The
strategy is to incapacitate and paralyse
the MDC and NCA ahead of next
year's elections both through legislation and
state brutality."
The arrests and brutal torture of MDC leader, Morgan
Tsvangirai together
with other opposition leaders a fortnight ago was
followed by the arrest
last week of leader of the other MDC faction, Arthur
Mutambara and
Tsvangirai faction
officials Sekai Holland and Grace
Kwinjeh at the Harare International
Airport.
Nelson Chamisa, spokesman of
the Tsvangirai MDC, was admitted to hospital
for the second time in a week
after being severely assaulted by suspected
state agents at the airport
while trying to depart for and EU meeting in
Brussels. Security minister,
Didymus Mutasa, has ordered police not to
investigate the assault.
But
Mugabe also faces increased opposition from within his own party.
Sources
from the faction led by former army leader Solomon Mujuru this week
declared: "Mugabe can only stand for the party over our dead bodies"
following an about-turn by the geriatric leader over his plans to hang onto
the presidency until 2010. The faction is already plotting to block Mugabe's
plans to "rig himself another mandate to stand for the party".
"How can
he seriously believe party members will accept him as a candidate,"
a member
of the faction said. "Look, Mugabe must come face to face with
reality, and
understand that he has run his course, in fact has put us in
real danger of
losing power to the opposition even after his death."
But Mugabe is already
engaged in mobilizing various constituencies to rally
behind his
candidature.
"He is clearly not ready to surrender power," a source said. He
is busy
buying loyalty in the youth and women's leagues, and using his
terror storm
troops, the Green Bombers, to hit at critics within the party.
Sources said
the wily Mugabe
was trying to endear himself to party legal
affairs secretary, Emmerson
Mnangagwa, by endorsing him as his successor.
But
Mnangagwa is reported to have told members of his faction: "we can't
afford
this liability any longer".
The Zimbabwean
JOHN MAKUMBE
The past few
weeks have done much to bring out the full colours of
Zimbabwe's
long-standing tyrant and dictator, Robert Mugabe. In the past,
there have
been some people who have viewed the 83-year-old ruler as a
reasonable man
who is simply trying to run his country in the face of very
difficult
circumstances. But after the Battle for Highfields a week and half
ago, even
these sympathisers are now fully convinced that Bob has become so
drunk with
brutality that he no longer qualifies to be accepted as a sane
human being,
least of all a legitimate head of state.
The brutality that was demonstrated
by the Zanu (PF) soldiers, the CIO
agents, Zanu (PF) militia and war
veterans dressed in police uniforms, must
have been authored in hell. For
Mugabe to praise the perpetrators of all
that violence, as he did, is to
admit that he has failed to govern this
dilapidated country and has to be
removed from office by all means possible.
Indeed, violence begets violence,
and Mugabe and his coercive forces deserve
exactly what they themselves are
administering to innocent and unarmed
people.
What is amazing is that
Mugabe is the first one to cry foul whenever there
is an encounter between
civilians and the violent apparatus of state
brutality. It is Mugabe who
accuses the MDC and the Save Zimbabwe
campaigners of violence, when he knows
very well that the violence we have
witnessed in the past three weeks was
initiated by state agents.
How else can anyone explain the murder of Gift
Tandare, the beatings of
Morgan Tsvangirai, Grace Kwinjeh, Sekai Holland and
many others? Mugabe has
openly praised the Zanu (PF) hoodlums who beat all
these people, and then in
the same breath accused the MDC and the Save
Zimbabwe Campaign of violence.
Senility should not inflict this old man in
such a vicious manner.
On their way to South Africa for medical treatment,
Grace Kwinjeh and Sekai
Holland were detained by the Mugabe agents and
placed under arrest. They
faired better than Nelson Chamisa of the MDC who,
on his way to Brussels,
was arrested at Harare International Airport and
tortured by CIO agents.
There are clear signs that the three policewomen
whose houses were
petrol-bombed at Marimba were victims of state agents.
This was clearly the
work of any one of the state agents mentioned above.
For example, where
would MDC supporters and civic members get the teargas
canisters that were
used in that vicious attack? It is alleged that some ZRP
agents refused to
participate in the Highfields massacre, hence the resort
to Zanu (PF)
militia, war vets and soldiers. The Marimba attack was
therefore meant to
send a strong message to the ZRP - that the state agents
that had to
undertake the evil attack in Highfields could also punish
them.
All of these sad developments have resulted in Robert Mugabe becoming
increasingly isolated and hated throughout Zimbabwe. Indeed, even in his own
party the man now has numerous enemies who are angry about the manner in
which he is destroying this nation. Rumour has it that a week ago Joice
Mujuru actually tendered her resignation from the position of Vice
President, but Mugabe typically refused to let her step down. It is further
rumoured that the geriatric has in the past also refused to let Joseph
Msika, Hebert Murerwa, Simon Muzenda and even Joshua Nkomo resign. Further,
it is rumoured that both the Mnangagwa faction and the Mujuru faction want
Mugabe out of office as soon as possible. It is clear that the evil maniac
is increasingly standing alone.
The Zimbabwean
THE cost of living for a
family of five has shot up to almost $1m in
February, the Central
Statistical Office said.
The Poverty Datum Line (PDL) registered a 65,58%
increase to $937,838 from
the January rate of $566,401, with two
Matabeleland provinces emerging as
the most expensive.
Of the 10
provinces in Zimbabwe, the average family now needs $826 000 in
Midlands
Province, $890 000 in Bulawayo; $896 419 in Manicaland; $900 000 in
Harare;
$937 838 in Mashonaland East, $984 000 for Mashonaland West; $1,07m
for
Matabeleland North while Matabeleland South becomes the most expensive
province at $1,2m.
The increase is mainly driven by the continued
increase in the prices of
basic goods and services. The latest statistics
show an increase of more
than 4,000 percent on the February 2006 figure of
$25 533. In January, it
went up by 64,53 percent to $566 401 from $344 255
in December last year.
The PDL is defined by the CSO as the cost of a given
standard of living that
must be attained for a person or family not rendered
poor.
It is measured by the food poverty line (FPL) and the total consumption
poverty line (TCPL), representing the minimum and maximum consumption
necessary to feed each member of a standard family of five.
The PDL
figures have been released at a time when salaries and wages have
remained
static while prices of goods and services, fuelled by inflation now
pegged
at 1 729,9 percent, continue to increase, which will prompt labour
organisations to lobby for a minimum wage of at least $1m.
The Zimbabwean
HARARE - Unconfirmed reports
indicate that the Botswana government has
closed its embassy in Zimbabwe in
protest at the repressive actions of
President Mugabe. In addition,
Zimbabwe's neighbour has tightened its border
controls amid fears that the
increasing unrest could lead to a renewed flood
of illegal migration, a
senior police spokesperson said on Monday.
Border officers in Botswana have
been told to check those entering or
seeking to remain and ensure they have
enough money for their stay, the
government said in a statement.
The
order came after a high-level meeting on Friday between police and
immigration officials. The statement referred to the need to keep
"undesirable people" out of the country, but did not specifically mention
that Zimbabweans would be the targets of the tighter controls. - Own
correspondent
Silence Chihuri
We have seen yet
again, the regime scaling to even alarming heights in their
madness and
murderous pursuits. The needless killing of Gift Tandare and the
shameful
attacks on other MDC activists that left even members of the
general public
scurrying for cover in Harare townships is another stuck
reminder that the
regime will not lay down its weapons in the face of
growing opposition. At
least not for now especially when Mugabe shouts to
foreign critics to go and
hang while employing Nazi tactics on the home
turf.
This is a
cornered regime led by a half in-sane geriatric who has lost all
his senses
and would brook no appeal for common sense from whichever
quarter. Even
Jakaya Kikwete of Tanzania could not even say a word that
would betray his
innermost feelings after meeting Mugabe for hours on end.
We all know how
embarrassing the situation in Zimbabwe has become to African
leaders but
cover up is one of their virtues, or is it weakness? At least
Ghanaian
President John A. Kofour was brave enough to label the situation as
it now
is. And now Levi Mwnanawasa of Zambia has weighed in even more
heavily and
referred to our country as a sinking ship. This is a man who had
been
labelled a Mugabe apologist after the way Tsvangirai and his ill
advised
'delegation' were ejected like border jumpers from Zambia during a
botched
trip.
There are particularly two very essential aspects that have
been highlighted
by these very latest events however. The first aspect is
that the extremely
deplorable death of Gift Tandare is particularly sad in
that it also exposes
how ZANU PF has infested the generality of our
institutions with their
poisonous and shameful denigration of human dignity.
These institutions are
the police who shot Tandare, the CIO who forcibly
gained access to his body,
and the Chief Kandeya who had the tenacity to
declare that an MDC supporter
would not be buried in his fiefdom. The CIO's
defiance of the sanctity of
death was particularly chilling. Where in this
world have we ever heard of
such insanity? . Even Tandare himself must have
quietly protested his
disapproval of this gross violation of his person from
his life through to
his death.
The second aspect is of course
the beating and the literally attempted
murder of Morgan Tsvangirai and
those other activists such as Sekai Holland,
Grace Kwinje and Nelson
Chamisa. Seeing Tsvangirai in that sad state speaks
volumes of what the MDC
faithful have endured not just recently but for all
these years the party
has been in existence. The beatings and torture all
echoed in the minds of
those who have been close to the MDC party especially
on seeing our
colleagues in that appalling state. There are many other
people who have
suffered at the hands of this regime and their ordeals have
at times gone
unnoticed and without the same level of international media
coverage.
It should be noted however, that while all these
pathetic events were
unfolding, Mugabe himself was nestled in the comfort of
State House. Whether
this was done at the behest of his direct, indirect,
telephonic, mega-phonic
or otherwise command, the bottom line is that those
executing the so-called
orders from State House demonstrated religious
submission to do so and it is
that last aspect that should worry the MDC
leadership. How to change this
mentality will be the key turning point to
any renewed efforts to unseat
ZANU PF.
It was of course
slightly re-assuring to note that there are still some
untainted apples
among the police forces in the light of reports that by the
end of the week
the names of the perpetrators had already been leaked to the
MDC so they
could be shelved for 'future use'. Also, the alarm caused to the
police and
army chiefs by the 'sharing' of grenades and tear gas canisters
between
their own charges and the "enemy" was to some of us a source of
solace. We
hope the perpetrators will meet their comeuppance in a court of
law when the
curtain eventually comes down on ZANU PF. Not vindictive eye
for any eye
punishment that would be have been called for during the heat of
the
moment.
MDC strategy under Morgan Tsvangirai has also been laid
bare because his
leadership is not just s risk to his followers but to
himself as well. The
chain of events has clearly shown that it will take the
MDC under Tsvangirai
forever to wrestle key institutions from the grip of
Mugabe and his ZANU PF.
This is a party and government that have spent the
last twenty or so years
investing heavily in the rural communities. This has
been coupled with
brainwashing state institutions and it will only take
either equal or
greater efforts on the part of the MDC to reverse that
trend. The MDC
squandered a great opportunity to buy into the essential
rural electorate.
Concentration of MDC support in urban areas and cities has
proved that it
will not be enough to unseat ZANU PF as evidenced by past
elections that
were lost by the MDC. The theory of rigging is not applicable
in the rural
areas. It is about support and the
numbers.
Also, beatings and torture alone will not anoint
Tsvangirai as the next
president of Zimbabwe as long as he lacks proper
judgment and real strategy
to unsettle ZANU PF. This is not about fate. The
next course of action from
this juncture will be key to determining
Tsvangirai's future role at the
heart of Zimbabwean politics. Whether he
will play a front row or back stage
role will depend on his next course of
action. Any pleas to neighbours or
the West to "help us deal with this
regime" will not deliver Zimbabwe, nor
will they release the button from
Mugabe's dying grip. Chiluba led an
internal rebellion in Zambia against
Kaunda and he did with very little
limelight and diplomatic briefings. No
wonder why Kaunda would seek to
sympathise with Mugabe because he is another
dictator who grudgingly let go
of power in the face of the then fiery
Chiluba.
Zimbabwe today is an extremely polarised country
socially and politically,
and there is great need to re-unite the country
because even hardship seems
to be failing to achieve that end. The rich have
become even richer, while
the poor are getting poorer and there is no common
denominator for the two
classes. Not even politics seems to be uniting
people, because currently the
politics of ZANU PF is favouring the rich and
the poor are merely pawns in
the tag of war that pits ZANU PF and the MDC.
However, the lure of
occasional (mainly during elections) ZANU PF handouts
continues to scar the
consciences of most of the poor especially in the
rural areas where the ZANU
PF stranglehold continues without any serious
check. The game of numbers
that Tsvangirai played from the time of the March
separatist congress has
not washed up so far because electoral trends and
events on the ground show
that the numbers are yet to be converted into
motional effect. Due to lack
of clear strategies Tsvangirai is no longer as
guaranteed to become next
president as he was four or five years ago.
Neither is Mugabe now guaranteed
a peaceable retirement after his
contribution to the liberation struggle.
You reap what you
sow.
When the MDC was formed it immediately proved to be one of
the most blessed
if not well-endowed opposition parties to emerge on the
African continent.
It was a party whose leadership immediately assumed
global recognition jet
setting across Western Europe and Scandinavian
countries, as well as America
and Australia where they were warmly received
and were given a lot of
support. The success of the MDC in drumming up
foreign especially western
support was on a scale unrivalled elsewhere on
the African continent. That
foreign appeal was never matched with domestic
following and the pleas for
Western support and satellite TV coverage have
proved not enough to stir a
country past a stumbling dictatorship that is
now consuming even the leaders
of the revolution. No wonder the so-called
"jacket of puppetry" jibe from
Mugabe seemed to resonate with his
hypocritical African compatriots. Which
African country or government does
not look to the west for support anyway?
But what became of that
massive support? Why did the MDC fail to buy into
rural Zimbabwe and disturb
this seemingly eternal ruling party monopoly? Was
it all because of ZANU PF
bigotry? Maybe latterly so with ZANU PF becoming
more and more paranoid and
chasing so many shadows but where there is a will
there is always a way. The
will to invest into the rural communities is what
has been evasive on the
party of the MDC. Mugabe's secret weapon is the
rural masses and their
presiding chiefs and he will tell the west to go and
hang as long as the
rural folk are behind him. He will never tell the povo
to go and hang.
Never.
The initial massive resources that could have captured the
elusive rural
vote for the MDC instead found their way into individual
pockets at the
expense of developing the party's grassroots structures. All
this happened
at a time when the party should have done everything to
counter the ZANU PF
charm offensive in the rural areas. The chiefs and
headmen would menacingly
enforce the ZANU PF hegemony with religious verve
because it is now a case
of survival rather than scruples. They would rather
put their faith where
their food comes from and who would blame them anyway?
The MDC need to
quickly discover a communities approach to Zimbabwean
politics.
A chief who drives a car that he got from ZANU PF and
gets an allowance from
taxpayers money, all of which he can lose overnight
should he show an
wavering in his support for the ruling party. This is why
Chief Kandeya was
doing the unimaginable thing that a chief could ever do by
denying Tandare
to be buried in his rural home. What chief could do that had
it not been
ZANU PF poisoning? In the conditions of torrid hardship that the
government
has created, people are learning to sing for their supper and do
the
unthinkable and the chief is simply proving that he is no exception. Of
course this is unacceptable and has to be condemned with the utmost contempt
it deserves
The political field is now as open as ever and no
one is guaranteed anymore
to become president, not even being an
under-achieving MDC president. Not
even the perennial hers apparent, nor the
anointed of ZANU PF are still
guaranteed of the presidency any more. That is
just how dynamic Zimbabwean
politics has become. It is now up to the
judgement and strategy that will be
able to bring such a ruptured society
back to unity again. If a leader
cannot unite a political party, how on
earth can he unite such a polarised
country as Zimbabwe is today? So many
issues that are springing up that
border on the issue of national unity and
weak leaders with weak visions
will not help on those
matters.
There are certain individuals who had invested so much
not necessarily in
the future of Zimbabwe as a nation, but in Tsvangirai
becoming the next
president because they thought that would put them on the
path to
prosperity. It is such individuals who would exalt Tsvangirai at any
cost
just as Mugabe continues to have his boots licked while he looks aside.
While writing to the UK Independent Tsvangirai said he has been accused of
weak leadership because he does not believe in violence. It is not about
believing in violence, it is about the clear and sound strategy to take your
own party forward before you aspire to run the country. What leader fails to
unite a political party but dreams to fix a country?
At a
time when Zimbabwean people's anger is sky there are still people who
would
not take Tsvangirai for an alternative to Mugabe, yet such people
would not
take Mugabe either, and they would rather just stand alone. People
are
looking for real serious leadership not the hide-and-seek politics of
waiting to fall into the leadership pit like what is happening. Zimbabweans
will simply get fed up of the childish feuding and the amateurish antics at
the summit of the MDC just as much as they have become fed up with ZANU PF
and look elsewhere. There is need for real bold steps towards unity
punctuated with bold and not vague statements.
So many people
have died and been maimed in the name of the MDC and that is
enough
indication that being beaten alone will not be the get way to
statehouse.
Otherwise the fallen heroes of this democratic struggle would
have to be
accorded much high status. Yes, it is a time for unity of
purpose, but most
importantly, this is a time to reflect on past mistakes,
the near
achievements, missed opportunities as well as redefining the MDC
(or even
another party's) strategy to take not just the party, but the
entire country
to that next level.
Silence Chihuri is a Zimbabwean and
writes from Scotland - contact him on
silencechihuri@hotmail.com