The ZIMBABWE Situation Our thoughts and prayers are with Zimbabwe
- may peace, truth and justice prevail.

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The Times

March 26, 2002

Poet faces jail after ridiculing Mugabe
From Michael Hartnack in Harare

A YOUNG Zimbabwean faces a one-year prison sentence and £250 fine under
draconian new legislation for writing and reciting a poem ridiculing
President Mugabe.
Sikumbuzo Dube, 25, is one of thousands of illegal Zimbabwean migrants who
have been deported from Botswana. He was being held after repatriation last
week at Plumtree Prison, on Zimbabwe’s western border, when warders
overheard him reciting a composition entitled Cry, the Beloved Country.

This is the first case of its kind. The Public Order and Security Act was
signed into law by Mr Mugabe shortly before this month’s presidential
elections. It not only bars criticism of the 78-year-old head of state but
has empowered police to break up opposition briefings for diplomats and

Prince Butshe-Dube, the Plumtree prosecutor, said the poem triggered a
furore in cells, dividing inmates into two camps: those who enjoyed it and
those who felt offended.

The title was taken from Alan Paton’s novel set in South Africa in the
1940s, but the full text was not disclosed in court.

Mr Dube, who was remanded in custody for trial on April 3, told Jabulani
Sibanda, the Plumtree magistrate, that he thought it was not a serious crime
to ridicule the President as newspapers printed worse criticism than his
poem and nothing was done to them.

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Business Report

Legislation allows Zimbabwe to nationalise mines that stand idle
Sherilee Bridge
March 26 2002 at 12:03AM
Johannesburg - Mining companies that fail to keep their Zimbabwean
operations in production run the risk of being shut down and nationalised,
according to that country's mining and mineral laws.

But mining companies, savaged by an inflation rate of 120 percent and a
critical shortage of foreign exchange, said yesterday that it was near
impossible to run mines profitably.

Reports are already surfacing that Zimbabwe's gold industry has effectively

The latest casualty is Falcon Gold, which said yesterday it would close
three of its gold mines and fire 300 employees.

Falcon told Bloomberg that Zimbabwe's fixed foreign exchange rate had cut
profit so it could not spend money on finding new reserves.

Mine closures by global gold producers such as Australia's Aurion Gold and
Canada's First Quantum have reduced the output of Zimbabwe's second-biggest
export earner by one-third.

The Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe said last month gold production had fallen by
35 percent in two years from 27.7 tons in 1999 to 18 tons last year.

Now even those gold producers adopting a wait-and-see attitude by putting
operations on care and maintenance could lose their investments.

Zimbabwe's mines and minerals laws advocate the use-it-or-lose-it policies
the South African government is pursuing in the new Minerals and Petroleum
Development Bill.

The Chamber of Mines of Zimbabwe said yesterday that mines had to be in
continual production to ensure licences were not revoked.

Dave Murangari, the chief executive of the Zimbabwe chamber, said mining
companies planning to halt production for any extended period were compelled
to inform the state.

"In the short term gold mine closures have been stemmed by a support system
put in place by the government to help companies break even," Murangari

Pegged to an artificial gold price, the support system allows gold companies
to have 20 percent of their earnings paid in hard currency rather than
Zimbabwean dollars.

Murangari said 98 percent of the country's gold production came from 10 of
the largest producers; of those, only two had shut down.

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Daily News

Duplicity in democracy: Towards a global standard

3/26/02 7:58:47 AM (GMT +2)

THE controversy of over the recent presidential election in Zimbabwe is one
which has opened a political Pandora’s box of historical and contemporary
relevance, especially with regard to Africa’s historically lopsided
relationship with the West and what some analysts now point out as the West’
s double standards in giving legitimacy to elections held in different parts
of the world.

The apparent North-South split in the Commonwealth’s reaction to
pre-election violence in Zimbabwe and in the international reaction to the
“victory” of Robert Mugabe in the recent election, indicate changing trends
in North-South power relations and contemporary international relations.

Prior to this incident, the South has more or less found it more expedient
to toe the line of the Northern countries or at least offer some
pacification in view of much needed aid from the wealthier North.

However, what is emerging from the ongoing Zimbabwe debacle is a somewhat
defiant stance by some African leaders towards the North and a kind of
African solidarity reminiscent of the waves of nationalism and
Pan-Africanism that bolstered the anti-colonial independence struggles in
the Fifties and Sixties.

Several Western analysts have been at loss as to why eminent democratically
elected African leaders would come out in support of a government which is
deemed to be oppressive, repressive and highly undemocratic as that of
Mugabe. However, one of the reasons that has made a coherent explanation
elusive is the inability or refusal of some Western analysts to put these
events in the historical context which provides the backdrop to the present

While the Western focus has primarily been on the issues of the flawed
presidential election and violent seizing of land from white farmers in
Zimbabwe, the African position can be located mainly in the continuum of
historical events such as colonialism, apartheid and contemporary fears of
neo-colonialism which have culminated in the present debacle; as well as the
somewhat skewed attitude of some Western governments and the media towards
issues African.

Therefore, for a wider understanding of these issues, it is pertinent to
revisit several questions which haunt the current state of North-South
relations with particular reference to the recent suspension of Zimbabwe
from the Commonwealth; obvious double standards in measuring democracy by
Western governments and the role of the media.

The suspension of Zimbabwe from the Commonwealth was inevitable in view of
the several incidents and occurrences that clearly highlighted the
detraction of the Zimbabwean government under Mugabe from the democratic
values and principles espoused in the Commonwealth’s charter.

The credibility of the recent presidential poll was undermined by incidents
of systematic violence and intimidation mostly against opposition members
and supporters. This clearly created an environment that was not conducive
to a free and fair election to take place. This is unacceptable by all
standards and is clearly undemocratic behaviour.

What can be commended, however, are the sensible terms and conditions of the
suspension, which will not see aid towards humanitarian relief dwindle and
states that the Commonwealth will still assist in seeking solutions to the
many problems that plague the troubled country. Presidents Thabo Mbeki and
Olusegun Obasanjo are suspected to be the engineers behind these less severe
terms which indicate a “constructive engagement” approach, as opposed to
total isolation which usually does more harm than good.

As for the ordinary person in rural Zimbabwe - which is where you will find
the majority of Zimbabweans - who is asked what the suspension of Zimbabwe
from the Commonwealth means, a likely answer would be: “What wealth? And
what is so common about it?” The pressing issue for them is poverty and not
necessarily politics.

The point that needs to be highlighted here is how we allow the media’s
sensationalist antics to push international politicking into centre stage
while the lives of the needy are either relegated to the back stage or
totally ignored. Western media focus has been more on if, or if not,
Zimbabwe will be suspended from the Commonwealth, than what can be done for
the people of Zimbabwe who face harsh economic and social conditions.

One-sided, selective and agenda-driven reporting and the “demonisation” of
unpopular political candidates does harm to consumers who assume they are
being supplied with balanced and objective information and can on this basis
make informed decisions. Lopsided news reporting itself is undemocratic
behaviour and undermines the credibility of the institutions of democracy,
which the free Press, otherwise known as the Fourth Estate of democracy, is
an essential component of.

A few hours before Zimbabwe was suspended, a former Labour cabinet minister
and myself participated in a panel discussion broadcast by the BBC 2’s
Westminster Live TV news programme. Having listed the evils of Mugabe’s
government and how the country should be dealt with, he was later asked
about the duplicity of the Western response in light of the new Western
partnership with the Pakistani military dictator, General Pervez Musharraf,
in the war in Afghanistan. He said: “That is different.” The question here
is if the Western view is so fundamentally devoted to the principles of
democracy, why should one country be different from the other? Why should
different standards apply? Is this duplicity itself not undemocratic?

Musharraf did not only overthrow a democratically elected government
dangling a death penalty over the deposed President’s head, but went as far
as to test nuclear weapons breaking several international conventions. Is
this not worse than Mugabe, with all his apparent faults? Now United States
sanctions have been lifted on Musharraf’s government, aid money has been
injected and Musharraf has become the darling of the West. Is this not a
clear double standard?

Another vestige of this duplicity is the last American presidential
election, which raised much controversy.

What happened in Zimbabwe is wrong and unacceptable, but compared with the
events in Pakistan and the American election any objective analysis will
conclude that the Western standards for judging “freedom and fairness” of
elections and the legitimacy of governments are selective and prejudiced.

These duplicitous contradictions in Western reaction to elections and the
selective conferring of legitimacy on governments bring to mind the
Orwellian phrase in the book Animal Farm: “All animals are equal, but some
animals are more equal than others.”

* 'Dapo Oyewole is Special Projects Officer at the Centre for Democracy and
Development, London, UK.

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Daily News

Police attack patrons in mayor’s nightclub

3/26/02 8:10:25 AM (GMT +2)

Staff Reporter

THE riot police descended on Status Nightclub in Budiriro 2, Harare, on
Sunday evening and beat up patrons after accusing them of causing havoc in
the suburb.

The nightclub is owned by Harare’s new executive mayor, Elias Mudzuri.

Seventeen people were seriously injured and taken to hospital for treatment.

Albert Madondo, 30, the manager of the nightclub, said: “Thirty policemen in
riot gear came into the club at around 7pm and started beating up
indiscriminately everyone in the club.”

He said the police had been visiting the club since Mudzuri was elected.

“I do not understand what is happening as the police are now beating up
people any time they want,” Madondo said.

Madondo said it appeared the police had imposed an unofficial curfew without
the knowledge of the residents of Budiriro.

He said on Sunday, the police had fired teargas and two shots with live
ammunition to disperse people from the nightclub.

Michael Mbaleka, 33, a Budiriro resident, said he was he was attacked by the
police outside the club on his way home.

“I do not know why I was beaten up,” said Mbaleka.

Madondo said a certain Chinake, a former officer in charge of Glen View
Police Station, who was in the club at the time, was also severely

“We are now going to lose business because of the police actions as our
patrons no longer feel safe to come for a drink,” Madondo said.

The police in Budiriro refused to comment on the incident.

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Daily News

Mudede withholds council poll figures

3/26/02 8:09:19 AM (GMT +2)

Municipal Reporter

THE Registrar-General, Tobaiwa Mudede, is still to publish a breakdown of
the results of the Harare City Council elections held at the same time as
the presidential and mayoral elections two weeks ago.

On Tuesday last week, Mudede only published the names of the winning
candidates, 44 of them MDC and one Zanu PF. He also announced the number of
votes polled by the winning candidates but, strangely, did not include the
figures polled by the losers.

On the same day, Mudede proclaimed Elias Mudzuri as the new mayor for Harare
after he polled 262 275 votes.

The figures polled by other mayoral candidates were, out of keeping with
normal practice, not published.

Officials at the RG’s office referred all questions to Mudede himself, who
has since last week not been available for comment.

An official at the Elections Directorate of the MDC said the RG’s office had
not supplied the party with the numbers and they were still compiling the
figures from the information they received from their polling agents.
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Daily News - Feature

And now for the real war hondo yesadza

3/25/02 12:21:14 PM (GMT +2)

THE bright lights of the city are mesmerising! I made a trip to the city of
Harare on a courtesy call to my relative who is recuperating from
politically inflicted wounds. The fortunate brat is at a private hospital in
the city.

Apart from spending most of my time wishing my relative a speedy recovery,
I also took it upon myself to gauge the spirits of the people. I was appaled
by what I saw. I hate what I saw. I shall try to relate on all I saw in a
manner it happened, and not in a manner I would have liked it to happen.

This is about the people and their dire plight for a decent meal.

The bright lights of the city could not out-shine the bleakness caused by
the dire economic state. The very fast cars in the fast lanes of the city's
streets could not fly away with the people's sorrows.

Inflation seemed to match metre for metre the tall and imposing edifice
where the country's money people are headquartered. Even a non-rocket
scientist like me could easily conclude that for inflation to come down,
someone should come down to the reality of life from his or her lofty
heights in the super-structure.

The dimmest of the lights that took my heart were somewhere in the dark
alleys of the supermarkets. This, my dear countrymen, is a reference to the
long, fat, windy, noisy, dusty and dangerous queues that are formed by
desperate people in search of mealie meal. Maize meal has now become the
most elusive commodity in the country, coming only second to the scarcity of

I saw the queues. At first I thought some miracle was about to be witnessed,
hence the large number of onlookers. A hungry looking town-fellow, uninvited
and unsolicitated, felt he should confide with me. In a manner filled with a
lot of mischief, he whispered that “it will be coming tomorrow”.

He did not elaborate what was going to come tomorrow. In my ignorance, I
asked him why then should the people jostle for some miracle that was going
to happen the next day.

The hungry fellow was not amused by my ignorance. He hit back by asking
noisily and angrily, perhaps in a manner that was meant to incite the rest
of the people against me.

"Asi iwe unarwo upfu? Kana une GMB yako kumba kwako usa uye kuzvo wanzira
vamwe vari pa-tight!"

The hungry fellow was angry that I was not being sensitive to the people's
plight. He actually accused me behaving as if I had my own Grain Marketing
Board at my place.

In a sense the people in the queue were actually waiting for a miracle to
happen. There is no maize meal in the shelves, so people wish that one day a
miracle will bring back the staple food to our supermarkets.

If a mad man shouts from a dark corner, "Upfu huri kuuya kwa Blah Blah
Supermarket nhasi", sensible, sane and very hungry Zimbabweans will give him
the benefit of doubt. They will queue up an in orderly manner and hope that
the mad man knows what he is up to.

Maybe I am mad! Who made me mad then?

I did not need to look any further to see that there is a new war being
waged in the city. (Excuse me for not including the rural areas, but they
have the land to plough). Having been forced by the settlers to fight and
easily win the war of the land as in “hondo yeminda”, I thought that food
insecurity would be a thing of the past. I was wrong. The war continues.

Now it is the real war. The war of food is on. Welcome countrymen to “hondo
yesadza”. I can safely say that in this war, I am a seasoned ex-combatant.
I have been through many hungry stomachs. Now whole communities face the
grim future of food shortages.

That is the new way of life in the city of lights. The people of the city
have to queue for maize meal days earlier. They are required by their hunger
to sleep in queues with the hope of leaving the shop the next day with a
bounty of maize meal. Police officers have to marshal the noisy queues as
they know that the situation is definitely explosive.

This is the modern city and its people. This is the modern country and its
warlords. I would like to point out that he who denies people food is a
warlord. He who lies about the availability of food is a scheming terrorist.

He who misinforms the people on the country's food stocks is mad. No sane
man would see an empty granary and claim that it is full of grain.

In my quest to get the truth, I met a partyman who was willing to talk. I
asked him if it was not folly to claim that the residents of the city were
unruly, seeing that the people acquiesced to that much nonsense.

The partyman agreed that the people were very docile. He had heard of
citizens of some countries going on riots over the lack of food. He
mentioned the food riots in Zambia and reminded me that they were the final
nail in Kenneth Kaunda's political coffin.

The partyman was full of praise for the people of the city of bright lights,
fast cars and empty stomachs. He was aware that for many years, the people
have been hood-winked into believing that food security was assured, yet a
few days down the line, food supplies disappear from supermarkets. He agreed
that there was so much insincerity from those entrusted with reigns of

The partyman asked me how it was where I spend most of my time. I told him
straight that in the land of bondage, people are not surprised to see acres
upon acres of farmland.

I told him that in that country, there was no hurry to make villages out of
the farmlands. I also reminded him that the maize meal that was being queued
for by the people was imported from the land of opportunities.

The partyman's party would rather have villages from Harare all the way to
Marondera. This, as far as the partyman's party is concerned, would assure
food security.

The visit to the city also gave me an insight to the thinking of some
partymen. I have seen the light. I now know that inside their human hearts,
most party-people know the truth.

They know that the country's economy has collapsed. They know who is
responsible for the economic malaise. They remain where they are because the
party is looking after them.

They receive generously from the party. They know that one day the party
will not be able to provide for them.

Meanwhile, it is worthwhile for them to make the hay while the sun shines.

To the party, the sun still shines brightly. To the ordinary people of
Harare, the sun burns their weary backs.

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Daily News

Zanu PF’s copycat campaign against terror’ wins no sympathy

3/25/02 8:27:14 AM (GMT +2)

By Ray Matikinye

AT NO time since 1980 have Zimbabweans lived through such a stressful
two-year period as they are now. They have been constantly nettled by having
to sift for the truth from a menu of vicious propaganda churned out by State

Zimbabweans have been given huge doses of foreboding rhetoric, overshadowing
other pertinent, topical issues needing urgent attention such as an economic
recovery plan, a plan for rescuing the ailing health system and assurances
of how to make the future of their children secure.

Some have learnt to massage the stress by chuckling at obvious bids to
stretch the truth beyond its trading limit, meant just to satisfy the
mandarins’ jagged appetite.

An attempt by Zimbabwe’s governing elite to elicit sympathies from the
American government by imitating its “campaign against terror” in the
presidential campaign, failed to capture the imagination of the Zimbabwean
electorate, except the most gullible.

Countless hours were used up on State television in an attempt to equate
Zimbabwe with the American experience, to portray a siege mindset. But the
terror had been directed at ordinary citizens themselves by State hirelings.

The imitation has done little to hoodwink the world and the electorate into
accepting the purported state of siege by unfriendly imperialists, which the
governing Zanu PF party tried to portray.

Neither has it swayed the American government, which has paid back the
copycats by imposing selective sanctions against 20 top politicians for
their part in refusing to restore the rule of law.

The campaign slurs though temporarily silenced the British, who saw no
profit in trading insults with an ageing 78-year-old former guerrilla
leader, whose forte has been to see no evil and hear no evil when it comes
to his party’s predatory, militant youths.

“When acts of terror are committed against blacks it is not terrorism. Tell
me, Mr Bush, what is your definition of terrorism?” an exasperated President
Mugabe posed the question to thousands of Harare residents at Domboramwari,

Recently, Mugabe has disparaged the American president and British Prime
Minister, Tony Blair, whom he likened to a Zimbabwe prototype latrine the
“Blair toilet”.

His Zanu PF has been roundly disappointed by the British and American
government’s reluctance to accept his yarns on terror. “ The MDC is a
murderous party,” he told party adherents at a rally in Epworth.
Mugabe’s obsession with Bush and Blair in his election speeches left the
electorate wondering whether the contest had now shifted from the opposition
MDC to one between him and some Western governments.

Aided by his junior Information and Publicity Minister, Jonathan Moyo, who
can be credited with doing a sterling job in conjuring up diversionary
antics and setting the agenda for the State media to deflect attention,
Zimbabwe’s leader put on a brave face at each rally.

The Cain Nkala incident roundly failed to arouse intended sentiments from
the electorate in Matabeleland, particularly that in Bulawayo. This was
despite a media blitz to whip up the people’s emotions.

The people in Matabeleland paid back the State by voting overwhelmingly for
the opposition, to show their disdain for being taken for granted for too
long, in the presidential election.

It is not the first time Mugabe has tried to divert the electorate’s
attention from discussing his skewed blueprint for economic recovery, by
harping on fringe issues.

Founder and veteran Zanu leader, Ndabaningi Sithole, took an assassin tag to
his grave, courtesy of a plot hatched by State agents to discredit him ahead
of the 1995 presidential election.

Sithole was accused of sponsoring Chimwenje, a partisan militia from
neighbouring Mozambique, to topple the government. In similar circumstances,
Ian Smith hauled Sithole to court from a detention
centre, over an alleged assassination plot, when he realised nationalists
were upsetting his claim that “blacks in Rhodesia were the happiest in
Africa” by demanding universal suffrage.

When an anthrax scare broke out in the United States weeks after the bombing
of the Trade Centre’s twin towers on September 11 last year, Zimbabwe
hastily capitalised on the plum opportunity to fashion their own scare.

A suspected anthrax attack was “detected” at Causeway Post Office in Harare,
involving two mail sorters who fell sick. It did not take long for medical
experts to disprove the political hoax.

Laboratory tests carried out by the Ministry of Health and Child Welfare
trashed the State-sponsored bio-terrorism stunt. The alert public was quick
to notice that while the American incidents involved members of the public
who received and opened mail addressed to them, the Zimbabwean version
involved mail sorting department workers.

“Either our mail is opened before delivery or the whole thing smacks of
fabrication,” wrote a reader to the Daily News letters page. Undeterred by
the initial setback, there was another anthrax stunt at a Bulawayo post
office, as there was yet another involving mail sent to the editor of a
State-controlled paper in the same city.

The most telling incident to authenticate the bio-terrorism hoax was when a
Daily News newspaper vendor was taken into police custody for allegedly
delivering a newspaper laced with anthrax spores to Vice-President Joseph
Msika at his home.
The vilification campaign all started with a strategy to arouse the
nationalistic spirit among the electorate just before the June Parliamentary
election, following a referendum debacle that left the ruling party smarting
from a rare nationwide rejection.

Renowned Kenyan historian, Ali Mazrui, made an important observation when
describing the rule of some post-independent African leaders in his book The

He coined a catch-phrase to describe their type of rule: “exogenous
determinism” - commonly referred to as political scape-goating. “We have
perfected the art of blaming everyone else except ourselves for our
economic, social and political problems,” said university lecturer Dr John
Makumbe during a seminar on corruption last year.

And maverick politician, Eddison Zvobgo could not have described Zimbabwe’s
economic policy better when he said “We have behaved as if the whole world
owes us a living.”

Soon after independence, Zimbabwean problems were blamed on apartheid rule
in South Africa and the regime’s destabilisation campaign in the region,
using Renamo insurgents. Now problems stem from a recolonisation by the
British, unwilling to accept a skewed land reform programme.

At no time have Zimbabwe’s current problems been attributed to its
involvement in the Democratic Republic of Congo, where the ruling elite is
said to have considerable business interests.

And the worldwide condemnation of the way presidential elections were
conducted seems to have brought home the reality that "hogenous determinism”
does not always work.

The electorate, though, could find comfort in the reassurances contained in
President Mugabe’s inaugurauration speech - there is need for Zimbabweans to
close ranks and work for the common good of the nation.

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Daily News

Mugabe urged to seek international assistance

3/25/02 8:41:18 AM (GMT +2)

By Ngoni Chanakira Business Editor

THE country’s banking sector has added its weight behind industrialists who
have pleaded that President Mugabe approach the international community to
help solve some of the economic problems bedevilling Zimbabwe.

Richard Wilde, the chairman of the Commercial Bank of Zimbabwe Limited, said
the country’s economy was in a bad shape and a turn-around was “absolutely

Wilde is the former deputy governor of the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe, the
organisation mainly responsible for the country’s monetary policies.

Wilde said such a turn-around could involve “diplomacy over confrontational
approaches in dealing with a host of domestic and international issues.”

He said this would be a key success factor in “harnessing support and going

Zimbabwe has been isolated by the international community. The country has
had its balance of payments support system suspended by organisations such
as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, and it has been
suspended from the Commonwealth for a year.

Furthermore, the United States of America and the European Union have
slapped targeted sanctions against Mugabe and his close allies.

Last week, the Confederation of Zimbabwe Industries (CZI) also asked the
government to co-operate with the international community for progress.

The CZI said the government should take immediate action in search of
external debt relief as well as debt rescheduling.

“For this to materialise, we expect Zimbabwe to re-establish good relations
with the donor countries and international financial institutions,” the CZI

Wilde said the government should also address the foreign currency crisis in
the country through both domestic efforts towards growing more exports and
engaging the international financial markets and community in a direction
that drew their support for and confidence in the country.

He said the government should restore “personal confidence and security in
the political, social and the corporate governance of the country”.

The chairman said the government should also strive to arrest unemployment
and accelerate economic empowerment through indigenisation as well as
addressing health and education related challenges facing Zimbabwe.

“Above all, a nationally shared vision emphasising one great and prosperous
Zimbabwe for all will go a long way towards rebuilding our economy, healing
wounds of disunity and the polarisation that has affected this great
 nation,” Wilde said
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Daily News

GMB seeks $250m for maize imports

3/25/02 8:37:29 AM (GMT +2)

Farming Reporter

THE debt-ridden Grain Marketing Board (GMB) has gone to the market to raise
$250 million to import maize in a desperate move to avert starvation in

The GMB, the sole importer and exporter of grain, through the First Banking
Corporation and Interfin Merchant Bank of Zimbabwe, issued grain bills
guaranteed by the Treasury.

The GMB has failed to import adequate stocks to feed the nation.
The government says that it has so far acquired 200 000 tonnes of maize at a
cost of US$25 million (Z$1,375 billion) to cover a deficit which arose as a
result of disruptions to farming activities and also a drop in the country’s
output in the 2000/2001 season, due to the poor rainfall season.

Most of the maize has been sourced from neighbouring South Africa.
The maize is, however, insufficient for the nation and there are reports of
people starving in the Hwange area.

There could be serious under-reporting of the food crisis in Zimbabwe. In
Zambia, 33 people from only three constituencies have died so far, while in
Malawi more than 300 have died due to starvation. The beleaguered Zimbabwean
government has become adept at masking anything that may portray it in a
negative light.

At least two people in Hwange have starved to death, while queues for
maize-meal have become the order of the day in most urban centres. The
situation is no better in the rural areas.

The GMB failed to attract farmers to grow maize because of the low producer
prices it offered.

“We are trying to raise the funds so that we can import essential maize
stocks,” a senior GMB official said, “but grain bills have not been a better
way of raising funds.”

Grain bills have been shunned by investors because they attract high
interest. The GMB has a debt worth more than $10 billion.

Over the years, it has failed to pay farmers for their deliveries, resulting
in farmers selling directly to the public.

Zimbabwe is facing a severe drought that has hampered maize production and
whose yet to be felt effects will exacerbate an already desperate situation.

The Minister of Lands, Agriculture and Rural Resettlement, Dr Joseph Made,
who is largely held responsible for the food crisis, said maize would also
be sought from Kenya, Brazil and Argentina to beef up the country’s

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Daily News

Dry spell forces SA to stop further maize exports to Zimbabwe

3/25/02 8:36:31 AM (GMT +2)

By Columbus Mavhunga

THE government will now have to source maize imports from countries other
than South Africa after Pretoria said its stocks could not permit further

Zimbabwe is facing an acute shortage of grain and at least two people have
already died of starvation in Hwange.

The government says it has so far imported 200 000 tonnes of maize for US$25
million (Z$1,375 billion) to cover a deficit resulting from farm
disturbances on most commercial farms by war veterans and supporters of the
ruling party since February 2000.

The current dry spell is said to be behind the decision by the South African
government to stop further maize exports.

On Tuesday, South Africa also turned down an appeal from Swaziland to export
maize to the kingdom, which is in the same predicament as Zimbabwe.

Nana Zenani, the official spokesperson for the South African Ministry of
Agriculture and Land Affairs, said Zimbabwe might have to import from
individual businesses.

“We have to first see if the quantities we are left with are enough for our
needs after that we will be in a position to tell how much we can export,”
Zenani said.

“Moreover, we answer to Southern African Development Community (Sadc) if we
can export to Zimbabwe. We do not just resume exports as a government, we
will resume depending on what the Sadc will have ordered us to do.”

Ironically, Zimbabwe has the responsibility for food security in Sadc.
Contacted for comment, Dr Joseph Made, the Minister of Lands, Agriculture
and Resettlement, said: “I do not want to be abused. Do your usual thing.
There is nothing I can do for you. Thank you.”

The minister then switched off his mobile phone.

Last year, Made on several occassions, including in Parliament, claimed the
country had enough maize stocks and would never import maize.

The minister was responding on why he had not started importing maize when
the Strategic Grain Reserve (SGR) was almost depleted.

The Ministry of Finance and Economic Development is reported to have already
begun requesting quotations for maize supplies from Brazil.

“It is going to be tough for us to compete for suppliers in Brazil because
South Africa is also eyeing the same country,” a Treasury official said.

“Given our financial position we can go in the same hunting ground with
South Africa. The drought in the region has left us with no choice.”

On Thursday, Made told journalists that Zimbabwe was now looking at
importing maize from Kenya, Brazil and Argentina.

He did not give reasons why South Africa was missing from the supply list -
yet it has been the major supplier of both maize and maize meal to Zimbabwe,
its largest trading partner.
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Political impasse can’t continue indefinitely

3/25/02 12:36:00 PM (GMT +2)

By Takura Zhangazha

NINE and 10 March 2002 go down in Zimbabwean history as the days that
heralded the most controversial election in the history of southern Africa.

The same days go down in Zimbabwean history as days that failed to have a
significant meaning to a lot of Zimbabwean citizens who sought the
ushering-in of a new democratic era.

The end result did not please many and indicated greatly a point that we had
stated categorically in previous articles: that the election was bound to be
a technical one decided by sheer numbers of votes cast for or against. The
bigger picture of the painful struggle for democracy was lost to this
technical point and, sadly, Zimbabwe now awaits, as it did prior to the
election, steps by the international community.

And in the thick of this action and anticipation, one can only speculate as
to where Zimbabwe is headed in light of its own domestic political and
economic situation. It will suffice to add that this speculation is of the
utmost importance in trying to create options for the Zimbabwean people as
they trudge along the all-too-familiar path of a one-party state system that
shows itself relentless in its quest for power.

To begin with, the presidential election left a lot of urban citizens
traumatised by the obvious impunity with which the Election Directorate
refused them their right to vote, whether in the high-density areas of
Harare and Chitungwiza, where queues were too long to keep all potential
voters patient with the process, or in the rural areas, where literate men
and women were compelled by ruling party supporters to vote for the ruling
party on the false assertion that they could not read and, therefore, needed
to be accompanied into the polling booth.

The electoral system by itself, without taking consideration of who
eventually won the election, became fairly meaningless to the Zimbabwean
voter by the second day of polling. In essence, therefore, Zimbabweans
learnt that elections were not a fair option in order to express their
opinions and choose a new leader unless the electoral process was literally
free and fair to the letter of a democratic Electoral Act.

Zimbabweans were reduced to a serious feeling of powerlessness against the
ruling regime. Whether they be urban-based or in the rural lands, the same
feeling of having been outdone once again by the ruling Zanu PF left a
strong feeling of anger in the urban voter and a serious feeling of
resignation in the rural voter.

Either of these sentiments, however, could not be translated into anything
political, primarily because there was no clear course of action on the part
of the opposition in the event of an electoral loss, and also because too
much emphasis had been placed on the election itself at the expense of other
broader democratic struggles such as that for a new constitution or that of
democratic electoral laws. The election to many had been the biblical River
Jordan and, as always, the euphoric optimism on the possibility of a change
of government clouded the serious possibility of defeat at the hands of an
unfair electoral system.

As expected, the reaction of the opposition to the unfair electoral defeat
was one of obvious disappointment and anger at the unevenness of the
political playing field. The opposition, in our view, did not quite come to
grips with the political precedent that was set by the Zambian presidential
election for the sub-region that incumbent regimes can retain power and be
recognised in the sub-region over and above what the Western countries say.

In this sense, the opposition would have learnt to keep a plan of
non-violent mass action at the ready in the event that a victory is snatched
from them. This plan would have of necessity been built up before the
election and prepared the voter for any action to be taken after the

Civic organisations reacted in a fairly non-committal manner about the
election. There was limited activity in terms of mobilisation around the
non-partisan theme of the need for a free and fair election.

Coalitions of civic society organisations tended to place too much emphasis
on lobbying the international community as opposed to taking the government
head-on. The Southern African Development Community Parliamentary Forum
observer team and the Commonwealth observer mission were more honest than
others in their assessment of the election as not meeting the standard
prerequisites for it to be declared unequivocally free and fair.

The other groups from Africa, however, pronounced the election either as
“legitimate” or as “transparent”. These latter positions are indicative of
the general attitude that Africa has toward the Zimbabwean crisis: that of
an anti-neo-colonial struggle that is under siege from Western interests.

The short-term effect of this is to legitimise regimes that are dictatorial
in nature in the name of Pan-Africanism at the expense of the expression of
people’s will. It further aggravates the confidence of the Zimbabwean people
in international organisations that claim to speak on behalf of the African

What then become the options of Zimbabwe in the polarised dispensation that
has been ushered in by the election?

Firstly and primarily, it would have been preferable if the possibility of a
government of national unity had been accepted by both the MDC and the
ruling Zanu PF. But since both have openly ruled it out for fear of
legitimising each other, it is imperative that national focus and consensus
be exemplified in the Parliament of Zimbabwe when it next resumes sitting.

Admittedly, the probability of this coming into fruition is extremely low,
but it should be a start for the two parties. What is, however, self-evident
is that this impasse cannot continue indefinitely. If there can be no
consensus, then we say without hesitation that there must clearly be a
winner out of this conflict.

In order to guarantee that the people do not end up the losers of this very
real conflict between the two parties, the initiative must come from civic
society in the form of the drive for a new constitution. This will not
repeat the events of the 2000 constitutional reform process that ended up in
a shock defeat for Zanu PF. This level of the struggle for democracy will
serve to consolidate the strides made so far by the Zimbabwean people in
seeking to achieve their goal of a democratic Zimbabwe.

Naturally this struggle will need to have a multi-facet but coherent
political presence in the country and once this is achieved the people will
be able to challenge the ruling party ideologically (revolutionary thought)
as well as on the political terrain (elections).

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Daily News

A regime bent on violence, corruption won’t get aid

3/25/02 12:35:21 PM (GMT +2)

THE statistics are not encouraging. Although the fight against poverty has
been long and arduous, that scourge is still with us today: some 1,2 billion
people still live in extreme poverty in the world, many Zimbabweans being
among these.

How many people still live in obscene opulence would not be an appropriate
subject for a conference. It might be criticised as an attack on personal

Yet most of the countries that have overcome poverty have deliberately
promoted personal initiative among their citizens.

They have made this possible by putting in place the mechanisms that have
always made free enterprise so rewarding.

They have not, as has happened in many African countries, favoured only
those entrepreneurs with the politically correct affiliations.

To some extent, the Zimbabwean political system has been burdened with that
impediment as well, and Zanu PF has been extremely guilty of this offence.

But poverty is a good subject to bring together heads of state from all over
the world, as they did at last week’s conference in Monterrey, Mexico.

By the end of the talks last Friday, both the United States and the European
Union had promised to give billions of dollars more to alleviate world

Similar conferences in the past have ended on an equally high note.

Yet as far as Africa is concerned, the poverty seems to be increasing,
according to some statistics. The continent remains the poorest on the

There will be another conference on poverty next August in Johannesburg,
organised, like the Monterrey one, by the United Nations.

At that one, the UN Secretary-General, Kofi Annan, hopes to lay out the
specific programme required to achieve the goals set out in Mexico, such as
reducing the number of people living on less than a US$1 (Z$55 at the
official rate or Z$350 on the parallel market) a day.

In Monterrey, President George W Bush of the United States linked aid to
good governance.

He was told that an end to poverty around the world could reduce terrorism
such as the one which resulted in the outrage in New York and Washington on
11 September last year.

Clearly, world poverty has to be tackled with the full knowledge that unless
a country governs its people with fairness, it cannot expect to attract much
help to reduce poverty.

Unless a country can ensure that whatever money it is given is used for the
specific purpose for which it was intended by the donor, then it should not
complain when aid is cut off.

Like many other African countries, Zimbabwe has not always behaved
responsibly with other people’s money, particularly for poverty alleviation.

There has been an arrogance which has displeased many donor countries.

Moreover, the country’s rating on corruption has not endeared it to donors.
Corruption in high places has been so high many rich countries have balked
at giving aid to Zimbabwe.

But today we have hit rock-bottom.

The conduct of the presidential election has been so overwhelmingly
condemned as a travesty of fairness and justice that the few friends who had
stuck with us after the killings of the 2000 election campaign have decided
they have had enough.

What is good governance if it does not promote the good health of the
people, the freedom to move in their own country, the freedom to belong to a
political party of their choice, the freedom to get a job of their choice,
the freedom to three square meals a day, to a good education?

What is good governance if it prevents people from freely choosing their own

On its present record of violence against its own people, the government of
President Mugabe is unlikely to find too many countries willing to help it
end poverty among its people.

As long as the killings continue, no conference on poverty is likely to help
a regime so committed to violence.
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Daily News

MDC MPs flee Manicaland

3/25/02 1:07:54 PM (GMT +2)

From Brian Mangwende in Mutare

THOUSANDS of MDC supporters, including two MDC Members of Parliament in
Manicaland province, have fled their respective constituencies amid
allegations of death threats, harassment and post-election violence by
suspected war veterans, Zanu PF youths and the police.

Evelyn Masaiti, the MP for Mutasa, and Leonard Chirovamhangu, the MP for
Nyanga, were some of about 17 000 MDC members who were displaced immediately
after the presidential election result was announced.

Similar reports of a reign of terror have been received from around the

Speaking from a safe house outside the province, Masaiti said: “I ran away
from my constituency because I was receiving constant death threats over the
phone from people who claimed to be Zanu PF activists and policemen.

“I also received reports that the police were looking for me. I don’t know
why. I decided to disappear because of the threats. It’s now difficult for
me to communicate with people in my constituency.”

Efforts to get a comment from Chirovamhangu were fruitless yesterday.

Two days before the presidential poll began, Masaiti was severely assaulted
by soldiers at Ruda Police Station near Hauna growth point in Honde Valley.

She was there to investigate a case in which 10 MDC polling agents were
arrested under unclear circumstances.

Masaiti said she was kicked all over her body, slapped in the face and
struck on the neck with a rifle butt.

She sustained a stiff neck and bruises to her body.

“Because of the nature of the injuries I sustained, I was unable to turn my
head for a week. As a result, I failed to monitor the election process.

However, on the day of counting I was present at the command centre because
that is where rigging is highly possible.”

Post-election violence has rocked the province since the announcement of the
poll results on 13 March.

In Chipinge South, 35 MDC polling agents are staying under the Save Bridge
after they were displaced by violence allegedly being perpetrated by Zanu PF
youths and the opposition Zanu.

Six teachers and two businessmen were severely assaulted by Zanu PF youths
after they were accused of being sympathetic to the MDC, whose presidential
candidate Morgan Tsvangirai lost the vote to President Mugabe.

TsvangiraI has refused to accept the result, which has also been
internationally rejected as having been unacceptably flawed.

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Daily News

Split rocks Maya’s NAGG

3/26/02 8:12:32 AM (GMT +2)

Staff Reporter

HARDLY a fortnight after the National Alliance for Good Governance (NAGG)
lost dismally in the presidential election, the party’s disgruntled
executive members have formed a splinter party known as NAGG Democratic

Members of the breakaway group alleged in a statement yesterday that they
could no longer work with their leader, Shakespeare Maya, because he “is
operating as an appendage of Zanu PF”.

The statement reads in part: “Maya has personalised the party, preferring to
plan and work only with relatives and company employees. NAGG has become a
briefcase political party.”

Maya, however, dismissed the allegations, saying the disgruntled members
were just fortune-seekers with an agenda to make money and not to serve the
interests of Zimbabwe.

Maya said: “These are just people looking for money and I have no hard
feelings with the formation of the new party.

“They should explain new policies instead of attacking me personally. I
would really be happy if they come up with new policies that will benefit
the people of Zimbabwe. I believe everyone has a democratic right to form as
many political parties as they want.”

Maya dismissed as false allegations that he was an extension of Zanu PF.

Maya’s party polled 11 000 votes, the least number of any candidate, during
the presidential ballot.

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Daily News

Guards at MDC HQ arrested

3/26/02 8:12:00 AM (GMT +2)

Staff Reporter

About 10 MDC youths guarding the party’s Harvest House headquarters in
Harare’s Nelson Mandela Avenue were arrested on Friday.

MDC information officer, Percy Makombe, yesterday said the youths were still
in police custody at the Harare Central Police Station but had not yet been

He dismissed a statement by Wayne Bvudzijena, the police spokesman, to the
State-controlled Herald newspaper on Friday that the youths were probably
arrested for violence and criminal cases perpetrated over the last few

Makombe said: “They were just indiscriminately arrested and thrown into
police trucks.”

He said the party was arranging for a lawyer to represent them.
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Daily News

MDC backs NCA on mass protests

3/26/02 8:11:01 AM (GMT +2)

Staff Reporter

NELSON Chamisa, the MDC national youth chairman, yesterday said his party
fully supported the resolution passed by the National Constitutional
Assembly (NCA) to stage a series of peaceful mass demonstrations next month
in protest against the government’s abuse of the constitution to manipulate
the electoral process in favour of Zanu PF.

Chamisa said it was clear that President Mugabe was enjoying a stolen term
of office, while his supporters had embarked on a massive retribution
campaign against perceived MDC supporters throughout the country.

“We cannot accept a situation where Mugabe and his people continue to harass
our MPs and ordinary people in rural areas. The homes of our Honourable MPs
have been turned into refugee camps for displaced people,” said Chamisa.

Chamisa said thousands of people from all over the country had been
displaced by Zanu PF hooligans in the aftermath of the presidential
election. The displaced people were now refugees at all the offices of the

He said the MDC would mobilise its supporters to rally behind the NCA’s call
for mass demonstrations.

“We fully support the NCA agenda to redress the flawed Constitution because
we see this as a way of permanently addressing the problems in this
 country,” said Chamisa.

Chamisa said Mugabe’s government no longer had any fresh ideas to run the
country, hence the deliberate onslaught against MDC supporters.

“If Mugabe’s victory was genuine, why should his supporters continue to beat
up people?” asked Chamisa.

His statement came as Zanu PF supporters went on the rampage in Mbare,
Budiriro, Highfield and Chitungwiza, where they severely assaulted MDC

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Zanu PF mobs burn down MDC polling agents’ homes

3/25/02 1:06:06 PM (GMT +2)

By Pedzisai Ruhanya Chief Reporter

ZANU PF supporters operating torture camps in Muzarabani last week burnt
down several houses belonging to MDC polling agents and supporters, for
allegedly supporting and voting for Morgan Tsvangirai, the party’s
president, in the recent election controversially won by President Mugabe.

Biggie Chigonera, the MDC vice-chairman for Mashonaland Central said on
Thursday last week, nine houses were burnt down in Mudoka, Machingura and
Mahwenda villages by Zanu PF and war veterans at some bases in the area.

“Some of the youths who are doing this are camped at Utete Primary School.
We are told that they have refused to leave the base until they get paid for
their role during the campaign,” Chigonera said.

He said most victims reported the incidents to Muzarabani Police Station but
have since fled to Bindura, Mvurwi and Harare after the police failed to
protect them and arrest the suspects.

“They told me that the police said they have not received instructions from
their superiors to arrest Zanu PF supporters,” Chigonero said.

The officer-in-charge of Muzarabani Police Station, who identified himself
as Sergeant Jajada, confirmed the incidents but refused to give details.

Jajada said: “You should get clearance from our headquarters in Harare for
that information. Tell them that I have asked you to do so.”

The police have been accused by the MDC of failing to deal with Zanu PF
supporters involved in violence mostly in the rural areas before and after
the presidential election.

The ruling party functionaries have set up illegal bases which they use to
abduct and torture their opponents.

So far six people have been killed in post-election violence targeted at MDC

Mugabe and his security ministers have so far not commented publicly on the

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Help Harare Turn Over a New Leaf'

Business Day (Johannesburg)

March 25, 2002
Posted to the web March 25, 2002

Linda Ensor

The Commonwealth's decision to suspend Zimbabwe for 12 months and to provide
assistance to the country laid the basis for it to extricate itself from the
political and economic crisis it confronted, President Thabo Mbeki says.

In a letter published in the latest issue of the African National Congress'
online newsletter ANC Today and entitled "Chance for Zimbabwe to turn over a
new leaf", Mbeki also stressed the need for SA to learn from the experiences
of Zimbabwe.

"At the same time, we have to continue to strive to ensure that the negative
consequences of such mistakes do not spill over to any of the countries of
our region, including ourselves.

"Our approach to any adverse matter that might arise in Zimbabwe must ensure
that we do not encourage the emergence of similar adverse responses in our
countries, " he said.

Mbeki said the evolution of the situation in Zimbabwe held important lessons
for SA. "These relate, among others, to the challenges of building a
non-racial society and issues of social transformation. The fact that
Zimbabwe has been independent for 22 years points both to the fact that
these are not easy matters to deal with ," he said.

A Commonwealth committee consisting of Mbeki, Nigerian President Olusegun
Obasanjo and Australian Prime Minister John Howard decided, in addition to
suspension, to support Zimbabwe in its process of reconciliation,
facilitated by SA and Nigeria, and to help it improve its electoral process.

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NCA to stage mass demos

3/25/02 8:31:14 AM (GMT +2)

By John Gambanga News Editor

THE National Constitutional Assembly (NCA) has resolved to stage a series of
peaceful mass demonstrations next month in protest against the government’s
abuse of the Constitution in order to rig the recent presidential election
and to demand the introduction of a new constitution.

In an interview yesterday, Lovemore Madhuku, the NCA chairman, said a
meeting attended by all the 25 members of the organisation’s task force and
four representatives from each of the 10 provinces had resolved to stage the
first demonstration nationwide on 6 April. This will give its members ample

“Our meeting agreed to hold the first demonstration on 6 April and another
one seven days later. We might stage more demonstrations, depending on the
circumstances. We are going to notify the police, as is required by law, and
it will be up to them to sanction it or not.

But the peaceful demonstration will definitely go ahead,” said Madhuku.
Asked if he was not afraid of possible arrest by the police, Madhuku, a
constitutional law expert and lecturer at the University of Zimbabwe, said
the NCA was aware that the government might invoke the repressive and
controversial Public and Order Security Act (POSA) to arrest the
demonstrators, but that would not deter its members.

“We’re very clear that POSA will apply but it will not stop the people of
Zimbabwe from demanding their constitutional rights. We must stress that the
government has refused to accept our draft constitution but continues to use
a flawed constitution to oppress the masses. We will simply not have it,” he

On 15 February, an NCA march through the streets of Harare calling for a new
constitution before the presidential election, was broken up by riot police
under POSA. Several NCA members were arrested.

The NCA has listed 10 ways in which it says the constitution was manipulated
by the government to ensure a Zanu PF victory in the presidential election.

In a statement, the NCA said it was convinced that the will of the people of
Zimbabwe was subverted because of the defective nature of the current

The 10 ways in which the constitution was manipulated include voter
registration, which the NCA says was not transparent, the arbitrary use of
presidential powers to legalise the Supplementary Voters’ Roll, which was “a
mere list of Zanu PF supporters” and the draconian POSA, which was used to
ban campaign meetings of the opposition MDC.

The NCA also lists the lack of access to some areas by the opposition during
the election, due to Zanu PF-sponsored violence, and the abuse of the public
media, especially the electronic media, to churn out only Zanu PF
propaganda, as other ways in which the constitution was manipulated by the

“The Registrar-General, a Zanu PF official and appointee of the President,
deliberately designated polling stations in a way that favoured the ruling
party. Ridiculously few polling stations were designated for opposition
strong-holds like Harare and Chitungwiza, while more polling stations were
designated for rural areas,” the NCA noted.

It also said President Mugabe used his powers to override court orders and
to declare tripartite elections in Harare and dual elections in
Chitungwiza, so as to make the voting process longer in order to frustrate
the voters.

In the process, thousands of voters were disenfranchised as polling stations
were closed before they could vote.

The NCA also cited the abuse of presidential powers to reinstate
undemocratic provisions of the nullified General Laws Amendment Act that
favoured Zanu PF. Postal voting was open only to soldiers, policemen and
government officials on diplomatic missions.

“The deliberate poor accreditation of local observers was done by the
Electoral Supervisory Commission, whose chairperson is a presidential
appointee, to facilitate rigging. The elections were also conducted,
monitored and supervised by civil servants, whose master is the president
and who was one of the contestants in the election,” the NCA said.

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Committee Finishes Compiling Media Report


March 25, 2002
Posted to the web March 25, 2002

Herald Reporter

THE Media Ethics Committee has finished compiling its report on journalism
in the country and is expected to present its findings to the Government
this week.

Chaired by Harare Polyte-chnic's Department of Mass Communication head Dr
Tafataona Mahoso, the committee was set up in July last year by the
Department of State for Information and Publicity to formally look into
professionalism in the local media.

Secretary for Information and Publicity, Mr George Charamba, yesterday
confirmed that the committee had indicated to the department that it had
finished compiling its report.

"We met with the committee on Friday and they said they are ready to present
their findings to the Minister of State for Information and Publicity,
Professor Jonathan Moyo," Mr Charamba said.

The presentation of the report is expected on Thursday.

Other members of the committee included legal practitioners Mr M. G. Ndiweni
and Ms Nyaradzo Priscilla Muna-ngati, Zimbabwe Union of Journalists
president Matthew Takaona and the president of the National Association of
Freelance Journalists, Simba-rashe Tshuma.

They were tasked to determine the level of professionalism and ethical
awareness in the media during news gathering, news processing and news
presentation, paying particular attention to skills, news values and level
of advocacy.

The Media Ethics Committee was also tasked with evaluating the news supply
chain and implication to the development and communication of national
opinion and viewpoint, copy integrity and copyright and to costs and
profitability of newspaper business.

Its terms of reference involved establishing relationships with news sources
or subjects, fairness and respect for the public, market pressures and their
impact on the integrity of journalism, paying particular attention to
"advertorial" power, ownership and funding.

Dr Mahoso's committee also looked into politics and polarisation within the
media industry and any other matters relevant to the development of a sound
media industry.

During their outreach programme, the committee went around the country
interviewing various stakeholders in the media, including media owners,
journalists and the public.

It is understood that the committee's report would pave the way for the
establishment of a Media and Information Commission that would regulate
operations of the profession as required by law.

President Mugabe recently signed the Access to Information and Protection of
Privacy Act that stipulates, among other things, the setting up of a
commission to regulate the media.
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