Press
Statement
25 March 2011
ONSLAUGHT ON HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS CONTINUES IN
ZIMBABWE
Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR) is greatly
apprehensive about the incident that occurred around 17:05 hours on 25 March
2011.
Yvonne Paperndorf, who works
in Germany for a German organisation, Bread for the World, was arbitrarily
picked up by unidentified men from Pandhari Lodge in Glen Lorne, Harare, where
she was residing. She was visiting the country and was participating in a
meeting on Human Rights Defenders (HRD)s that ZLHR had
organised.
Lawyers from ZLHR, who mounted a search for Paperndorf
have failed to locate her. Efforts to find her
continue.
ZLHR is extremely concerned about her location and her
welfare especially with the occurrence of arbitrary detentions that has been on
the rise over the last few weeks and the continued use of torture and other
cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment and enforced
disappearances.
Paperndorf’s situation is particularly exacerbated by
the hostile attitude that the State actors have displayed towards HRDs from
western countries.
Eye witnesses have since alerted ZLHR that when
Paperndorf was seized, she was advised that she was being taken away as she was
working without a work permit. Eye
witnesses also indicated to ZLHR that the unidentified men were travelling in
two cars-one white ISUZU truck registration number GIMM-12 and a Toyota Yaris
ABD 3719.
ZLHR believes that the ISUZU vehicle identified belongs
to the ‘Zimbabwe Immigration officials’.
ZLHR is also concerned that when Paperndorf arrived in
the country she was arbitrarily detained and interrogated on 24 March 2011. The
interrogators seized some information and documents which were in her
possession.
Paperndorf was released after she had been interrogated
by officials believed to be from the Immigration Department and the dreaded
members of the Central Intelligence Organisation that are housed at Harare
International Airport.
ZLHR remains concerned about the HRD who is now at risk
and exposed to the unwarranted attacks from State actors without protection from
the law and/or her legal representatives.
ENDS
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 24 March 2011 21:13
Dumisani
Muleya/Wongai Zhangazha
AN extraordinary cabinet meeting was held at
Manhumutapa Building in Harare
yesterday to deal with nagging Global
Political Agreement (GPA) and
Government of National Unity (GNU)
issues.
At the meeting President Robert Mugabe climbed down on his recent
belligerent political stance, while Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai
demanded implementation of agreed issues.
The meeting —
which the Zimbabwe Independent first revealed was coming on
March 4 — came
as Mugabe and Tsvangirai prepared for the critical double
Sadc troika summit
in Zambia on Thursday next week. Zimbabwe will loom large
at the meeting
where the contentious elections roadmap issues are expected
to take centre
stage.
A senior cabinet minister who attended Thursday's special
cabinet meeting
described the encounter as “cordial” but “disappointing”.
Judging by the
fireworks of the cabinet meeting on March 1, where it was
decided an
extraordinary session would have to be convened to tackle GPA and
GNU
issues, yesterday’s gathering was calm although pent up tensions and
hostilities simmered.
“It was a very disappointing meeting overall
because we didn’t come up with
any resolutions. All ministers received the
paper that was presented in
cabinet. We had no time to digest it and
research on how we could
intelligently respond to it,” the minister said.
“It wasn’t going to be fair
though to debate such a comprehensive document
without first reading it and
in a short time.”
Before the
meeting, ministers were geared for a fight. Mugabe and his
ministers wanted
to insist they would not make concessions or implement
outstanding GPA
issues so long as the sanctions remained. The MDC-T planned
to attack Mugabe
and Zanu PF for refusal to implement GPA and blatant
violations of the
agreement.
Prior to the cabinet session, which started at 10am
ministers exchanged
notes with colleagues on strategy and tactics to be
employed at the meeting.
One MDC-T minister told the Independent just
before the meeting: “We are
going to attack them and expose their hypocrisy.
They must also be prepared
for more trouble at the double Sadc troika summit
next week”.
A Zanu PF minister had noted: “We are going to raise the
issue of sanctions
and political violence. We have researched and compiled
information on the
MDC-T’s history of violence, even at Harvest House, and
their double
standards”.
The MDC-T minister said his party would
“go for broke” at the meeting
because “the time for sweet talking is
over”.
Ministers said the special cabinet session, chaired by Mugabe,
ended without
a resolution of issues except an agreement to study issues
raised before
another meeting is held. Mugabe was said to have opened the
meeting in an
uncharacteristically composed cool manner, pleading for
cooperation and an
end to political violence. This was seen as a climb down
from his aggressive
and confrontational stance of late, especially during
his anti-sanctions
campaign.
“The president told cabinet that we
had gathered to ‘discuss issues raised
by our colleagues’ and that it was
important as leaders to support the Prime
Minister’s presentation. He
(Mugabe) called for a cordial atmosphere in the
meeting and it was respected
by everyone,” a minister said.
“He touched on violence saying that he
wanted a violent-free society and
that it started with us (cabinet
ministers), adding that after the meeting
the message should be forwarded
and cascaded to different party political
structures.”
After the
introductory remarks by Mugabe, Tsvangirai came in and presented
his
document in which he touched on the state of the GNU, the minister
said.
“The PM’s paper covered key provisions of the GPA which he felt
were
important and needed immediate implementation,” the minister
said.
Tsvangirai covered issues which included the constitution,
sanctions and
measures, land, equality, national healing, cohesion and
unity, respect for
national institutions and events, free political
activity, rule of law,
respect for the constitution and other laws,
selective application of the
law, freedoms of assembly and association,
state organs and institutions,
security of persons and prevention of
violence and freedom of expression and
communication.
Tsvangirai
demanded that the government must “recognise the importance of
the freedoms
of assembly and association in a multi-party democracy and
noted that public
meetings have to be conducted in a free, peaceful and
democratic manner in
accordance with the law”.
The GPA parties have largely failed to
implement their own agreement and
would have to face increasingly impatient
Sadc leaders over this next week.
Mugabe and his party Zanu PF are
resisting the crafting of an election
roadmap, saying the GPA is the roadmap
in itself, while Tsvangirai and the
MDC-T say there is need to rehash the
document to insert clear benchmarks
and timelines, as well as signposts,
before elections.
The GPA has most of those details. The MDC-N wants
parties to come up with a
roadmap which captures relevant GPA
details.
Sadc resolved last year in Windhoek that Zimbabwe should
implement the GPA
and pave way for free and fair elections. Zimbabwe is well
behind in terms
of GPA implementation. Most of the issues, which Tsvangirai
highlighted in
cabinet yesterday, remained unimplemented.
Sadc
leaders in Windhoek “urged the Zimbabwe stakeholders to remain
committed to
the implementation of the GPA; reiterated its call on the
international
community to lift all forms of sanctions imposed on Zimbabwe
in view of the
negative effects they have on Zimbabwe and the Sadc region in
general”.
They mandated the Sadc chair, assisted by the
chairperson of the organ on
politics defence and security, President Rupiah
Banda of Zambia and the
facilitator of the Zimbabwe political dialogue,
South African President
Jacob Zuma, to work together to deal with these
issues.
The special cabinet agreed that after the debate on
Tsvangirai’s
presentation, it would have to come up with a firm GPA
implementation plan.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 24 March 2011 21:05
Chris
Muronzi
ZIMBABWE’S leading platinum mining company, South African-owned
Zimplats, is
in deep waters as Zanu PF stalwarts and traditional chiefs
scramble to grab
a piece of the action in the Ngezi-based operation under
the guise of
national indigenisation.
Chiefs Benhura and Murambwa of
Mashonaland West confirmed this week that
they want to acquire a combined
10% stake in Zimplats through a community
trust. Sources said the chiefs
and Zanu PF officials have been calling for
meetings with Zimplats
management to discuss the acquisition.
The National Indigenisation
and Economic Empowerment Board (NIEEB), chaired
by former Zanu PF Deputy
Finance minister David Chapfika, is also reported
to have joined the fray
demanding a 10%stake.
In addition, government now wants a 51%
controlling stake, reneging on
agreements it had reached with the company
five years ago.
However, Zimplats has since submitted its own
empowerment proposals based on
the existing agreements with government, as
well as 15% equity
participation to indigenous Zimbabweans, including
employees.
The traditional leaders’ point man has been Zanu PF
Mhondoro-Ngezi MP and
former Information deputy minister Bright Matonga
(pictured), who is said to
be related to both chiefs. Matonga is working
hand in glove with the
traditional leaders to source money to acquire shares
in the platinum
company, but it is unclear where the money will come
from.
“As community leaders, we are working with Matonga to get our
people what
they deserve,” acting Chief Benhura, Alexio Benhura, told the
Zimbabwe
Independent.
Matonga confirmed in an interview yesterday
that he had expressed an
interest in Zimplats, but insisted he was
representing his constituency as
the area MP.
He said: “We as
Mhondoro-Ngezi would want to acquire a stake in Zimplats
that we will pay
for. This follows an official visit to Royal Bafokeng,
South Africa, by
Saviour Kasukuwere and Ignatius Chombo and the chiefs led
by deputy chief
president, Chief Khumalo. The visit was an eye opener for
the delegation. We
feel Implats should apply these same principles in
Zimbabwe.”
The
example Matonga wants to emulate fromSouth Africa is that of Royal
Bafokeng
Holdings (RBH) Ltd, a group controlled by the Bafokeng community,
which owns
13% in Implats. Implats is the majority shareholder in
Zimplats.
Asked if he was related to Chief Benhura and Murambwa,
Matonga said: “I am
related to all the four chiefs in the area (Benhura,
Murambwa, Mushava and
Nyika) but I am also the Member of Parliament for the
area. This is not
about being related to the chiefs and it’s not an issue of
just grabbing.
The community has to pay for the stake.”
Matonga
added that his community would go to Implats with its empowerment
proposal
at the appropriate time.
Chief Benhura also indicated that although
community leadership had met
Zimplats to discuss a roadmap, CEO Alex
Mhembere was dodging the leaders.
“We met some of Zimplats’
management but Mhembere is never there in person.
In our last quarterly
meeting in February, we were told he (Mhembere) had
other commitments and he
would come as soon as he was available,” said the
traditional
leader.
Benhura accused Zimplats of not meeting its side of the
bargain.
“They are not tarring the roads and neither are they
employing our
children,” said Benhura.
The traditional leader
questioned how chiefs from far flung areas were
coming to claim a share of
Zimplats.
He said: “We are surprised to see chiefs from far beyond being
propelled by
unknown forces to claim a share whilst close chieftainships are
there.”
Although Matonga denied meeting Implats executives, informed
sources say the
MP and Kasukuwere met Implats CEO and Zimplats chairman
David Brown in
South Africa recently and told him of their plans.
Brown
is said to have indicated that Implats would offer a 10% stake to the
community, but had not responded to our enquiries at the time of going to
print.
Brown’s personal assistant Thandeka Msimang had promised
to get back to the
Independent on Wednesday, but had not done so at the time
of going to press,
while Brown was repeatedly said to be out of his
office.
NIEEB chairman Chapfika denied seeking a stake in Zimplats
shares.
He said: “The board’s interventions are broader and
multifaceted than
Zimplats. We discussed the mining sector broadly and not
Zimplats. We are
implementing broad policy which covers the mining sector on
the basis of 51%
compliance.”
Zimplats in 2006 signed a release
of ground agreement with government which
saw the company releasing 36% of
the company’s mining claims in return for
cash and empowerment
credits.
Under the agreement, government agreed to give Zimplats
empowerment credits
in exchange for platinum
concessions.
Zimplats held a number of lucrative platinum claims in
the country’s great
dyke region but agreed to hand over some of the claims
to the Zimbabwean
government on the understanding that the mining firm would
be spared.
Government no longer recognises the agreement, signed in
2006 with then
mines minister, Amos Midzi.
President Robert Mugabe has
also targeted the platinum miner for
indigenisation amid accusations the
company is externalising funds, a charge
Zimplats
denies.
Government last year gazetted regulations compelling foreign
companies to
dispose of controlling stakes in companies valued at US$500
000.
In its 2010 annual report, Zimplats said it was still “engaged
in
discussions with government” over the matter.
Zimplats deputy
chairman Muchadeyi Masunda last month said the mining
company was still
committed to a US$500-million mine expansion, but the
board would review
progress in May as talk of a takeover intensifies.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 24 March 2011
20:57
Dumisani Muleya
PRIME Minister Morgan Tsvangirai will
tomorrow meet South African President
Jacob Zuma at the eastern seaboard
city of Durban to discuss the Zimbabwe
political situation ahead of Sadc’s
troika meeting of the organ on politics,
defence and security in
Zambia.
Zuma’s meeting with Tsvangirai follows the premier’s trip in the
region last
week which saw him getting an audience with leaders of Zambia,
Mozambique,
Botswana and Swaziland. After that Tsvangirai wants to travel to
Angola, the
Democratic Republic of Congo, Namibia and
Tanzania.
Tsvangirai’s spokesman Luke Tamborinyoka yesterday
confirmed the meeting
with Zuma, but could not give details. “Yes, they are
meeting tomorrow in
Durban,” he said.
Tsvangirai’s meeting with
Zuma would be critical to ensure Zimbabwe averts a
renewed political crisis
and firmly remains on the transitional path towards
free and fair
elections.
President Robert Mugabe’s Zanu PF party and Tsvangirai’s
MDC-T are locked in
a power struggle within the Government of national Unity
(GNU) over a series
of issues relating to the Global Political Agreement
(GPA), including the
lifespan of the coalition arrangement,
constitution-making process and
referendum, a roadmap towards free and fair
polls and the timing of the
elections.
Zuma, who is expected to
brief the Sadc troika on the Zimbabwe political
stalemate on Thursday next
week, has already taken measures to intervene.
Last week he dispatched his
special envoy Mac Maharaj to meet with Zanu PF
representatives Patrick
Chinamsa and Emmerson Mnangagwa, MDC-T negotiator
Tendai Biti and MDC-N’s
delegates Priscillah Misihairabwi-Mushonga and Moses
Mzila over the crisis.
South African ambassador to Harare Mlungisi Makalima
attended the
meetings.
Zimbabwe’s negotiators were expected to meet between
Wednesday and today to
discuss the elections roadmap, but the meeting failed
to take place.
The GPA and GNU were recently shaken to their
foundations over the arrest of
Energy and Power Development Minister Elton
Mangoma for allegedly violating
tender procedures in awarding a US$6 million
fuel supply contract to two
South African companies, Mohwelere and NOOA.
However, Justice Samuel Kudya
practically quashed the threadbare allegations
at the bail hearing on
Tuesday last week. Mangoma will appear in court for
trial on Monday.
The GNU was also rocked by instability after the
Supreme Court nullified
Speaker of parliament Lovemore Moyo’s election on
the same day as Mangoma’s
arrest. Tsvangirai panicked and threatened to
quit. He rushed to arrange
emergency meetings on Thursday two weeks ago with
acting president John
Nkomo who was in charge while President Robert Mugabe
was away in Ethiopia
and diplomats on Friday last
week.
Tsvangirai protested to Nkomo and the diplomats about the
Mangoma and Moyo
episodes. On Monday last week he confronted Mugabe at a
meeting about them
before heading into the region to register his protest
and lobby for urgent
intervention.
Upon his return to Harare,
Tsvangirai told journalists on Friday last week
he would soon meet Zuma to
tackle the Zimbabwe situation. He also said the
Sadc troika on politics,
defence and security would meet to discuss the
issue.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 24 March 2011 20:57
HARARE
metropolitan governor and long-serving Zanu PF politburo member David
Ishemunyoro Karimanzira has died. He was 64.
Zanu PF politburo met
yesterday soon after his death from an undisclosed
ailment and declared the
veteran nationalist a national hero. He will be
buried at the national
shrine on either Sunday or Monday.
Zanu PF spokesman Rugare Gumbo
said: “I can confirm comrade Karimanzira’s
death in Harare but the cause of
death is yet to be established. The
politburo met urgently and declared him
a national hero in consideration of
his contribution towards Independence
and after Independence.”
Gumbo added that Karimanzira’s body had been
taken to Parirenyatwa Hospital
for a post-mortem to determine the exact
cause of death. However, he said
the late former Information and
Communications minister had chronic
diabetes.
Karimanzira, who
was the party’s secretary for finance, was born on May 25
1947 in Murehwa.
He had served Zanu PF loyally from 1963 when he joined the
party’s youth
wing.
Karimanzira has occupied various government positions since
Independence in
1980. He was first appointed an Under Secretary in the
Ministry of Transport
in 1980 and later elevated to Deputy Secretary of the
same ministry in 1983.
He briefly worked for the Harare City Council
as a deputy general manager
marketing before being promoted to general
manager a few months later. He
left the municipality in 1985 after being
appointed Minister of Youth Sport
and Culture. In 1988 he was moved to the
Ministry of Lands, Agriculture and
Rural Resettlement and appointed Minister
of Information, Posts and
Telecommunications in 1995.
In 2000,
President Robert Mugabe appointed him Governor and Resident
Minister for
Mashonaland East province. In 2005, he was switched to Governor
of Harare
Metropolitan. — Staff Writer.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 24 March 2011 20:31
Faith
Zaba
ZANU PF legislators were this week threatened with expulsion from
the party
if they resisted a politburo decision to back its national
chairman Simon
Khaya Moyo for the vacant post of Speaker of the House of
Assembly.
Politburo sources told the Zimbabwe Independent yesterday that
Vice-President Joice Mujuru read the riot act to the legislators at a caucus
meeting on Wednesday warning them that dissenters would lose their
parliamentary seats.
Mujuru told the MPs they could not afford to play
spoiler by voting for the
MDC-T’s Lovemore Moyo or absent themselves on the
day of the election and
warned that even if the vote was by secret ballot,
the politburo knew the
legislators who were opposed to SK Moyo’s
candidacy.
“The legislators were given the three-whip system. She told them
that it is
not Moyo who will lose but Zanu PF. She told them that it will
not be by
choice that they will vote for Moyo but as an obligation to the
party. She
told them to adhere to the politburo decision,” said a politburo
member who
attended the meeting.
“The second thing she told us was that
they (politburo) were aware that MPs
had grievances but voting for MDC-T
would not resolve their problems. She
told us that they had four names of
people who were planning not to vote for
SK Moyo.”
Mujuru’s threat came
after some legislators had indicated that they would
not vote for SK Moyo,
who has been out of parliament for almost 11 years.
The legislators argued
that SK Moyo was a “stranger in the House” because he
has not only been out
of parliament for ages but has also been outside the
country since 2000
during his tour of duty as Zimbabwe’s Ambassador to South
Africa.
The
politburo member added: “Mai Mujuru told them that those who go against
the
politburo decision will be fired and every MP should attend and those
absent
will also be fired. She said if we are to lose, we should lose
solidly and
if we are to win it must also be done solidly. She was menacing
and spoke
like a true guerilla commander and didn’t mince her words.”
The caucus
meeting was also attended by Leader of the House, Zanu PF legal
secretary
Emmerson Mnangagwa, national commissar Webster Shamu, secretary
for
administration Didymus Mutasa and SK Moyo.
A four-member team comprising
legislators, who were also eyeing the Speaker’s
post, was set up to mobilise
support for SK Moyo.
Goromonzi MP Biata Nyamupinga, Mwenezi East MP
Kudakwashe Bhasikiti, Guruve
North MP Edward Chindori-Chininga and Mberengwa
West MP Joram Gumbo were
tasked with ensuring that all MPs attended
parliament on election day.
“At the politburo meeting held just before the
caucus meeting, it was agreed
that a team be set up to mobilise other
legislators. Jonathan Moyo suggested
the names of the people whom he said
were also vying for that post. He said
the committee should consist of
Bhasikiti, Nyamupinga, Chindori-Chininga and
Joram Gumbo. These four will
work with other senior politburo members.”
Zanu PF was deeply divided over
the parliamentary Speaker’s job with at
least seven names, including Women’s
League boss Oppah Muchinguri and
Goromonzi North MP Paddy Zhanda, being
mentioned as possible candidates for
the post.Two lists had emerged from the
main factional camps aligned to
long-time rivals and politburo heavyweights
Mnangagwa and General Solomon
Mujuru.
It has now emerged that Zanu PF did
not want the election held on Tuesday
because it had not yet officially
agreed on a candidate. Clerk of Parliament
Austin Zvoma postponed the vote
indefinitely saying he needed to comply with
the provisions of the
Constitution and Standing Orders in fulfillment of the
Supreme Court
judgment.
The politburo member said previously the presidium would have met
first and
decided on a possible candidate before bringing it up for
debate.
“At this politburo meeting, the secretary for administration (Didymus
Mutasa) brought alive the discussion. He started by saying that there was
need for gender balance when deciding a candidate for the post. But this was
shot down by the president who intervened and asked him what he meant by
gender balance when the president of the Senate Ednah Madzongwe is female.
That stopped the whole debate around that issue and even the female members
of the politburo dismissed the idea.”
He added: “After that, people
started talking about seniority and the most
senior member not in government
was SK Moyo. Everyone then endorsed him as
candidate for the Speaker’s post.
No other name was suggested after
President Mugabe’s intervention.”
To
appease Muchinguri, Vice-President Mujuru then suggested the Women’s
League
boss as her replacement in parliament.
“On Muchinguri’s appointment, it was
Mai Mujuru who suggested that she be
replaced by a woman and proposed the
Women’s League boss to take up her seat
in parliament,” the politburo
official said.
Meanwhile, the MDC-T, which wants to retain Moyo, is trying to
garner full
support from its legislators for him and is also desperately
attempting to
get votes from the smaller MDC faction led by Welshman Ncube
through
determined behind-the-scenes lobbying.
Ncube’s party announced
that it would not support any of the two contesting
candidates and would
abstain from the process by walking out before voting
starts. The party said
any of its MPs who do not walk out would be expelled.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 24 March 2011 20:29
Faith
Zaba/Taurai Mangudhla
THE Morgan Tsvangirai-led MDC faction has indicated
that it will put its
full weight behind the proposed new constitution even
if it is fundamentally
flawed.
MDC-T spokesman Nelson Chamisa told the
Zimbabwe Independent this week that
his party believed that the proposed
draft, in its flawed state, was likely
to usher in little reforms essential
for a free and fair presidential
election.
“We have said the process of
the constitution has been flawed and
contaminated by violence, lack of
information and lack of participation by
citizens because they didn’t know
how to participate,” Chamisa said.
“So the process has been flawed and
equally the outcome and product is
likely to be compromised because the
product is as good as the process,” he
said.
Chamisa said the MDC-T would
not throw out the baby with the bathwater and
hoped the little reforms would
go a long way because his party was embarking
on a revolution for the
foundation of an evolution.
He said his party would accept the new
constitution as a transitional
charter or a stop-gap measure until such a
time when people were allowed to
write their own document. At the end of the
day, Chamisa said, it would be
up to legislators to ensure that critical
reforms were included during
debates before the final draft was taken to a
referendum.
“By way of it going to parliament, it will be negotiated on the
basis of
what people are saying. There are areas where there was conflict,”
said
Chamisa.
In the same vein, the Constitutional Select Committee
(Copac) has warned
against a hurriedly written constitution.
Copac
co-chairman Douglas Mwonzora said a hurriedly written document would
possibly fail to capture fundamental concerns raised during the outreach
programme.
“It is clear that before elections are held, a new
constitution has to be in
place and this constitution must be durable,
reflecting the views of all
Zimbabweans whether they are in Canada or New
York,” Mwonzora said.
Zanu PF has been pushing for elections to be held as
early as August this
year.
President Robert Mugabe has also asked Copac
to speed up the
constitution-making process. He is on record declaring that
elections would
be held later this year with or without a new
constitution.
Uploading of data captured during the outreach programme was
completed on
Sunday and the draft exercise is only expected to be concluded
in September
this year. The three Copac co-chairmen Mwonzora, Munyaradzi
Paul Mangwana
and Edward Mkhosi, last week pleaded with the three political
parties in the
coalition government to respect the Global Political
Agreement by ensuring
that a new constitution preceded polls.
Mangwana
said: “Whilst we have no power to stop what these political parties
want, it
would be desirable in the interest of democracy to complete the
constitution-making exercise first.”
Mkhosi said Mugabe should ensure
funds were available if he wanted an early
election.
“If the president is
actually keen on having an election as soon as
possible, he can help us by
making money available. If money is available on
time, we can complete the
process by year-end because all the manpower is in
place. We should not go
for elections before a new constitution to avoid
witnessing the same
contestations made in the previous election,” Mkhosi
said.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 24 March 2011 20:26
Wongai
Zhangazha
THE Sadc-appointed facilitator to the Zimbabwe crisis and South
African
President Jacob Zuma will not present an election roadmap to the
Sadc Troika
meeting scheduled for Zambia next week because it is not
ready.
Zuma’s international relations advisor and member of the facilitation
team,
Lindiwe Zulu, told the Zimbabwe Independent from Pretoria on Wednesday
that
a draft roadmap acceptable to all three bickering parties was still
being
drafted and would be presented as soon as it was
ready.
“Unfortunately President Zuma will not present the draft roadmap to
the
Troika because we want to make sure that we present something that is
attractable and accepted by all. He is, however, expected to present a
progress report, a sense of what is going on in Zimbabwe,” said Zulu
declining to shed light on the contents of the progress report.
Zulu and
her team had been expected in Zimbabwe this week to meet with
negotiators
from Zanu PF, MDC-T and the smaller MDC to try and iron out
differences and
push for the speedy crafting of an election roadmap, but
postponed the visit
due to what she termed “other pressing issues”.
Zulu said the mediators had
moved their visit to the first week of April.
Zulu said, “We were supposed to
come to Zimbabwe this week, but we have
postponed to the first week of April
to allow the GPA partners time to work
on their reports. We also thought it
would give ample time for completion of
the review programme of the
inclusive government by Jomic (Joint Monitoring
and Implementation
Committee). We expect to be given this report when we
come in
April.”
According to Article 22 of the GPA, Jomic is the principal body
tasked with
dealing with issues of compliance and monitoring of the
agreement.
Jomic’s other function is to assess the implementation and deal
with all
complaints, grievances, concerns and issues relating to compliance
with the
GPA.
However, Jomic seems overwhelmed by these duties if remarks
by the body’s
co-chairperson Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga are
considered.
She said Jomic had no power to control the deteriorating
political situation
in the country and was largely relying on
Sadc.
Mushonga described Jomic and other civic bodies as “useless”.
Some
analysts who spoke to the Zimbabwe Independent criticised Zuma’s slow
pace
in dealing with the country’s crisis saying trips to Harare by his
facilitators were of “no value”.
One of the analysts who requested
anonymity said, “President Zuma and his
team do not seem to exhibit the
sense of urgency required to deal with the
Zimbabwean crisis. I do not see a
credible proactive plan in place for
tackling the political log jam in
Harare.
“The problem is that he is not being tough enough as he has sought to
massage (President Robert) Mugabe’s ego as a way of extracting some
concessions from him. Unfortunately Mugabe has not played ball and he has
consistently wriggled his way out of every deadline that Zuma has set for
implementing the outstanding issues.”
He suggested that Zuma and his
facilitation team pin the political players
down to come up with a workable
implementation plan.
“Having his facilitation team shuttling between Harare
and Pretoria to ask
for progress reports from the feuding parties is not
going to help anyone.”
However, Zulu defended her president saying that he
was doing enough to deal
with the issue and full implementation of the GPA
depended on the principals’
commitment.
“I think President Zuma is doing
as much as he can,” she said. “The bottom
line is that the GPA partners who
are at the forefront of it are supposed to
show their commitment. Jomic is
also supposed to do its job according to the
GPA to ensure that there is
commitment by all parties.”
“If any one of the GPA partners feels that
President Zuma is not doing
enough, they have the right to an open mind
through the facilitation team.
We will not discuss those issues in
public.”
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 24 March 2011 20:25
Tendai
Zhanje
SWEDISH-based construction firm Baran Trade and Investment Company
(Pvt) has
revealed plans to set up a local operation to upgrade all
Zimbabwe’s border
posts.
Baran Trade and Investment Company chief
executive officer Avishay Divr told
a delegation of Zimbabwean journalists
in Lusaka last week that plans were
at an advanced stage to register a
company with a 51% shareholding by locals
in adherence to the country’s
indigenisation regulations.
Divr said he had already been to Zimbabwe on an
assessment mission and was
hoping to attract genuine business partners for
the proposed project.
According to Divr, his company had already identified
offices for use in
Harare, but he refused to shed light on who the potential
partners were.
“We want to partner with both the Zimbabwe government and
business. Our
company is financed through loans from international banks and
the
Zimbabwean government will not be asked to contribute anything towards
the
refurbishment and running of the border posts. We will give the
government
a section of the border post to use free of charge,” said
Divr.
Baran Trade and Investment Company recently completed the refurbishment
of
the Kasumbalesa Border Post between Zambia and the DRC. This was done
through the formation of a new company, the Zambian Border Crossing company,
to oversee the project.
The company has installed sophisticated
information technology systems to
monitor and document the movement of
haulage trucks that pass through
Kasumbalesa.
Divr said the IT system
lessened the risk of corruption and to a certain
extent ensured the safe
delivery of consignments since nothing went
unnoticed because there were
camera monitors throughout the facility to
monitor trucks and all
movements.
Baran Trade and Investment Company’s objective, Divr said, was to
ensure
that all border posts in Africa had one system of tracking traffic
entering
and exiting each respective country.
“Most of the borders are in
a very poor condition and facilities are almost
non-existent. I want to put
the system here at Kasumbalesa all over east and
southern Africa. The IT
system is able to communicate with the next border
and we hope to see it in
Zimbabwe at least before this year ends,” said
Divr.
The Zambian Border
Crossing company has a 20-year contract with the
government allowing it to
collect all entry and exit fees as well as running
other businesses at the
border post. The government will continue to collect
customs duties and
taxes for traffic entering Zambia.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 24 March 2011
20:24
Wongai Zhangazha
FORTY-SIX year old Douglas Muzanenhamo will
never forget the day police
raided an International Socialist Organisation
(ISO) meeting he attended
along with 44 other activists in central
Harare.
The group, which included human rights activist and ISO director
Munyaradzi
Gwisai, was detained on treason charges for organising a meeting
on February
19 to discuss civil uprisings in Egypt and Tunisia and were
allegedly
watching television footage of public protests against the deposed
oppressive regimes.
A Harare magistrate freed Muzanenhamo and 38 others
after spending two weeks
in remand prison. Gwisai and five other activists
were only granted bail by
the High Court last week.
Memories of the dirty
smelly cells, cold nights, small portions of food and
tick-infested worn
blankets remain vividly fresh in Muzanenhamo’s mind.
However, the filthy
conditions of the Harare Central Police Station cells
were the least cause
of his concerns. What gave Muzanenhamo sleepless nights
was the fact that he
was denied access to his medication.
Muzanenhamo is HIV positive and is on
life prolonging anti retroviral drugs.
He takes the medication twice a day,
once in the morning and once in the
evening.
However, for the 16 days
that he was in custody with 11 other HIV positive
activists, including
women, they were informed that access to any medication
was a
privilege.
Muzanenhamo said he had been invited to the meeting of civic
organisations,
which brought together ISO, the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade
Unions, Zimbabwe
National Students Association and the Medical Professions
Allied Workers
Union met, as a member of the HIV and Aids
cluster.
Muzanenhamo said: “Representing the HIV and Aids cluster, we
attended a
meeting called by ISO. The meeting was dedicated to commemorating
one of our
members Navigator Mungoni who passed away in January and also
discussing
general concerns of the workers.
“When the meeting was about
to end, we were raided by the police. They
bundled us into their trucks and
made us lie beneath the benches while they
sat on the benches.
“That
night when we were locked up, we told some officers of our situation
and
asked whether they would allow us to have our medication, but they
refused.
Since our cellphones had been confiscated, our families had no idea
where we
were. We slept without taking our medication. The cells were
crowded, dirty
and cold but they didn’t seem bothered by our condition.”
He said they were
only allowed access to their medication two days into
their detention after
the intervention of their lawyers.
Skipping anti-retroviral medication poses
a high health risk.
When they were transferred to remand prison to await
their bail hearing,
Muzanenhamo said the allocation of their medication was
decreased.
“In remand prison, a male nurse informed us that we were going to
get our
medication only once and not the prescribed two times. Sometimes it
would
be at 11am sometimes 2pm and yet I take my medicine at 8am and 8pm
every
day,” said Muzanenhamo.
He said efforts to raise their concerns
were quashed by prison officers who
told them to “get used to prison terms”
and that “we were not at our homes
where we could do as we
pleased”.
Muzanenhamo said he fell ill after he was discharged and couldn’t
walk. He
also developed a rash which his doctor said was caused by tick
bites.
“The disturbance to the normal intake of my medication affected me so
much
and this was worsened by the solitary confinement we were subjected
to,” he
said.
Muzanenhamo said he felt that their constitutional rights
were infringed and
they were considering suing the State.
Another
detainee, Josphat Tarenyika (43) of Mabvuku, said as a result of
defaulting
and the poor diet, his CD4 count dropped from 541 to 327.
The CD4 cells help
tell how strong your immune system is and indicate the
stage of your HIV
disease and guides treatment. People without HIV infection
have about 700 to
1 000 CD4 cells in a drop of blood the size of a pea.
Tarenyika said: “I fell
sick during and after our detention. I suffered from
tonsils, was weak in my
joints, lost a lot of weight and had no appetite at
all. I was very
depressed. I think we were lucky to even have limited access
to these pills
because our lawyers fought very hard. My concern is on those
who don’t have
lawyers to fight for them.”
Director of Community Working Group on Health
Itai Rusike said the major
challenge people living with Aids faced after
defaulting on medication was
that their bodies could begin to resist the
very drug they were taking.
“After such disturbances, the huge risk the
patients might develop can be
resistance to the current drug or treatment of
those they were deprived of.
It then means that they have to be put on
second line treatment which is
very expensive,” Rusike said.
Second line
treatment is therapy given to HIV and Aids patients who would
have become
resistant to the first cocktail of drugs or if they experienced
terrible
side effects.
“At the moment, there are very few HIV and Aids patients in
this country who
are on second line treatment. The majority of those who
were locked up
depend on government treatment which is given for free most
of the times.
In an event that they resist the drug they have been taking,
most of them
will not be able to afford the second treatment,” said
Rusike.
He said the other challenges imprisoned people living with Aids
faced were
dietary requirements and stress.
“Those people on treatment
need a special diet and the sadza and beans that
they get daily can result
in heavy implications. Stress caused by the
environment can also lead to
deterioration. If someone is arrested or locked
up, they should not lose
their rights completely but should be accorded
their rights to health.
Efforts should be made for them to have access to
their treatment at the
right time. Limited access can be a public issue
especially when a TB
patient is locked up and denied medication because the
disease will spread,”
he said.
Zimbabwe is ranked number 17 out of 22 of the world’s high-burden TB
countries according to the 2010 Millennium Development Goals government
statistics.
Deputy Justice Minister Obert Gutu said prisoners had the
constitutional
right to medication.
“Every prisoner has a constitutional
right to medication. As long as there
is proof from a medical practitioner
of the condition one would be suffering
from, the prisoner is entitled to
medication. Sheer denial of medication is
a serious dereliction of duty. My
advice to those who have complaints is to
make formal reports at my office.
I can assure them that appropriate
investigations would be taken,” said
Gutu.
Muzanenhamo and his group are not the only ones who have complained
about
inhumane treatment in police custody or prison.
Co-chairman of the
Constitution Select Committee Douglas Mwonzora has
threatened to take legal
action against the police saying he was denied
access to his lawyers, held
in solitary confinement and denied water and
food while in police
custody.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 24 March 2011
20:23
By Qhubani Moyo
SINCE the position of Speaker of parliament
is of paramount importance in
the national governance architecture the
recent annulment of the election of
Lovemore Moyo from that post has added
much excitement in the political
discourse of the country.
The annulment
that came after a legal challenge by Professor Jonathan Moyo
with the
backing of Moses Mzila Ndlovu, Siyabonga Ncube and Patrick Dube
from the
Professor Welshman Ncube-led MDC was meant to establish a principle
that
should guide the operations of parliament for posterity.
It was a legal
challenge to cleanse the House of corrupt tendencies and
maintain its
credibility as a law making institution. The annulment of the
result,
attained through various clandestine means including among other
things vote
buying of some of our MPs and forced display of ballots by the
Morgan
Tsvangirai-led MDC (MDC-T), was sound because the voting process in
the
election of Speaker had set a very bad precedence for our democracy. The
ruling is therefore of national significance as it sets the right parameters
for democracy and exposes the lies of some parties which claim to be
fighting for change and democracy.
The judgment cleanses the parliament
of the evils of corruption that were
brought by some parties and allows for
a fresh start in which the election
of who should lead the House should be
based on the right procedures. I
personally have no doubt that Lovemore Moyo
served the nation with notable
distinction as Speaker of parliament but I
have problems with the means that
his party used to win the position. The
machinations they used seriously
undermine democracy. What should be done is
that we need to follow the rules
and let the best man win. I am sure Moyo
still has a good chance of
retaining the position but he has to get in
through a free and fair ballot
for his personal credibility and that of
parliament.
One of the key issues that have taken centre stage in the public
discourse
regarding the Speaker position is the Welshman Ncube-led MDC
(MDC-N)
position that it would abstain from voting. While some people have
taken the
position as a credible decision that is of strategic national
interest some
people have viewed the move as not well-thought out and a
failure by the
party to use its votes as power broker to determine who
becomes Speaker.
Although both arguments are persuasive, it is the first one
that makes more
sense and deserves more attention.
The MDC made a
strategic decision in this regard. It would have been
illogical for the
MDC-N to fight for the Speaker post given that it holds
the position of
deputy Speaker occupied by Nomalanga Khumalo. The party is
well secure in
that position which it won clean after both Zanu PF and MDC T
gave way by
not fielding candidates. This position unlike the other one was
not subject
to corruption or manipulation and was legitimately won and the
party is
happy to keep it. It would have been an act of behaving like power
gluttons
for the party to use its position as power brokers to try and
manipulate any
of the other two parties so that it ends up with both the
speakership and
deputy’s post. After all this is a power-sharing government.
This would have
been a total disregard of the spirit of inclusivity which is
the cornerstone
of the Global Political Agreement. The decision is also
important in that it
gives the MDC-T and Zanu PF an opportunity to test each
other’s strength
without interference from the MDC-N which both parties
undermine as a small
party without realising that having fewer seats in
parliament does not
necessarily mean it is a small party. The MDC-N is a big
party in the
current political scheme of things. It is big as a responsible
power broker
and has potential to become even bigger.
The MDC-N despite the fewer seats in
parliament and just like the other two
parties in government, has all the
structures provided for in its
constitution and therefore not smaller than
any other party in its
construction. It is important for the two to square
up so that each of them
after the contest will understand who the big
brother is and maybe after
that they will respect the people of Zimbabwe by
concentrating on issues of
national development and not fulfilment of
partisan agenda and massaging
their egos.
It was also for the MDC-N to
stand on its own in view of the recent past
when Zanu PF and MDC-T connived
to deny its president, Ncube, a chance to be
deputy prime minister despite
him being the legitimate leader of the party.
MDC-N realises that Zanu PF
and the MDC-T are allies in trying to undermine
its growth and that being
allies they should be able to agree between
themselves who should be
Speaker. If they don’t agree on how to share the
spoils of conniving against
the MDC-N then it’s their problem.
It would be futile for the MDC-N to try to
interfere in the newly found
alliance between Zanu PF and MDC-T. This leads
to the question that some
people raise: Will this not lead to the election
of a Zanu PF Speaker and
therefore a reversal of the gains of democracy that
Zimbabwean fought so
hard to achieve? The answer to this question is simply
that democratic gains
have no national meaning if those elected to senior
public positions become
the very incarnation of the same system they are
fighting.
Zimbabweans should not be short-sighted to think that
democratisation of the
country just means removal of individuals and
replacing them with different
individuals wearing different masks. In this
regard the thinking in some
quarters that the MDC-N should have donated its
votes to the MDC-T because
they are both former opposition political parties
is misguided and myopic.
The MDC-N as a political party has the duty to use
its leverage and
advantage in whatever way it wants and it is unfortunate
that there are
people that still cannot come to terms with that reality.
Besides, those who
want MDC-N votes must approach it and not the other way
round.
The truth is that in a situation of a hung parliament any of the
parties
represented can choose who to work with based on mutual respect and
agreed
bargaining. The MDC-N thus cannot be coerced into arrangements that
don’t
benefit the party and the nation. The view which is especially
dominant in
the diaspora that MDC-N must donate its votes to MDC-T is
interesting given
that in some of the countries exiled Zimbabweans live in,
like Britain and
Australia, parties in hung parliaments have chosen to
cooperate with whoever
agrees to their terms without being labelled
traitors.
Then there is a group that thinks that by withdrawing from the race
and
instructing its MPs not to vote the MDC-N is infringing on the
constitutional right of the MPs to vote. While this argument sounds valid on
the surface, it is self-defeating in that it looks at the decision of the
MDC-N out of context and ignores the decisions of the other parties and the
dynamics between them. The Westminster parliamentary system works through
whipping. As such the MDC choice is legitimate and should be respected. Let
Zanu PF and MDC-T, who seem not to realise the critical role of MDC-N in
this parliament, fight it out between themselves as undercover on-and-off
allies.
Qhubani Moyo is the national organising secretary of the
MDC-N. Email:
qmoyo2000@yahoo.co.uk
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 24 March 2011 20:08
Paidamoyo
Muzulu
THE dethroning of Lovemore Moyo has created a vacuum in the House
of
Assembly while raising questions about the usefulness of the deputy
Speaker
who cannot conduct business if there is no Speaker.
The law makes
no provisions for the deputy to act as Speaker until the end
of parliament’s
term, begging the question why our government has so many
deputy ministers
who cannot be elevated to substantive positions, or even
act when the need
arises.
Deputy ministers do not have any clearly defined roles resulting in
mixed
messages coming from the same departments as they battle for turf with
incumbent ministers.
Zimbabwe currently has 18 deputy ministers in
office. These deputy ministers
enjoy executive perks, which include off-road
sport utility vehicles (SUVs),
free accommodation, free fuel, occasional
foreign travel on government
business and 24-hour security at their places
of residence.
These 18 deputies are in addition to the 42 ministers, 10
provincial
governors, the president and his two deputies who ride on
Zimbabwe’s gravy
train.
In the 2011 national budget, the office of the
President and Cabinet and the
Prime Minister’s office were allocated a
combined US$115,6 million. The bulk
of the money is meant for travel and
salaries of staff.
Deputy ministers are paid around US$1 500 monthly each.
Their salaries and
perks are several times larger than senior civil
servants’ salaries yet they
carry the burden of work in the
ministries.
Finance minister Tendai Biti is on record complaining about his
colleagues’
interest in foreign travel. Last year treasury spent over US$30
million in
foreign travel that generally brought nothing to the
country.
Deputy minister of Women’s Affairs, Gender and Community Development
Jessie
Majome said deputy ministers were primarily placed to assist large
ministries and, to an extent, accommodate the Global Political Agreement
(GPA) power sharing arrangement.
“Deputy ministers serve a function in
ministries that demand a lot of
political presence or where the ministry has
a large mandate,” Majome said.
“Political decisions also played a part in
the current set-up. Because of
the coalition, the posts got a new currency
with parties wanting to get
representation in ministries where they did not
get ministers appointed.”
However, Majome also added: “The size of our
government is currently
excessive. It’s possible to run the government with
few ministries. You may
be aware that some ministries were split due to the
power-sharing
agreement.”
But can Zimbabwe’s bruised and battered
economy sustain this extravagant
opulence brought on us by the
GPA?
Political analysts and opinion makers believe that Zimbabweans should
make
use of the ongoing constitutional review process to circumscribe
politicians’
appetite to create jobs for their cronies.
They want the new
constitution to put a cap on the size of cabinet and only
have deputies
where necessary.
Political analyst Charles Mangongera said: “Having deputies
without
sufficient executive authority is wastage on the fiscus. It ends up
being a
creation of jobs for the boys.”
In other countries, the size of
cabinet is prescribed by the constitution,
and deputies are only allowed in
strategic ministries and have specific
mandates.
To further demonstrate
the ineffectiveness of the deputies, business does
not stop if they are
absent as the key personal, permanent secretary and
ministers are around to
transact business. Cases in point are ministries
without deputies like
Agriculture and Finance which are functioning well
without them.
Media
Centre director Earnest Mudzengi agreed with Mangongera that deputy
ministries unnecessarily drained the country’s economy.
Mudzengi said:
“The post of deputy minister is a political post meant for
patronage
purposes. We certainly cannot afford to fund a gravy train
considering our
economic situation. The funds going towards the perks of
deputy ministers
could as well go towards improving the living conditions of
civil
servants.”
The Zimbabwean situation is similar to Kenya which also has a
coalition
government. In 2007, at least 30 assistant Kenyan ministers wrote
a letter
to President Mwayi Kibaki complaining that they had no work to
do.
“I just go to the office and read newspapers,” said Abu Chiaba, an
assistant
Fisheries minister.
The Kenyan government has 50 assistant
ministers serving in 33 ministries
and gobbling over US$9 million annually
in upkeep.
Parliament’s paralysis has been replayed in cabinet. President
Robert Mugabe
is deputised by Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai in cabinet
but Tsvangirai
doesn’t chair meetings in Mugabe’s absence.
Constitutional
analysts argue that paralysis in government is as a result of
skewed power
dynamics in the coalition and lack of clarity on mandates given
to each
office.
Constitutional law lecturer Creg Linnington said the MDC had failed
to
assume any power in the GPA and Mugabe had largely come out with his
powers
intact. He said there wasn’t really any power-sharing among the
coalition
partners.
The size of Zimbabwe’s cabinet since Independence has
been subjective and
mainly based on the political terrain subsisting in the
country. The
pre-colonial government of Ian Smith had a lean and efficient
government
comprising 12 ministers and no deputies.
Independent
Zimbabwe’s first cabinet was enlarged to accommodate the diverse
political
parties which participated in the first election in the spirit of
promoting
inclusivity.
In the run-up to the 2000 elections, Tsvangirai’s MDC promised
to set up a
lean and efficient 15 member cabinet without deputies if it
assumed power.
However, this was all abandoned in pursuit of political
expediency when he
joined the coalition government in February
2009.
Zimbabwe needs to redefine the size of its government in relation to
its
economic size, observers say. The Bretton Woods institutions have since
the
early 1990s called on Zimbabwe to restructure and streamline the size of
its
government but this advice has largely gone unheeded.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 24 March 2011
19:49
Paidamoyo Muzulu
GOVERNMENT will now go after nominee
shareholders on the Zimbabwe Stock
Exchange (ZSE), as the controversial
indigenisation of the economy appears
to gather momentum.
In an exclusive
interview with businessdigest this week, Indigenisation and
Empowerment
minister, Saviour Kasukuwere revealed that he would unravel
unnamed
shareholders on the registers of 80-odd listed counters on the local
bourse.
“We are going to pierce the corporate veil when implementing our
indigenisation policy,” Kasukuwere said, “Companies will be asked to reveal
the people behind investment vehicles (nominee companies) that hold equity
on listed companies.”
He said foreign owned companies listed on the ZSE
would be forced to reveal
the identities of their shareholders to ensure
that they complied with the
country’s indigenisation policy where 51% of
shares of any company valued at
more than US$500 000 are supposed to be in
the hands of black people.
This development comes hard on the heels of
President Robert Mugabe’s call
three weeks ago for Kasukuwere’s ministry to
urgently take over 400 foreign
owned companies in Zimbabwe. Mugabe stressed
the action is a direct
retaliation to sanctions imposed on Zimbabwe by
European Union and America
in 2003.
Mugabe, launching his Zanu PF party’s
anti-sanctions petition, instructed
Kasukuwere to target British companies,
among them Old Mutual, Rio Tinto,
Barclays Bank, Zimplats and Standard
Chartered Bank for indigenisation
first.
Nestlé Zimbabwe, a Swiss-based
food processing company, is one of those
earmarked for an early takeover by
Kasukuwere. The company crossed Mugabe’s
path when it refused to buy fresh
milk from his Gushungo Dairy Estate.
The indigenisation crusade winds will
also blow across the capital intensive
mining sector. Government, as a
matter of policy, owns all alluvial diamond
claims. New mining companies
will be registered once they comply with the
indigenisation policy, while
those registered should indigenise within the
medium term.
The policy has
since unsettled many investors in a country that desperately
needs direct
and indirect foreign investment.
Mining houses such as Zimplats and Rio Tinto
are reviewing their expansion
programmes till the uncertainty created by the
policy has been clarified.
Government says it has set up a fund to help local
investors pay for share
acquisitions in identified foreign companies. An
indigenisation fund chaired
by former Finance deputy minister, David
Chapfika, is mobilising resources
and setting up regulations of managing the
fund.
Kasukuwere said his ministry would soon take on Mugabe’s challenge once
it
settles the legal hurdles.
“My ministry will soon release the sector
specific regulations and other
statutory legislation to guide the process,”
he said. “It is an irreversible
process and a fund to assist locals will
soon be operational.”
The indigenisation policy, however, has created schisms
within the coalition
government. Ministers from the MDC formations are
counseling for caution in
implementing the policy under the present
circumstances. Invariably,
government officials are sending mixed signals at
international investment
forums depending from which side of government they
are coming from.
Deputy Prime-minister Arthur Mutambara is on record as
telling Parliament
that government should have policy consistency if it
wants to take the
economy out of the woods. Zimbabwe’s economy had been on
the free fall for
the last decade until a coalition government was set up in
2009.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 24 March 2011 19:49
Bernard
Mpofu
FINANCE minister Tendai Biti has moved to end a feud pitting the
Zimbabwe
Stock Exchange (ZSE) and the Securities Commission of Zimbabwe
(SEC) and
ordered the immediate appointment of an interim ZSE board to
oversee the
exchange.
This happened as SEC chief executive officer, Alban
Chirume is reported to
have resigned from the capital markets regulator
under unclear
circumstances.Biti appointed ZSE chairman Ndodana Mguquka,
banker Sijabuliso
Biyam, a senior ministry of finance official, Mutasa
Dzinotizei and Afre
Corporation director Peter Shonhiwa after the SEC
nullified an earlier
appointment of the ZSE board last October.
SEC
demanded the sacking of veteran stockbrokers –– Seti Shumba and Bart
Mswaka
–– from the board, arguing the board should be “balanced” and should
be
composed of two “independent directors”. This move, prompted the ZSE to
approach the courts last November, accusing the SEC of heavy
handedness.
The ZSE wants the board to be comprised of its members, arguing
that other
professional bodies like the Law Society of Zimbabwe and the
Institute of
Chartered Accountants are self regulating and have more
autonomy.
Biti then ordered the ZSE to set up an interim board to plug what
he
described as an “oversight vacuum”.
Information at hand however shows
that the interim board has not been formed
to date.
The board is tasked
with running the exchange with integrity.
ZSE CEO Emmanuel Munyukwi according
to a letter copied to Sec chairperson
Willia Bonyongwe and Finance permanent
secretary Willard Manungo, was also
appointed an ex-officio member of the
board.
“As you are aware, there is no functional board to deal with policy
issues
at the Zimbabwe Stock Exchange. This is largely because the
Securities
Commission did not approve two of the proposed board members.”
reads a
letter written by Biti on February 21 2011.
“However, it should
be noted that the Securities Commission’s objection of
the two members does
not obviate the appointment of an interim board….In
view of the need to
address the board issue, an interim board should be
constituted
immediately..”
Court papers in the possession of businessdigest show that
Mguquka last
November challenged SEC’s actions as unlawful.
“This is an
application for a declarator to the following effect: that the
board
composition of the ZSE Executive Committee as appointed by members of
the
meeting of October 4, 2010 is valid,” read the court papers.
“That the
attempt by SEC to set aside the appointment of the board in terms
of its
letter dated 26 October 2010 is unlawful and hereby set aside.”
Apart from
the board issue, ZSE and SEC are at loggerheads over securities
dealing
firms’ capital adequacy requirements. Last December, the ZSE through
its
lawyers –– Kantor & Immerman –– accused SEC of “ambushing” the exchange
by issuing unlawful directives.
The exchange also said SEC did not give
them “reasonable time” to implement
their directives in the “normal way of
conducting business.”
The capital markets regulator requires stock-broking
firms to have US$100
000 capital adequacy requirement based on minimum net
worth values.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 24 March 2011 19:45
Paul
Nyakazeya
A TOTAL of 18,9 million kg of flue-cured tobacco valued at US$
57,7 million
has gone under the hammer at the Tobacco Sales Floors (TSF)
since the
beginning of the selling season on February 16.
TSF is
currently the only operating auction floor.
Figures obtained from the Tobacco
Industry and Marketing Board (TIMB) show
that the deliveries were 26,33%
more than the 14,9 million kg valued at
US$50,2 million which were sold the
same period last year from two auction
floors — TSF and Zimbabwe Industry
Tobacco Auction Centre (Zitac).
TSF is conducting four sales per day pushing
through minimum of 2 000 bales
daily.
Farmers are being paid on the day
of sale.
The average price has been US$3,05 compared to US$3,35 last year,
representing a 9,08 percent decline.
Of the 18,9 million kg sold,
contract farmers accounted for 11,2 million kg
valued at US$36,3 million.
TSF sold 7,1 million kg valued at US$19,9
million.
Wastage is 7,90%
compared to 3,08% less than 8,15% the same period last
year.
Analysts
said deliveries were expected to increase following the opening of
Zitac
yesterday.
TSF this week said it had established offices in different parts
of Zimbabwe
for pre-sale bookings. This follows a rise in the incidence of
farmers
delivering a crop that had not been booked for sale.
The offices
are in Rusape, Marondera, Bindura, Mvurwi, Karoi and Chinhoyi.
Despite this
de-centralisation, some farmers still bring their crop to the
auction floor
without advance bookings.
TIMB said Zimbabwe’s tobacco output may rise 38% to
170 million kilogrammes
this season, as more farmers have grown the crop
as the nation’s
“economic environment” improves.
“Small-scale tobacco
farmers currently account for more than half of
Zimbabwe’s output. As
production rises, farmers should now focus on
improving quality,” said
TIMB.
Zimbabwe earned US$347,8 million from tobacco sales last year,
according to
the board which oversees the industry. China was the main
buyer, replacing
Western companies that were traditionally the biggest
buyers, it said.
Zimbabwe is the world’s sixth-largest exporter of the flue-
cured Virginia
tobacco.
It lags behind Brazil, India, the United
States, Argentina and Tanzania,
according to the website of Universal
Corp., the world’s biggest
tobacco-leaf merchant.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 24 March 2011 19:38
THE Agricultural
Bank of Zimbabwe (Agribank) last Friday signed a US$30
million facility with
the Industrial Development Corporation (IDC) of South
Africa, whose
objective is to support agro-based companies. This week
Agribank CEO Sam
Malaba (SM) spoke to businessdigest chief business reporter
Paul Nyakazeya
(PN) about the facility, bad debts, government’s shareholding
in the bank,
common trends in the banking sector and the agriculture
industry.
PN:
What is the nature of the facility you signed with IDC South Africa last
week?
SM: It is a US$30 million facility agreement marking one of
the first
transactions of its kind since the signing of the Bilateral
Investment
Promotion and Protection Agreement (Bippa) between South Africa
and Zimbabwe
last year. Of that amount, US$20 million will be allocated to
firms
operating in the agri-business, manufacturing and mining sectors,
US$10
million will be lent to IDC Zimbabwe.
PN: What are the
conditions to the firms or sectors that will benefit from
the
facility?
SM: It has a tenor of six years and grace period of one
year for capital
repayment. It is a development facility. The IDC is more
concerned to see
job creation and increasing production
capacity.
PN: Are there any mechanisms to ensure that those who
benefit from the funds
direct it towards the agreed purpose?
SM:
Yes they are, as we do with all farmers who borrow from the bank. We are
the
borrowers of the funds and we will ensure that the funds are utilised as
per
agreement and are paid back timeously.
PN: What interest do the
loans attract?
SM: As arranged by our co-advisory firms, Musa Capital
and Neverseez
Capital, the borrowing from the IDC is being forwarded at
competitive
Libor-indexed interest rates and is structured to ensure that a
large
portion of the funding will be used by Zimbabwean companies to
purchase
South African goods and services, at the same time providing
opportunities
for both countries.
PN: I understand the bank had
embarked on an exercise to cut down its branch
network by about 25% and
lay-off staff in a move to lower costs. What is the
position
now?
SM: We have closed nine branches and laid off 160 employees
through a
voluntary retrenchment exercise. We, however, are looking at
opening
branches in strategic areas such as mining towns or where
agricultural
production is increasing.
PN: How much did you spend
on severance packages?
SM: A total of US$1,7 million.
PN:
What criteria were you using when you embarked on the branch
rationalisation
exercise and how many do you now have?
SM: The move to cut branches
and lower the bank’s staff complement was
necessitated by low business
activity and the need to stay afloat. We were
targeting loss-making
branches. Consideration for closure was influenced by
lack of business
activity, connectivity challenges and branches not owned by
the bank. From
53 branches we are left with 44.
PN: We understand the bank has found
an equity partner after cabinet gave
the green light. Who are the new
shareholders in the bank?
SM: We will announce who the partner is at
the appropriate time. I,
however, can tell you that the new partner will
provide equity funding as a
strategic partner in the bank. Government is not
selling the bank
PN: Banks were racing to raise capital through
rights issues and private
placements in order to meet Reserve Bank minimum
capital requirements. What
is the position with regards to your
bank?
SM: We are in a closed period and as such cannot discuss any
figures with
regards to the bank. We can only discuss that after our
financial results
are announced. They should be on the market before March
31.
PN: Has the bank written off bad debts owing to farmers or
politicians
failing to honour their obligations? We hear politicians account
for the
bulk of nonperforming loans.
SM: The perception that
politicians are looting the bank is not correct.
Very few politicians are on
the bank’s book and those borrowing pay back
like any other farmer. No loans
were written off for political reasons and
that is why the provisions for
bad and doubtful debts are not high. Remember
we are audited. If there were
such developments, they would be highlighted.
If that were not the case,
institutions such as IDC South Africa were never
going to be interested in
doing business with us.
PN: What has been the bank’s average
provision for bad and doubtful debts?
SM: Agribank’s average
provision for bad and doubtful debts between 2001 and
2006 was about 18,4%,
which is in line with provisions by other banks.
Between 2007 and 2009, the
provision was 3,9% mainly due to the
hyperinflationary environment. To break
it down in 2006 it was 3,8%,
2007-1,2%, 2008 -2,7%, 2009 -1,2% and 2010 -
1,6%
PN: Government being the major shareholders of the bank, how has
the placing
of the bank on the sanctions list affected your
operations?
SM: The placing of the bank on the US sanctions list saw
our South African
account being frozen. Initially the bank’s Nostro Accounts
were frozen by a
South African bank for about a year and this affected our
foreign currency
account holders who wanted to utilise their foreign
currency to purchase
inputs and fertilisers for their farming programmes. We
cannot hold US
dollar denominated Nostro Accounts (an account that a bank
holds with a
foreign bank) with any international bank.
PN: What
common trend do you see in the future of banking in the country?
SM:
I see more competition, with the return of banks such as Royal, Trust
and
Time Bank. All banks will be competing for deposits. Banks will be
looking
for strategic partners to strengthen their balance sheets. I also
see
improved liquidity and lines of credit.
PN: Do you think the public
now has confidence in the banking sector?
SM: I think they have. But
most people’s salaries are still very low such
that they withdraw it all
once it reflects in their accounts. They do not
have enough money to save
such that it will appear as if people do not want
to leave their money in
banks.
PN: What do you think of the indigenisation
regulations?
SM: Any investor would want to know the rules of the
game. Let’s state the
rules. Most countries have indigenisation laws. As
long as you clearly
define the rules and abide by them it will be
acceptable.
PN: Is the agriculture sector being fully
supported?
SM: It is and there is room for more support. The sector
is critical in any
country. A number of significant projects are being done
in the country.
Production in tobacco, cotton and maize is improving.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 24 March 2011
20:12
By Bornwell Chakaodza
WESTERN governments have double
standards and breathtaking hypocrisy when it
suits them in propping up some
of the most hideous and undemocratic regimes
in Africa and elsewhere. What I
am however most concerned about for now is
the impotence of the African
Union (AU) in finding “African solutions to
African problems”, as we get
told ad infinitum!
Media reports over the past week suggested that President
Jacob Zuma, Sadc
mediator in Zimbabwe’s troubled power- sharing dispute, was
sending missions
to Harare and Tripoli to help find solutions to political
conflicts and
stalemates in these two countries.
The plan for Libya, as
reported in the South African media, was for Zuma’s
envoy to join other
members of the High Level Panel appointed by the AU such
as Uganda,
Mauritania, South Africa, Mali and the Republic of Congo tasked
with finding
a lasting solution in the political crisis in that troubled
country. Zuma
told his country’s National Assembly last week that South
Africa would
coordinate its position on Libya with other members of the AU.
“South Africa
supports the position of the African Union with regards to the
Libyan
question and will work within the ambit of the AU,” Zuma’s office
said last
Friday. But by Saturday the complexion of the Libyan crisis had
dramatically
changed. The UN Security Council, with the support of the Arab
League and
other regional groupings, supported the imposition of a No- Fly
Zone on
Libya, and adopted Resolution 1973 which authorised international
air
attacks against Libya.
The US, UK and France on March 19 launched missiles
and airstrikes at
targets in Libya to halt attacks on rebel – held towns in
the east of the
country. The coalition ordered Libyan President Muammar
Gaddafi to withdraw
his forces from major cities after weeks of fighting
that left hundreds
dead, in the bloodiest of popular uprisings to have swept
north Africa and
the Middle East over the past two months.
Then reports
emerged this week that the special AU panel established to
negotiate a
solution for the Libyan crisis had been denied permission to
enter the
country. According to the reports, the panel had requested
permission for
the flight carrying its members to Libya to comply with UN
Security Council
resolution that imposed a no — fly zone on Libya. This is
after weeks during
which thousands of Libyans had been killed by pro-
Gaddafi forces.
The
feeble steps by the AU condemning the violence and marshalling a
mediation
panel are now a rather pathetic sideshow alongside the actions of
the wider
international community, which has taken the bull by the horns —
despite my
grave reservations about air strikes — to save Libyan civilians
who were
being systematically slaughtered by a rather deranged man who now
seems to
have lost all sense of what is right or wrong. I am registering my
grave
reservations precisely because I do not know why the West gets
involved in
these unending wars which at the end of the day they find
difficult, if not
impossible, to get out. Witness the unending conflicts in
Iraq and
Afghanistan for example!
The Libyan crisis is yet another glaring example of
the impotence of the AU
in its declared resolve to find African solutions to
African problems. It
defies logic that the AU was sending a negotiating
panel to a war zone where
hundreds of unarmed civilians were being butchered
by a government they
should be looking up to for protection. It would be
interesting to hear how
the AU panel intended to proceed to bring Gaddafi
and the rebels fighting
against him to the negotiating table under those
dangerous conditions.
Without offering any viable alternative, AU had opposed
any form of foreign
military intervention in Libya, though the three AU
members on the UN
Security Council, Nigeria, South Africa and Gabon, voted
in favour of the
no-fly zone. The AU Commission is due to hold a meeting in
Addis Ababa
today, with representatives from the League of Arab States, the
Organisation
of the Islamic Conference, the European Union and the United
Nations to
discuss ways of resolving the crisis in Libya.
This sounds
like a case of shutting the barn door after the horse has
bolted. This is
one of the major weaknesses of the continental body — its
inability to be
pro-active rather than reactive to spontaneous situations
confronting
Africa.
African leaders need to appreciate that there are times when mere
platitudes
and bombastic rhetoric are not enough — when actions speak louder
than
words. Indeed, words cost little. Actions talk best.
The Libyan
crisis follows similar uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt where
incumbent
leaders were driven out through popular demand while the AU stood
helplessly
by. While Tunisia and Egypt try to establish new government
systems to move
their countries forward, the AU is conspicuous by its
absence from the
scene.
Indeed, events in the Ivory Coast where a civil war has already begun
because a losing presidential candidate — Laurent Gbabgo — refuses to give
way for the winner Alassane Quattara bears yet more testimony to the growing
catalogue of AU bungling in policing the continent. The question can really
be posed: what makes Africa so prone to dictators?
Although the AU has
clearly come out in support of Quattara, whose electoral
victory was
endorsed by the international community, it remains to be seen
what the AU
will do about Gbagbo’s defiance. Chances are that faced with a
situation
where it has to make a hard decision, the AU will buckle under and
recline
into its shell to let matters take their course. Very sad indeed.
More
importantly, where is Ecowas, the regional West African bloc, in this
Ivory
Coast crisis?
Even to Zuma, the Zimbabwean situation must seem a hopeless
case. At a time
when a country should be putting finishing touches to a
comprehensive
political reform process towards a free and fair election,
there has been an
upsurge of politically motivated violence and arrests
targeting MDC
supporters. Last weekend, scores of MDC-T supporters and
innocent people
were beaten up in Harare, Mutare and other parts of the
country on suspicion
they were MDC supporters.
Cabinet ministers
belonging to the opposition MDC were threatened with a
beating by junior
policemen when they tried to address a party rally in
Chitungwiza. While the
police banned rallies of other parties, Zanu PF was
allowed to go ahead with
its anti-sanctions campaign in which scores of
people were forced to
participate.
These are the crucial issues that Zuma and his facilitation team
should
tackle if their efforts to resolve the Zimbabwean crisis are to bear
fruit.
The much-touted Zuma roadmap for free and fair elections in Zimbabwe
will
remain a well meaning slogan and nothing more unless there are decisive
measures to compel Zanu PF and its supporters to cease political violence
forthwith.
Events in North Africa and the Middle East have shown that you
can suppress
the will of the people for only so long, but a time comes when
people will
rise and say enough is enough.
lBornwell Chakaodza is a
veteran journalist and former Editor of The Herald
and The Standard
newspapers. Email: mail: borncha@gmail.com .
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 24 March 2011
20:10
ZANU PF through its mouthpieces continues to shout itself hoarse
over the
effects of sanctions. This time it is the agricultural sector that
has borne
the brunt of the “illegal embargo”, according to the Sunday
Mail.
“Stakeholders in the (agricultural) sector met in Harare last week,” we
are
told, “to discuss the effects of the illegal Western sanctions and
agreed to
send a strong message to the perpetrators that without the removal
of the
blockade the Zimbabwean population is likely to continue suffering as
almost
every industry depends on agriculture.”
Apparently the
imperialists are at it again! It is amazing if not tragic
that these
“stakeholders” have the time to abandon their seemingly
productive farms and
converge on Harare just to talk about sanctions.
The inconvenient truth that
these “stakeholders” will be at pains to ignore
is that government has
flouted countless Bippas with European and even
African countries. The
arrest of South African farmer Mike Odendaal on
allegations of occupying his
farm “illegally” despite a Bippa signed between
Zimbabwe and South Africa,
is a case in point. In the end the Bippa did
nothing to stop him losing his
farm.
“The country could not secure off-shore funding to resuscitate
agriculture
owing of (sic) the sanctions. Major international banks began
demanding a
10% premium on all Zimbabwe-destined loans,” the Sunday Mail
lamented.
The fact that the IMF cut off balance of payments support to
Zimbabwe in
1999 over protracted arrears to the fund and fiscal indiscipline
is another
inconvenient truth. This, of course, is three years before the
enactment of
the Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act, of December
2001.
“Previously, farmers exported flowers to the Netherlands as well as
horticultural produce to the United Kingdom markets,” the Sunday Mail goes
on to say. These have “since been closed due to the illegal sanctions”. No
mention here of those horticultural producers whose properties were seized
long before sanctions made an impact. Did the plunder of Kondozi have
anything to do with sanctions?
Probably the West has taken the same
position on Zimbabwean horticultural
produce as President Robert Mugabe took
on food aid in 2004 when he said:
“Why foist this food upon us? We don’t
want to be choked. We have enough.”
In the end it becomes clear that Zanu PF
wants supplies, loans and markets
from the West with the proviso that they
won’t have to pay back or abide by
agreements. The motto seems to be “buy
our produce even if we bash you and
give us money though we can’t promise to
return it”.
There are a number of mysteries referred to in the press
recently that need
to be solved. Firstly we had Elton Mangoma’s statement
that he did not know
if Emmerson Mnangagwa was involved in his arrest but
that he had known him
for a long time.
He dismissed claims that he was
related to the Defence minister.
“I’m not related to him but have known him
for a long time, in fact since
1982,” Mangoma said. “We worked together in
the past.”
Doing what precisely? Muckraker is intrigued. How could a
politician be so
coy?
Also warranting investigation is the exhumation and
reburial of war victims
in Mt Darwin. Deputy minister Tichaona Mudzingwa,
himself a war veteran,
said Zanu PF was politicising the exhumations without
making an effort to
engage those who lost relatives in the war. He said as a
family they lost
several people.
“This exercise spearheaded by Zanu PF is
almost an exercise to bury
evidence,” Mudzingwa said.
“We don’t know who
these people (being buried) are and when they died. He
called for the
participation of forensic experts.
“As a nation we have many people who
disappeared in 1978 and we have some
who disappeared in 2008,” he said
calling for an investigation into both
circumstances.
What amazes us is
that ZTV, which has been busy publicising the exhumations
by handing over $5
000, are the same people who have said nothing about the
mineshafts at
Belagwe and other places in Matabeleland where people were
murdered in the
early 1980s in similar circumstances. Grenades and acid were
used there. Why
was there not the same degree of official-media interest?
We were
intrigued by the demonstration of war veterans at Mupfure Self-Help
College
in Chegutu. They were not interested in the text-books US ambassador
Charles
Ray was handing over at the college which has been of material
benefit to
war veterans. They had been bused in and just wanted to make a
noise about
sanctions. They couldn’t understand why the US was supporting
Britain on
sanctions.
Perhaps somebody could explain to them, it was actually the US
that imposed
sanctions first, then Britain and the EU. Now 27 EU members
have joined the
embargo. But as soon as the war veterans stop behaving badly
and occupying
property that doesn’t belong to them the sanctions will be
lifted.
No company wants to invest in a country where political gangs roam
looking
for companies to invade! And where would Zimbabwe’s poor and hungry
be were
it not for the US who kept the country fed in recent years?
The
war vets probably don’t know that.
Jonathan Moyo appears to have a beef
with Tendai Biti who he thinks has been
instigating this newspaper to carry
articles authored by Moyo in 2006 which
described Zanu PF’s policy on
sanctions as empty propaganda.
Commenting on President Mugabe’s speech at the
opening of parliament in
August 2006, Moyo said “the speech was full of
propaganda platitudes and
bereft of policy responses to the economic
meltdown that is ravaging the
country. In fact so empty was Mugabe’s address
that nobody remembers what he
said.”
Luckily we have Moyo’s comments on
record to remind us. He said in this
newspaper in August 2006 that “the
government initially reacted to these
sanctions by dismissing them as
irrelevant and ineffectual Western
propaganda …
“The propaganda tune has
now changed,” he wrote “from dismissing the
sanctions to claiming that they
are causing the suffering of ordinary
people. That is why observers have
been wondering how sanctions, which were
initially described as useless and
irrelevant, can now be said to be
responsible for causing the suffering of
ordinary people.
“Yet Mugabe and (Finance minister Herbert) Murerwa
understand that the
sanctions talk is pure Zanu PF propaganda for mobilising
political support
from the masses by seeking to make them believe that their
suffering is due
to economic sanctions imposed by imperialist foreigners and
not a result of
the failure of their government.”
We do not need Biti to
tell us any of this. It is a matter of public record.
So why is Moyo so
bitter? Perhaps because his views in 2006 chime with ours
today. Perhaps
because it is extremely inconvenient for his political career
to have his
masters reminded of just what a political opportunist he is.
His Sunday Mail
piece last weekend was a flag to announce: “Look at me, see
how useful I can
be in denouncing Zanu PF’s enemies.”
The problem is that the sort of abuse he
specialises in tends to reflect
poorly on the party he is so anxious to
serve. It certainly didn’t get them
anywhere in 2008.
Moyo roundly abuses
this newspaper and its journalists calling us “useless”.
He omits to mention
that he was so keen to have us publish his obituary of
Joseph Msika in
August 2009 that he brought it into the newsroom personally.
We evidently
weren’t useless then!
And what is more useful anyway, politicians who change
their minds every few
years according to the political wind or newspapers
that remain focused on
the issues and give a platform to different political
views?
Meanwhile, we found it oddly strange how determined Zanu PF are to
bar the
MDC-T from holding rallies. Considering how loud and proud they were
in
claiming that “millions” had gathered for the Anti-Sanctions rally, one
would have thought that this would have been a golden opportunity to show
their detractors that the support is well and truly with them. Alas it was
not to be!
NewsDay reports that last Saturday, Zanu PF youths sealed off
Glamis Arena,
the MDC-T venue for the planned rally near Exhibition Park and
assaulted
MDC-T supporters and passers-by while police watched from a
distance. So
much for police impartiality.
That was the third time they
had been banned this month. The police had
claimed that Zanu PF had either
booked the venues that the MDC-T wanted to
use or was holding its own
rallies in close proximity to where they wanted
to assemble. Strangely there
was no Zanu PF rally in the places the police
had claimed were being used by
Zanu PF.
The police seem to have finally removed the veneer of impartiality
in all
this. A reader has texted us to say how sad it is that the police
claim they
don’t have enough officers to provide security at the MDC-T rally
last
Saturday, yet they had sufficient officers to crush the same
rally!
The Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation, ZTV tells us, is “set to
undergo a
rigorous rebranding and digitalisation process which is expected
to enhance
the operations of the company”.
According to CEO Happison
Muchechetere, the rebranding and digitalisation
process is in line with the
five-year development plan. We hope the plan is
yet to be put in motion
since there are no developments yet in the
programming. It is the same old
story of drab 1980 movie reruns and
propaganda.
Muckraker is more than
willing to offer some free advice to our beleaguered
broadcaster. The first
step towards rebranding would be to remove
Muchechetere who has become
synonymous with partisanship and sycophancy.
Again who wants to listen to
the tired ideas of Vimbai Chivaura and
Tafataona Mahoso? As for the jingles,
the less said the better. They have
made it impossible for anyone keen on
maintaining their sanity to watch
their programming.
A reader who
enjoyed our recent guide to ZBC pronunciation has spotted (or
is it
sported?) an atrocity from the Independent’s advertising department:
They
advertised an event for “Sartuday”. By the way, did we remember to
include
“surbub”, a former township? And we presume Webster Shamu knew
Cremora was a
Nestlé product when he compared Mugabe to the Swiss company.
We were also
amused by the sentiments of a Herald reader who seems to reside
at
Munhumutapa offices. “Sportsmen who snub national duty including Musa
Mguni
must be banned from Zimbabwe,” the reader declares.
“They are despising our
country and our wisest president.”
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 24 March 2011 20:09
By
Eric Bloch
PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe, his sycophantic colleagues in
general, and Youth,
Empowerment and Indigenisation minister, Saviour
Kasukuwere in particular,
relentlessly pursue their determination to oust
foreign ownership of any
major Zimbabwean economic entities. This is being
done with pronounced
focus on one of the country’s key resources sector;
mining. With
intensifying vigour, they have raled against foreign mine
ownership.
A fortnight ago, Kasukuwere sought to justify the intended
emasculation of
foreign investor control of Zimbabwean mines. He said that
although mineral
exports had exceeded US$1,7 billion in 2010, approximately
20% of Zimbabwe’s
gross domestic product, the benefit from those exports was
miniscule, with
only US$4 million in taxes having been paid to government by
the mines. He
contended that Zimbabwe was being denuded of its natural
resources without
any compensatory benefit, saying that “we have been
getting a raw deal all
this time”.
This contention is grossly devoid of
substance, and by focusing exclusively
upon taxes paid by the mines (being
clearly, in the minister’s perception,
only income taxes), he is
misrepresenting issues. First and foremost, the
minister conveniently
disregards the fact that all mines are obliged to pay
substantially for the
mineral resources accessed by them. Based upon the
gross export values of
the mines’ production, without any regard for the
costs of extraction and
production, all mines have to pay considerable
royalties, as much as 15% of
value for diamonds and 10% for other precious
stones, 5% for platinum and
4% for other precious metals, 2% for base and
industrial metals and coalbed
methane, and 1% for coal. These royalties
represent a significant payment
for Zimbabwe’s natural resources, and
especially so as they are assessed
upon gross export values, irrespective
of, and with disregard for, the very
considerable costs of production of the
exported minerals.
In addition to
the payment of income tax and royalties, the mining
enterprises very
extensively contribute other revenues to the fiscus. They
pay customs
duties on their imports of plant and machinery, mining
equipment, and other
capital goods, and upon almost all other imported
operational inputs.
Similarly, they have to pay value added tax (Vat) on
those imports and also
on most operational inputs and services sourced
within Zimbabwe. They
generate withholding taxes for the fiscus on any
expenditure on technical
and allied services accessed by them from
non-resident sources, and on
whatsoever dividends they declare in favour of
their foreign shareholders.
The mines also have to fund diverse mining
licence fees.
As if all these
contributions to governmental resources did not in
themselves represent a
very considerable sum, the mining sector is also a
major indirect fiscal
contributor. It employs many thousands of
Zimbabweans, their earnings being
subject to Pay as You Earn, and upon the
expenditure by the employees of
their net earnings, most of those
expenditures include Vat, and generate
taxable profits in the hands of
suppliers to the employees. Similarly, the
mines source very considerable
inputs from Zimbabwe suppliers, with
consequential Vat inflows, as well as
many of customs duties to the fiscus
and enhancing the taxable profits of
those suppliers.
Over and above
these very considerable direct and indirect fiscal inflows
from the
operations of the mining companies, the major mining enterprises
spend
enormous sums on the provision of housing, clinics, schooling
facilities and
other communal services for not only their employees, but
also for the
surrounding communities. In the absence of the mines so
doing, it would be
incumbent upon the state to do so, exacerbating its
bankruptcy.
Moreover,
Kasukuwere misleads himself and seeks to mislead the population by
implying
that it is only the foreign shareholders who have benefitted from
the 2010,
prior and subsequent export earnings. He disregards that those
earnings are
gross receipts and a very major portion thereof funds the
mines’
production, operating and administration costs, be they wages and
salaries,
payment for energy supplies (erratically forthcoming), other
parastatals’
and local authorities’ charges, fuel and innumerable other
costs. Both the
president and the minister and their political activists
conveniently
overlook or do not consider the very great investment funding
provided by
the mine owners. That funding is essential for prospecting and
exploration,
for mine development and for effective working capital. The
magnitude of
the required investment funding is far beyond the means of the
impoverished
Zimbabwean economy and the meaningful growth of the mining
sector, with
consequential benefits for the economy, the fiscus and the
populace, being
forfeited if the investment funding were not forthcoming
from the foreign
investors.
In order to pursue its misguided intent to oust foreign investor
majority
ownership of many of the mines, government proposes the
establishment of a
sovereign wealth fund. However, it does not have the
resources to finance
that fund and with the exception of a very few,
overly-endowed, mainly
politically connected individuals, Zimbabweans do not
have the necessary
investment resources. Therefore, government envisages
that it will levy
private enterprise to endow the proposed fund, thereby
obligating the
private sector and current enterprise owners to fund their
own
disinvestment. Effectively, the intents are naught but the
expropriation
and nationalisation of private sector resources, virtually
comparable with
the state-managed and orchestrated grabbing of the pre-2000
agricultural
lands and the improvements and developments thereon.
Once
again, international norms of legitimate and ethical legal ownership
and
process are to be ignored, as will yet again be many of the Bilateral
Investment Promotion and Protection Agreements, by a devious, pretend-to-be
legitimate technique.
That this is so should not surprise the
international community, investors
or the Zimbabwean private sector; for
government has long demonstrated its
remarkable ability to disregard,
dismiss, distort or misrepresent and
misconstrue facts, in such way as is
convenient to it.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 24 March 2011
20:02
By Dumisani Nkomo
PRIME Minister Morgan Tsvangirai a
fortnight ago threatened to pull out of
the inclusive government after the
removal of former House of Assembly
speaker Lovemore Moyo and the arrest of
Energy minister, Elton Mangoma.
Whilst the premier was justified in his
indignation it is in the best
interests of the MDC-T and indeed all
progressive Zimbabweans for political
party leaders to think objectively and
carefully before committing acts of
political suicide which will only be
beneficial to Zanu PF, which has been
praying for the demise of the
inclusive government and attendant imperatives
contained in the Global
Political Agreement (GPA).
If the MDC-T pulls out of the inclusive government
without an alternative
plan this will be tantamount to drinking poison and
expecting Zanu PF to
die. The Zanu PF strategy is to push the MDC formations
to the limit by
arresting their legislators and ignoring outstanding issues
in the GPA
thereby creating more outstanding issues whilst preparing the
ground for an
election. This election will not just be about settling the
unresolved
results of the 2008 elections but also addressing pertinent and
outstanding
succession issues within Zanu PF.
The arrest of MDC
legislators and members may increase in the next few
months thus forcing the
opposition parties to respond emotionally without
carefully thinking through
their strategy. In responding emotionally to
issues the MDC-T may then fall
into well planned Zanu PF traps which may
include more criminal proceedings
against the likes of the prime minister
and other key opposition leaders. In
desperation the MDC-T will then be
forced to quit the government of unity
government.
This would be a most suicidal move as it would be an answered
prayer for
Zanu PF strategists who are wary of the implications of the full
implementation of the GPA. At the moment the MDC-T does not have a plan B
and in the absence of such an alternative their only option is the full
implementation of the GPA coupled with aggressive and proactive internal
mobilisation, and intelligent regional and international advocacy. This
would be underpinned by strategic alliances with other political parties
such as the MDC led by Professor Ncube and Zapu led by former Zipra
intelligence supremo Dumiso Dabengwa.
None of the three leading
opposition parties can make any meaningful
progress on its own at the moment
and any attempts at self-seeking glory
would be tantamount to mass political
suicide. Instead of forming strategic
alliances Zimbabwe’s main political
parties are wasting time feasting on
each other’s failures and failing to
stand in solidarity with each other at
a time when Zanu PF is indeed
experiencing “a Lazarus moment”, as Jonathan
Moyo predicted, and is on the
warpath dealing ruthlessly with opponents by
all means
necessary.
Dabengwa’s principled stand to express solidarity with
incarcerated MDC-T
leaders was admirable and exemplary. Such reciprocal
actions were expected
from the MDC-T when the three Mthwakazi Liberation
Front leaders were
arrested on trumped-up charges of treason. Similarly
opposition parties were
expected to unite in expressing solidarity with
Munyaradzi Gwisai and over
40 other activists who were arrested
recently.
None of the three parties in the Government of National Unity (GNU)
can
elect a new Speaker without the support of at least one other party.
This is
without discounting the possibility of gangster tactics such
attempts to win
over individual MPs either from MDC or Zanu PF using
Machiavellian tactics.
It is at such a time that the political parties
should be kicking themselves
for failing to seize on moments of strategic
importance and strategic and
principled solidarity. A golden opportunity was
lost when Mugabe refused to
acknowledge Ncube as a GNU principal and deputy
prime minister, and the
MDC-T arrogantly referred to this as an internal
problem within Ncube’s MDC.
A golden opportunity was lost when the MDC, then
under deputy prime minister
Arthur Mutambara, failed to side with the MDC-T
on the issue of the
swearing in of Roy Bennett and the contentious issues
of the appointment
of ambassadors, the attorney general and the Reserve Bank
governor. The MDC,
under Ncube, then exhibited intellectual arrogance by
arguing that undue
focus was being placed on personalities and posts,
instead of policies.
Whilst they may have been right, surely the chickens
came home to roost when
Ncube was then due to be sworn-in as deputy prime
minister and Mugabe
refused to comply.
On the issue of the election of
the new Speaker the two MDC formations need
each other whether they like it
or not. Pride, polarisation and lack of
principled positions may cost the
two parties dearly in the race for the
speakership and beyond. Obviously
more members of parliament may be arrested
thus reducing the MDC-T’s votes
in the contest for the speakership. Instead
of revelling in the arrest of
these MPs and lambasting Tsvangirai, Ncube’s
MDC should condemn these
attacks in the same way that the MDC-T should make
principled attempts to
recognise Ncube as leader of the other MDC formation
as a matter of
principle, pragmatism and appreciation of the political
reality that Ncube
is in control of most of his MPs. This could be useful to
the MDC-T in the
future.
This is the politics of pragmatism which is so critical to statecraft
and
effective political lobbying through strategic partnerships. The issue
of
Ncube being a principal will cease to be an internal issue when MDC-T
needs
the support of Ncube’s MPs in parliament, and when Tsvangirai needs
Ncube’s
support at the level of the principals because Mutambara may side
with
Mugabe. Why side with two wolves when you are a sheep? Similarly for
Ncube’s
MDC, they should not cheer when a fellow opposition sheep is being
devoured,
especially if one is also a sheep and is in danger of the canine
appetite of
political wolves such as Zanu PF.
Are these parties really
serious about liberating Zimbabwe or they are just
wasting our time? Zapu is
critical in the power transfer equation, dividing
the Zanu PF vote and
unseating the former liberation party from some of its
strongholds in Bubi,
Gwanda South and Beitbridge. Ncube’s MDC with its
deciding seats in
parliament is crucial and strategic in struggles in
parliament. The party
also has reputable and experienced politicians who are
definitely part of
the country’s solution to the future.
The MDC-T enjoys huge grassroots
support, is buoyed by the charismatic
Tsvangirai brand, the incredible
resilience of its nationwide support and
ability to read popular politics.
However without the support of the other
two political parties the MDC-T is
a beautiful vehicle which cannot move
because it has no fuel to translate
popularity to power. Zimbabwe needs
Tsvangirai, Ncube and Dabengwa. Any
politician from these three parties who
tries to play superman could find
himself relegated to the dustbin of
history.
Dumisani is the
chief executive officer of Habakkuk Trust and principal
spokesperson of the
Matabeleland Civil Society Consortium. He writes in his
personal capacity.
email: dumisani.nkomo@gmail.com
/blogspot-www,dumisanionkomo.blogspot.com.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 24 March 2011 19:57
By Alex
Magaisa
THE recent comments on the judiciary made by Prime Minister
Morgan
Tsvangirai in the wake of the judgment nullifying the election of the
Speaker of parliament have raised a real storm. There are reports that he
may be hauled before the courts on charges of contempt of
court.
It is not intended here to pass judgment on the character of
those comments.
It is a matter which if it indeed it does come before the
courts will
exercise the wise faculties of the learned judges.
Having
some interest in matters of judicial independence and being inclined
to
defend the courts against political interference, it matters not to me
who
is doing it and I believe that it is important to exercise restraint.
However, concern also arises where the law is applied selectively.
I
have, in my research on Zimbabwe over the years, observed with interest
the
relationship between the judiciary and politicians and I have concluded
that
only a few can really raise their hands and claim they are clean. This
article simply recollects moments in recent history where conduct similar to
that which is currently the subject of the political and legal storm has
manifested itself, often without consequence to its
authors.
Interestingly too, some characters who today point accusatory
fingers do not
seem to have a clean record when it comes to contemptuous
behaviour towards
the courts. No doubt they will justify their conduct, just
as Tsvangirai
will also try to justify his recent
comments.
‘True judgments’
In an article in the
Zimbabwe Independent on August 2 2002, President
Robert Mugabe was quoted
as having remarked at a reception for MPs that the
government would not obey
judgments which it regarded as “subjective”. He is
quoted as having stated:
“We will respect judges where the judgments are
true judgments.”
These
comments were made in reference to a case in which Justice minister
Patrick
Chinamasa had been convicted of contempt of court by Justice
Blackie, then a
High Court judge. The report goes further to quote the
president as having
said that a judge who “sits alone in his house or with
his wife and says
‘this one is guilty of contempt’, that judgment should
never be
obeyed”.
This was a statement clearly signalling that the government would be
at
liberty to select which judgments to obey and which ones to ignore. And,
of
course, that was not deemed enough to qualify as contempt of
court.
‘Night Judges, night justice’
In October 2000, the
then Information minister Jonathan Moyo issued vicious
criticism of High
Court judge, Justice Chatikobo, whom he accused of being
a “night judge
dispensing night justice”, after he had granted an urgently
sought interdict
after hours.
A new radio broadcasting company, Capital Radio, had sought
urgent
protection of the courts against Moyo who wanted to seize its
equipment at a
time when the main case was pending in court. Justice
Chatikobo granted an
order for Capital Radio against the government, and
Moyo was not pleased.
The police disregarded the High Court order which Moyo
ridiculed on the
grounds that it had been issued by a “night judge, in a
night court” and
that the result had merely been “night justice”. There were
no charges of
contempt of court against Moyo.
Letters to the
judiciary
The matter did not end there. As the Zimbabwe Independent
reported on
October 13 2000, Moyo was reported to have written to the then
Judge
President Justice Godfrey Chidyausiku registering “government’s
disquiet
over (the) High Court ruling in the Capital Radio saga”. This
resulted in
the High Court instituting investigations into the conduct of
Justice
Chatikobo who had granted the interdict giving Capital Radio
protection
against a search by the police.
Contrast this to when
Tsvangirai is reported to have written to the High
Court regarding the Roy
Bennett matter. He was widely lambasted for
interfering with the judiciary.
To my mind, both were wrong to write to the
courts from their seats in the
executive for it constitutes undue
interference. There are proper channels
that everyone must follow. Yet it
would seem rather odd to any reasonable
person the different reaction to
both cases.
In any event, there was
nothing irregular about what Justice Chatikobo had
done — urgent relief
ought to be given at any time of the day otherwise
violators can take
advantage to commit their acts and cause irreparable harm
during those times
when they think judges and the courts of law cannot hear
matters. Justice
Chatikobo later resigned and took up a judicial post in
Botswana where he
later died.
Chinotimba’s supreme court invasion
In November 2000, war
veterans leader Joseph Chinotimba led a group that,
in an unprecedented
act, invaded the Supreme Court building to start what
was to become the
effective purge of the judiciary — removing judges who
were regarded as
being unfavourable towards the fast track land reform
programme.
Indeed,
of all judges of the Supreme Court who were in office in March 2001,
the one
who has survived is Justice Wilson Sandura, who so often finds
himself in
the minority in major judgments. Those of us in the business of
teaching the
law often advise students of law to pay particular attention to
some
dissenting judgments often because they have more legal merit than the
popular majority decision.
I like to think Justice Sandura’s judgments
are, and will in future, be a
critical source of teaching and learning the
law in Zimbabwe. History is
kind to good legal reasoning.
After their
unprecedented act and accompanying threats against the judges,
Chinotimba
and his comrades were never charged with contempt of court.
‘Polite
and nice’ request to leave
After Chinotimba’s group threatened the
Chief Justice Antony Gubbay, Justice
minister Chinamasa is reported to have
advised him that the government would
not be able to guarantee his safety.
This lack of protection and apparent
collusion between the war veterans and
the executive arm of government
threatening the integrity of the courts and
safety of the judges forced him
to retire in March 2001.
One of the
Supreme Court judges, Justice McNally, is also quoted in the
media as having
said at the time: “I was told very politely and very nicely
that I should go
— take my leave and go, otherwise anything could happen. It
was said very
frankly that they didn’t want me to come to any harm.” He was
referring to a
meeting he had with Chinamasa during the upheavals.
Judge Devittee was one of
the three High Court Judges appointed after the
highly controversial 2000
parliamentary elections to preside over electoral
cases brought before the
court. He made a few decisions that upheld the
opposition’s
petitions.
Chinotimba is quoted as having declared: “Devittee is a judge for
opposition
political parties. The way Gubbay went is the same way he is to
go”.
Gubbay is the former Chief Justice whom, it was reported,
Chinotimba and his
colleagues had invaded and threatened at the Supreme
Court in 2000 before he
eventually departed in 2001. By June 2001, Judge
Devittee had resigned from
office. Needless to say Chinotimba was not
charged with contempt of court.
Justice Blackie’s ‘kangaroo
courts’
Sometime in 2000, Chinamasa was hauled before the High Court
on charges of
contempt of court. He did not turn up. Justice Blackie, then
presiding,
issued an order of sentencing Chinamasa to three months’ jail
time and a
Z$50 000 fine for contempt of court. The charges of contempt had
arisen over
comments regarding sentences against three Americans who had
been found in
possession of arms, which punishment Chinamasa thought was too
light.
Chinamasa is quoted as having said at the time of sentencing that the
six-month jail sentences induced “a sense of shock and outrage in the minds
of all right-thinking people .The leniency of the sentences constitutes a
betrayal of all civilised and acceptable notions of justice and of
Zimbabwe’s
sovereign interests”.
When he gave his judgment on the
contempt charge, Justice Blackie said that,
“the statements made by
Chinamasa were intended to bring Justice Adam (who
had issued the sentences)
into disrepute as a judge and the administration
of justice by the High
Court in this case into disrepute.”
Later, the sentence against Chinamasa was
overturned by another judge but
not long after, Justice Blackie was arrested
and what followed was an ordeal
that some believe was retribution for the
sentence that he had earlier
passed against the minister.
There is some
indication in this rubble that this at least shows that it is
possible to
hold one in contempt of court for scurrilous accusations against
the courts,
especially by those in positions of executive authority and that
they should
exercise restraint in their public utterances. This applies to
all leaders
and parties. Yet one has to recall that even after Chinamasa’s
conviction,
the then Information minister Moyo did not relent.
He is quoted as having
remarked that the contempt of court judgment by
Justice Blackie showed that
the judge “who has a history of kangaroo courts”
had taken the matter into
“a personal crusade and has done that in a manner
that will erode public
confidence in the justice system”, and further that
“there is no doubt that
fair minded and law abiding citizens will see this
judgement for what it is:
outrageous, sinister, highly personalised crusade
made by someone who should
be packing his bags”.
No to legal technicalities
As long back as 1982,
after a judgment against the government in a matter
involving the Yorke
brothers, the then Prime Minister Mugabe is recorded as
having responded:
“The government cannot allow the technicalities of the law
to fetter its
hands in what is a very clear task before it, to preserve law
and order in
the country .We shall therefore proceed as the government in
the manner we
feel is fitting … and some of the measures we shall take are
measures which
will be extra-legal”.
Defenders will no doubt find reasons to defend these
statements citing
arguments including preservation of national security and
the politics of
the day, but so will defenders of Tsvangirai in present day
politics.
‘Merely academic judgement’
In 2004, when
Justice Majuru — then of the Administrative Court — ruled in
favour of the
ANZ, publishers of the Daily News, and when the order was
later confirmed by
Justice Nare who was the Minister of Information, Moyo
responded by saying
that the judgment was merely academic and could
therefore not be
enforced.
In an article on the undermining of the judiciary, journalist
Blessing Zulu
quotes Professor Welshman Ncube, then MDC secretary general,
as having said:
“The ANZ case is the first clear and unambiguous refusal by
the government
to obey a court order. This time they cannot change the law
to suit their
needs. This is a clear attack on the judicial system.”
Needless to say, no
action was taken against the alleged
offenders.
Enduring culture
Contempt of court by
Zimbabwean politicians has a shamefully rich history.
As long back as the
late 1960s, in the well-known case of Madzimbamuto v
Lardner-Burke, the
Smith government had vowed not to obey the Privy Council
judgement which was
likely to rule against it. Indeed when the Privy Council
judgment came,
pliable judges effectively took the government side –– except
two, Judges
Fieldsend and Dendy Young who resigned in protest.
The culture of disobeying
and undermining judicial authority where decisions
are unfavourable to
politicians seems to have been one of the more negative
inheritances from
that era. It is part of a culture that taints the greater
political
landscape.
Few can raise their hands and claim them to be clean. They have
been
contemptuous in various ways but the difference is that most have got
away
with it because they wield greater political power.
Plainly, one
could produce a whole volume of incidents in which members of
the executive
have conducted themselves in ways that are so contemptuous
that they are
likely to jeopardise and often have endangered the
independence of the
judiciary.
Chief Justice Chidyausiku issued a plea in his recent speech at
the opening
of the legal year calling on politicians not to interfere with
the judiciary’s
work. True enough, politicians are human beings and they do
get frustrated.
In the frustration, they may say things that upon further
reflection they
would rather not have said.
It is probable that
Tsvangirai made statements against the Supreme Court
judges in a moment of
frustration. That is not to excuse his conduct. But
one needs to tread
carefully here, for as the various instances chronicled
in this piece
indicate, politicians on the other side of the political
divide have no
clean hands as far as this type of conduct is concerned. They
have, in
various instances, issued similar, if not worse criticism against
the courts
and judges. This conduct caused many judges to leave office in
the early
part of the last decade.
Whatever the justifications they may use for their
actions, the fact remains
that their conduct was no less contemptuous. Yet
none of them faced the
wrath of the law and the courts for such contempt —
in the one significant
case involving Chinamasa, it was quashed by another
judge.
It is not right for politicians — Zanu PF, MDC or whomsoever — to
abuse the
courts and judges yet it is also not right to apply the law
selectively. The
matter needs sober minds and sober politicians to raise
their hands and
clean up their act. Judges must maintain the integrity of
their office by
not only dispensing justice, but as the old adage goes, be
seen to be doing
so.
Magaisa is based at Kent Law School,
University of Kent. He can be
contacted on: waMagaisa@yahoo.co.uk
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 24 March 2011
20:22
PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe has denounced the killing of civilians in
Libya by
Western airstrikes, saying it was a mistake by African countries to
support
the imposition of the “no-fly zone” in the country in a bid to stop
Muammar
Gaddafi’s military crackdown on his opponents.
Mugabe on
Monday accused the United States, Britain and France of being
“hypocritical”. He said they stretched the United Nations (UN) Security
Council resolution to attack Libya and were doing it “callously” without
caring who dies, although there could be no going back on the Security
Council decision. Further he said the West was after oil in Libya. He also
said he did not agree with Gaddafi’s system but indicated he would have
transformed it in his own way. Even though some people may agree with Mugabe
on some of the points, this is a clear case of the pot calling the kettle
black! One can’t miss the hypocrisy and contradictions in Mugabe’s remarks
which read like psychological projection.
In the Gospel of Matthew 7:3,
Jesus is quoted as saying, during a discourse
on judgmentalism, in the
Sermon on the Mount: “And why beholdest thou the
mote that is in thy
brother’s eye, but considerest not the beam that is in
thine own
eye?”
This means: “You hypocrite, first take the plank out of your own eye,
and
then you will see clearly to remove the speck from your brother’s
eye”.
The metaphor is an attack on hypocrisy, condemning those with major
flaws
for attacking others without first looking at themselves in the
mirror.
Mugabe fits this description. Where was he when Gaddafi was
terrorising
Libyans all these years? Wasn’t he one of those who hobnobbed
with him? When
the Libyans decided to free themselves from more than 40
years of Gaddafi’s
tyranny, Mugabe was conspicuous by his silence.
Mugabe
said nothing about the uprising. When Gaddafi last month went on TV
to
declare war on his people, threatening to be merciless with civilians
(“stray dogs and cats”), what did Mugabe say? When he started bombarding
civilians across the country, what did Mugabe do about it? Gaddafi vowed to
hunt down opponents of his regime, purging them “house by house” and “inch
by inch”.
Did we hear Mugabe complaining about this?
Mugabe’s remarks
constitute hypocrisy of the worst order. But then no one
should be
surprised. Mugabe fears foreign intervention for obvious reasons:
his
appalling human rights record among them. His regime has committed some
of
the worst human rights abuses in the region during his 30-year rule. From
Gukurahundi to the 2008 presidential election run-off, Zimbabweans have been
victims of harassment, arbitrary arrests and torture, disappearances and
murder. This has always been done with impunity. Mugabe has also betrayed
the revolution and ruined the country. Everything he touches turns to dross.
To make matters worse, Mugabe has shown no remorse or care about it.
Whatever Mugabe and his discredited propagandists like Jonathan Moyo and
Tafataona Mahoso, who rant and rave hysterically like Gaddafi, say their
leader and party has dismally failed and will end in the dustbin of
history.
For the record we don’t support foreign intervention in Libya or
anywhere
else. History tells us foreign intervention doesn’t work. It leads
to
escalation. In most cases it triggers a full-scale war, bringing decades
of
conflict and bloodshed. Yet we are aware throughout the 1990s
controversy
raged — particularly over Rwanda, Bosnia and Kosovo — between
those who
support “humanitarian intervention” and those who argued that
state
sovereignty, protected by the UN Charter, precludes any intervention
in
internal matters. The world has vowed repeatedly since the Holocaust,
“never
again!” Yet genocide, ethnic cleansing, and other crimes continue to
shock
our consciences — from the killing fields of Cambodia to the machetes
of
Rwanda to the agony of Darfur.
However, we think if there has to be
intervention, then the UN Security
Council is better placed to authorise
that under strict conditions.
For the US and its allies, without a full
commitment to promote democracy
and human rights as top priorities over
other claims, the only thing certain
is that their dilemma of what to do
about dictators will remain. Meanwhile,
Mugabe must stop his double
standards. They don’t wash.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 24 March 2011
20:20
By Itai Masuku
IT seems Zimbabwe, or rather its
government, has a penchant for
retrogressive legislation. The method is very
simple: When you want to do
something that is otherwise clearly illegal,
create laws to do it.
That’s what we have been seeing from our Zanu PF arm of
government over the
past decade. The latest legal stunt has been the
decision to bar anyone from
effectively suing the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe
from liabilities it incurred
during the days of its quasi-fiscal activities
and this has been in the form
of amendments to the State Liabilities
Act.
The bank owes nearly US$1,2 billion by the way. Not to be outdone, our
very
own CIO operative Saviour (how ironic) Kasukuwere has been championing
the
Indigenisation and Empowerment Act. But behind these seemingly legal
statutes, are very illegal motives; the right to take other people’s
property without paying. In normal language, this is called theft.
Kasukuwere wants to unravel nominee companies on the Zimbabwe stock exchange
with a view to taking over shares owned by these nominees. What is more
discouraging is his disdain for the stock exchange. He is on record as
arguing that there are many successful countries that have succeeded without
having stock exchanges. I asked around for which countries these might be
and came across three, North Korea, Cuba and Burma. Very encouraging
indeed!
In the modern world, the stock exchange is the window to your
economy.
Investors window shopping for a destination for their money look at
this
showcase. Then after they have sampled what you have got on sale they
might
decide to make direct investment, the very same foreign direct
investment we
are seeking in this country. We don’t have to go far. Remember
when our
government opened up the ZSE to foreign investors in 1992? The
local bourse
did indeed prove that it was a vehicle for economic growth. The
immediate
beneficiary was our tourism industry as investors wanted to find
out for
themselves the country in which they were putting their money in.
The
tourism industry grew by an average 7% or more each year until
2000s.
No system is foolproof or perfect, but the stock exchange is the
epitome of
market forces at play. And that’s how it works, if you want
anything you
buy; you make an offer to the seller and if your price is good
enough he or
she will sell. As one surprised investment analyst said, “If
government
wants to own shares on the ZSE why don’t they buy? At the correct
price they
would get a seller.”
What sort of culture are we imparting to
our youths, given that Kasukuwere’s
portfolio covers youth development, if
we teach them that if you want
something, grab it from someone who has it?
We are turning them into thieves
and robbers. We are teaching them to be
thieves dressed in suits and ties,
but thieves all the same. We are now
forced to believe what one source told
us more than six months ago but we
dismissed it as mere speculation, and
that is Zanu PF stalwarts had
quarrelled over who would take over which
assets on and off the Zimbabwe
Stock Exchange. According to the source,
Kasukuwere has set his eyes on one
of these counters that is in the banking
sector. Apparently, the chief
executive of the bank in question is a
relative or very close friend of the
minister, we are told. Six months later
the same minister is championing
these takeovers. Get the picture? Pray he’s
not the one to take over Nestlé.
As he won’t be able to use the Nestlé brand
nor any of its products’ brands,
we might end up starting our days on a bowl
of Werevita as opposed to our
favourite Cerevita.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 24 March 2011
20:18
By Dingilizwe Ntuli
LIKE a Shakespearean tragedy
Zimbabwe finds itself embroiled in yet another
political drama with its own
colourful cast of characters. Just a fortnight
ago, House of Assembly
Speaker Lovemore Moyo was unseated by a Supreme Court
judgement which ruled
his election null and void.
The dramatic court case was sponsored by
the main character, Zimbabwe’s most
prominent political chameleon Jonathan
Moyo, as well as disgruntled MPs from
the smaller MDC faction, Moses Mzila
Ndlovu, Patrick Dube and Siyabonga
Ncube. Their case was premised on alleged
violations of parliament’s
standing rules and the Electoral Act.
They
argued that the court challenge was triggered by “electoral fraud”
saying
the vote was in violation of the secret ballot as required by the
country’s
electoral laws.
The Supreme Court granted their wish to remove Lovemore Moyo,
but one thing
had changed. The good professor is no longer standing shoulder
to shoulder
with the same MPs he initially filed the petition
with.
Notwithstanding the fact that Jonathan Moyo seconded Paul Themba
Nyathi’s
nomination for the Speakership at the first sitting of the House of
Assembly
on August 28 2008, true to his chameleon character, he has
announced his
return to Zanu PF with a resounding bang.
His second advent
to Zanu PF has also brought with it a change in his
preferred candidate. As
a member of the party’s supreme politburo, he was
part of the unanimous
decision to nominate Simon Khaya Moyo as the party’s
candidate for
Speaker.
Poor Themba Nyathi! The dethroning of Lovemore Moyo temporarily
resurrected
his political ambitions, but the 2008 demographics have long
changed. Zanu
PF is sensing blood and is in no compromising mood to back the
same
candidate they had initially voted for.
The question is, where are
the co-sponsors of the court petition to set
aside Lovemore Moyo’s election
as Speaker? They have not uttered a word
since the Supreme Court’s
pronouncement.
Could Ndlovu, Dube and Ncube’s deafening silence mean
acknowledgement that
they were blindly used by Jonathan Moyo in his
political manoeuvres?
Jonathan Moyo has delivered a great victory to Zanu PF
but to whom did his
co-sponsors deliver their victory to?
Although they
might rightly claim that the ruling vindicated them, why then
are they
threatening to boycott the upcoming vote to elect a replacement?
Could it be
they realise that their action has presented Zanu PF with an
easy power-grab
opportunity? One is tempted to say Ndlovu, Dube and Ncube’s
unconsidered
actions have been at a great cost to the nation.
Although they might have
initially meant well, their action is now being
hailed triumphantly by much
of the Zanu PF hierarchy and its media as the
party prepares to wrest back
the Speakership through any means.
While it remains unclear how and when this
final chapter will play out, the
drama is replete with intrigues. MPs across
the political divide, lawyers
and the public at large were expecting the
convening of the House of
Assembly to elect a new Speaker at its sitting on
Tuesday, but Clerk of
parliament Austin Zvoma, who acts as the retaining
officer in such
scenarios, further fuelled the unprecedented drama by
indefinitely
postponing the election.
Zvoma didn’t even announce the
vacancy of the position leaving a lot to the
imagination. What logistical
and other legal requirements is Zvoma talking
about? Couldn’t Zvoma proceed
without Zanu PF’s approval because it hadn’t
settled for its choice of
Speaker since its politburo only chose Simon Khaya
Moyo on
Wednesday?
Zvoma only announced that the election of the Speaker will take
place at a
future date to be announced in due course.
This left the MDC-T
fuming that the eviction of Lovemore Moyo highlighted an
element of
selective justice.
MPs on both sides are mischaracterising their political
stance on this case
as somehow a stand for justice but there is a perception
that this justice
is selective and reserved only for one’s
opponents.
Those who are couching their political arguments in the Lovemore
Moyo case
as those of “justice” should understand how they are denigrating
the
principle itself by misusing it in this situation.