The ZIMBABWE Situation Our thoughts and prayers are with Zimbabwe
- may peace, truth and justice prevail.

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Zimbabwe opposition says candidate missing

Thu March 31, 2005 10:14 AM GMT+02:00
BULAWAYO, Zimbabwe (Reuters) - The opposition MDC said one of its
candidates had disappeared in the south of Zimbabwe after an attack by
government supporters on the eve of Thursday's parliamentary election.

The Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) which is battling President
Robert Mugabe's ZANU-PF in the parliamentary poll, said Siyabonga Malandu,
of Isinza constituency in Matabeleland Province, disappeared on Wednesday

"He last contacted us at around 7 p.m. last night saying they were
under attack. He said ZANU-PF have started beating up people," MDC
Secretary-General Welshman Ncube told Reuters. "Up to now we have had no
contact from him."

Police in the capital, Harare, said they had not yet received any
report on the incident but would look into it.

Mugabe has promised a big ZANU-PF win against a weakened opposition in
what he says will be a fair poll, but both the United States and Europe have
dismissed the election as a farce.

Political violence was sharply lower in this campaign than previous
elections in 2000 and 2002 but the MDC charges that its supporters have been
intimidated and the vote will be unfairly skewed in ZANU-PF's favour.
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Young, angry - and voting


March 31, 2005

HARARE, Zimbabwe - Twenty-thousand hands were raised in the open-palmed
salute of Zimbabwe's opposition yesterday as the crowd shouted the party's
slogan in unison: "Change! Change!" Twenty-five years after this country won
its independence from Britain, a generation of young, urban voters is angry
because it can't find jobs.

"I'm going to vote because I need the MDC [Movement for Democratic Change]
to win," said Valentine Matemadombo, an unemployed 19-year-old who will be
voting for the first time. "Three-fourths of the people don't have jobs in
Zimbabwe, and our parents in the rural areas don't have food."

Zimbabweans head to the polls today to elect a new parliament in what many
see as a referendum on the 25-year rule of President Robert Mugabe and his
ruling Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front, which have been
widely accused of destroying the economy and using state-sponsored violence
against the opposition.

Yesterday, Mugabe addressed more than 10,000 wildly cheering supporters in
Harare, promising a free vote and predicting a "huge, mountainous victory."
He has said his campaign is about protecting Zimbabwe from re-colonization -
he has repeatedly accused the opposition of being stooges of whites and
Britain - but such rhetoric means little to the millions of "born frees"
like Matemadombo, those born after independence.

"I don't have a problem with whites," said Michael Chari, who is 22 and
unemployed. He and his friends are frustrated that despite being more
educated than their parents, they are unable to find employment. If the
opposition doesn't win, he plans to vote with his feet: Like 3 million
Zimbabweans before him, he will emigrate.

Local civil society groups say the vote is unlikely to be free and fair, but
they also say ZANU-PF may be surprised by the level of support for the
opposition. In 2000, ZANU-PF won 57 of 120 elected seats. Mugabe directly
appoints an additional 30, making it extremely difficult for the opposition
to win an outright majority.

Although overt violence has declined in the run-up to this election,
opposition supporters say political intimidation, including control of food
aid during a year of severe shortages, remains rife, especially in rural
areas. Voter rolls may disenfranchise large numbers of citizens, they say,
and they fear vote-rigging.

"This is an election where I think any result is possible," said Brian
Kogoro, chairman of the Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition, a network of civil
society organizations. He emphasized, though, that an MDC win would not
legitimize the vote.

Young voters are a powerful voting demographic and a potential center of
post-election protest in case of a stolen election, although few here
believe there will be a popular uprising. Zimbabwe, like much of Africa, is
disproportionately young - those aged 15 to 29 comprise more than half of
the total adult population.

The government is well aware of the power of young voters and has impressed
tens of thousands into joining youth militias, which human rights groups say
have been responsible for what politically motivated violence has occurred.

Like Matemadombo, Chari is voting for the first time. Although eligible to
participate in the 2002 presidential election, fear of political violence
kept him from registering. This year, he says he wants to help make change.
Already he has stopped listening to some of his favorite musicians because
he feels they recorded campaign songs for the wrong side.

"I'm excited," he said on the eve of the balloting. "Tomorrow, anything can
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Hope, anxiety as Zimbabweans go to polls
Mugabe power may be eroding, many predict
By John Donnelly, Globe Staff | March 31, 2005

MABVUKU, Zimbabwe -- Sitting in a tiny room lit by a single overhead bulb,
three men said they had been arrested a total of 44 times by security agents
working for the government of President Robert Mugabe. They showed scars on
their faces, arms, and backs that they said the agents had inflicted. Yet
they insist they have grown ever more determined to end Mugabe's 25-year

On the eve of today's parliamentary election, these opposition campaigners
said they feel emboldened by a groundswell of antigovernment sentiment after
years of repressive crackdowns. Several million Zimbabweans are expected to
cast ballots today in an election that many observers say could bring the
first erosion of Mugabe's power since the end of white- minority rule in
this southern African country in 1980.

The two major questions are whether the main opposition party, the Movement
for Democratic Change, can for the first time win a plurality of the seats
at stake, and if not, whether the MDC supporters will mount protests in the
country's largest cities that mirror the wave of recent popular uprisings in
Ukraine, Lebanon, and Kyrgyzstan.

Many political analysts in Zimbabwe are skeptical, believing that the vote
will be neither free nor fair, that Mugabe's party will keep control of
Parliament -- and that the country's army and police will violently disperse
any mass public demonstration that might follow.

Yet in Mabvuku, an opposition stronghold 20 miles outside the capital,
Harare, feelings run deep about prospects for change. ''If the MDC doesn't
win, we will do something," said Cosmas Ndira, 30, a grass-roots leader for
the MDC. ''We will resist. We will go forward and fight for our country."

Last weekend, the Rev. Pius Ncube, the Catholic archbishop of Bulawayo and
one of Mugabe's fiercest critics, called for a ''popular mass uprising" if
voting is rigged in favor of the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union
Patriotic Front, or ZANU-PF. Ncube told his Easter congregation,
''Somewhere, there shall come a resurrection for Zimbabwe."

Mugabe, who helped lead the guerrilla war against the white-led former
government of Zimbabwe -- known then as Rhodesia -- called Ncube a traitor.
Mugabe repeatedly has said the vote will be fair, and he has allowed in
foreign journalists and election observers this time to watch the balloting.
He contends that the opposition movement has no actual popular support and
is a creation of those who oppose his years-long campaign to redistribute
wealth from the tiny white population to the country's black majority.

But Ncube and other critics of Mugabe's rule offer a litany of reasons for
their dissent, including hundreds of arrests and torture of opposition
members; elections in 2000 and 2002 that international observers said were
rife with voter intimidation and vote-rigging by the ruling party; four
newspapers shut down in the past two years; an unemployment rate of 70
percent; and annual inflation at 400 to 600 percent.

Of the Parliament's 150 seats, 120 are up for vote today; Mugabe appoints
the remaining 30. In 2000, the opposition MDC won 57 seats, a surprisingly
strong showing in its first election. Mugabe's position is not at stake; he
was reelected in 2002, and his term runs until 2008.

The outcome is so uncertain that diplomats and analysts are predicting
multiple postelection scenarios, from the MDC winning as few as 35 seats to
as many as 85.

''If this was a free and fair process, there would be an MDC tidal wave,"
said a Western diplomat in Harare, speaking on condition of anonymity. The
diplomat added that the biggest concern is ''a manipulation of the voter
rolls. A lot of tombstones will be voting."

A total of 5.7 million Zimbabweans are on voter rolls, including about
200,000 added in the past two weeks after registration for today's elections
had officially ended. The statistics department at the University of Harare
estimated the country of 12 million should have 4.6 million voters.

The European Union and the United States have said it is highly unlikely
that the elections will be free or fair. But Reginald Matchaba-Hove,
director of the Zimbabwe Election Support Network, an independent group of
election monitors, said he has been pleased with the relatively peaceful
electoral campaign, and he applauded most of the safeguards put in place at
the 8,000 polling places to reduce chances of vote-rigging.

He said ''it's going to much more difficult to fudge" the numbers compared
with during previous elections, because ballots will be counted at each
polling station in front of monitors. His group, made up of mostly of
churches, trade unions, and student organizations, will field nearly 7,000
accredited observers.

He said Mugabe's decision to open up the electoral process gave the
opposition a great opportunity. ''Mugabe is a brilliant tactician in terms
of survival . . . but I think he will eat humble pie," he added.

Mugabe, 81, was not conceding anything yesterday during a rally in Glen
Dora, a community on the southern outskirts of Harare that voted for an MDC
candidate five years ago. Before an estimated 10,000 people, he danced along
the edge of the crowd, vigorously shook hands, and smiled broadly. A dwarf
dancer swung her hips for him. The crowd, with nearly everyone decked out in
ZANU-PF shirts, roared.

Mugabe gave a 90-minute speech in the midday heat, reviewing minute policy
accomplishments, bashing President Bush and Prime Minister Tony Blair of
Britain for interfering in Zimbabwean politics, and saying the country had
been unfairly maligned by foreign media.

''Even with our difficulties we are far better than most African countries,"
Mugabe said. ''I want you to show me people freer than here. They are not as
free in the United States as they are here. Show me the conditions of the
blacks in the United States and the standing of all the nonwhites in the
economic sector. . . . It's a very rare instance in which they are treated
on equal footing as whites."

Outside the grounds, Darlington Chirimanye, 35, a father of four, said he
supports ZANU-PF because it has helped many people reclaim land, through
property seizures from white farmers in the past five years. He also hoped
both sides accepted the outcome of the vote. ''Democracy doesn't require
people to go to the streets," Chirimanye said. ''It is down to the ballot.
It's going to be the best election we've had."

In Mabvuku, people expressed a mixture of hope and resignation.

Albert Gatsi, 58, a security officer at a hotel, said he and his dog were
badly beaten by security officers after the 2000 elections because his
family worked with the opposition. ''This Mugabe regime even beats dogs," he
said, with disgust in his voice. But he added that even if ZANU-PF rigs the
election, people will think twice about engaging in a revolution.

''People have not taken to the streets before because they are afraid of the
army," Gatsi said. ''And if we have a demonstration now, they will shoot --
with live ammunition."

Copyright 2005 Globe Newspaper Company.
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Mugabe unlikely to win Zimbabwe's south

Thu March 31, 2005 8:20 AM GMT+02:00
By Emelia Sithole

BULAWAYO, Zimbabwe (Reuters) - President Robert Mugabe is widely
expected to win Zimbabwe's election on Thursday but is given little chance
of taking the important province of Matabeleland, still bitter over an army
offensive 20 years ago.

Failure to win the province would likely dash Mugabe's bid for a
two-thirds parliamentary majority that would enable him to modify the
constitution to favour his ZANU-PF party.

The province, in Zimbabwe's southern region, has been a thorn in
Mugabe's side ever since a rebellion against his rule just two years after
independence in 1980.

Asa Sibanda said she would vote for the opposition Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) "because I was a victim of ZANU-PF cruelty" during
the army crackdown.

"We were made to lie down on the ground and they whipped us," recalled
the 82-year-old grandmother.

"They tried to entice us to join them after the unity accord but I
will never support them," Sibanda told Reuters at her home in the Insiza
district of the provincial capital Bulawayo.

Civic and human rights groups say the army clampdown spearheaded by a
North Korean-trained brigade killed 20,000 and poisoned the region's
relations with the central government.

The assault followed government accusations that Matabeleland
supported plans for an armed revolt against Mugabe's rule led by a rival
nationalist leader, Joshua Nkomo.

Matabeleland overwhelmingly supported the MDC in general

elections in 2000 and a presidential vote in 2002.

The province's Roman Catholic Archbishop Pius Ncube is probably the
most vocal domestic opponent of Mugabe and ZANU-PF. A week before Thursday's
election he said in a newspaper interview Zimbabwe was ripe for a mass
uprising against Mugabe.


That crackdown in the minority Ndebele-speaking region fuelled ethnic
tensions with the Shona -- who dominate Mugabe's government -- that only
subsided with a 1987 peace pact.

Tensions have resurfaced with the expulsion from ZANU-PF of Mugabe's
former propaganda chief Jonathan Moyo -- a Ndebele -- after he decided to
stand as an independent in the polls in the most visible sign of rifts
within the ruling party.

Moyo has since accused ZANU-PF of being run by a "clique of

Analysts say Mugabe has failed to ease Ndebele bitterness over the
deaths and voters there handed all but a couple of the 20 contested seats in
2000 parliamentary polls to the MDC.

"ZANU-PF is not going to win Matabeleland because ZANU-PF has not
dealt with the fundamental question of apologising publicly and unreservedly
for the 1980s massacre of civilians," said Brian Kagoro, chairman of the
Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition that groups local rights groups..

Analyst Eric Bloch forecast that ZANU-PF may win only 4 of the
region's 19 contested seats.

Jacob Songelwa, an 84-year-old pensioner, said he would vote for the
opposition as he was "tired of ZANU-PF's broken promises".

"From 1980 we were never free here because people were persecuted for
supporting ZAPU," he said, referring to the Ndebele dominated party of the
late Joshua Nkomo which later merged with ZANU-PF.

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From The Cape Times (SA), 31 March

Hate speech, intimidation and threats have marked campaigns, says pressure

By Moshoeshoe Monare

Harare - No Zimbabwean province has shown a satisfactory election climate
and hate speech, intimidation and threats have characterised the campaigns
for today's elections. These are the findings given by the National
Constitutional Assembly in its second report, released yesterday. "According
to the data received for March, 96% of constituencies reported forms of
political violence and 63% of the reports alleged that torture took place,"
the report said. "Most of the victims are MDC supporters (41%), with Zanu-PF
supporters (14%), ordinary citizens (11%), and civics (3%). The perpetrators
are alleged to be Zanu-PF supporters (52%), the militia (17%) and the police
(17%), the Central Intelligence Office (12%), and the army (8%). The MDC and
war veterans were also mentioned, but their figures were negligible." The
report comes amid threats by the police to arrest National Constitutional
Assembly chairman Lovemore Madhuku over the first report.

The National Constitutional Assembly said it had sampled eight of Zimbabwe's
10 provinces between March 1 and 24. "No data had been submitted from
Manicaland or Masvingo by the time of writing, but it is submitted that the
data nonetheless do give a good overview of the national picture in March. A
total of 209 reports were submitted, with an average of three to a
constituency," the report said. The incidence of political violence was
worst in the Harare province and seemed least in the Midlands. "It is
evident that the trend... accords with the observations of previous
elections. Harare and the Mashonaland provinces have shown more frequent
instances of election irregularities than other provinces. "Harare was
particularly bad ... this shows that the battle is really in the urban areas
where the MDC has been the stronger of the two main parties since 2000.
Zanu-PF is confident that it has the rural votes in the bag."

Although the police and President Robert Mugabe had called for a
violence-free election, the psychological damage caused by the intimidation
and threats following several years of physical violence and torture could
not guarantee a climate conducive to free and fair elections, the National
Constitutional Assembly said. Bases for trained Zanu-PF militiamen remained
in some constituencies. "In the urban areas, the bases are reported to be at
public halls, beer halls, schools, shopping centres, and government
institutions. This is something of a change from previous elections when
militia bases were more likely to be found in rural areas. The presence of
militia bases (has been) extremely important in recent elections as there
(has been) a decided correlation between their presence and political
violence and other irregularities in a constituency." Reports about food
being used for political leverage were also cause for concern. "Of the
constituencies sampled, 75% reported the political use of food." Most of
these reports said that presenting a Zanu PF party card "guarantees food
supplies". "In the run-up to a highly contentious election, and in the
context of a manifestly serious humanitarian crisis, reports that food is
being used as a threat must be immediately investigated. It is the view of
the National Constitutional Assembly that this election is now so seriously
flawed that there can be absolutely no confidence in the outcome."
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From SW Radio Africa, 30 March

Frequencies till Sunday

Work is continuing to counter the Zimbabwe government's jamming of the
short-wave frequencies. Please try the following frequencies up to and
including Sunday 3 April: 3300 kHz in the 90m band, and 12145 kHz in the 25m
band from 6pm to 9pm Zimbabwe time; 15145 kHz in the 19m band from 6pm to 8
pm; 11770 kHz in the 25 m band from 8pm to 9pm. Please also see for up to date information. The medium-wave broadcast
between 5am and 7am each morning, at 1197 kHz, is not being jammed. Outside
the broadcast area, listen over the internet at .
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MDC optimistic about voter turnout

March 31, 2005, 09:15

Welshman Ncube, Zimbabwe's opposition MDC secretary-general, says they are
optimistic that Zimbabweans will turn out in large numbers to vote in
today's parliamentary elections. He has voted in the Bulawayo East
constituency, where many people are reportedly waiting in long queues to
cast their vote.

Pius Ncube, the outspoken Catholic Archbishop of Bulawayo, has also cast his
vote in Bulawayo East this morning.

Meanwhile, the MDC says one of its candidates in today's election has gone
into hiding following intimidation by Zanu(PF) supporters. Ncanyiso Maqeda,
an MDC spokesperson, says Siyabonga Malundu, their candidate in the town of
Nzisa, north of Bulayawo, was forced to flee.

Maqeda says truckloads of ruling party supporters descended on the town
yesterday. "Two truckloads attacked a group of MDC polling agents and the
candidates who were gathering to prepare for the deployment of polling
agents to the different polling stations.

"The full details of what then happened after the attack are not clear
because we have not been able to establish contact with Malandu and his
elections agents since last night."
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The Times

March 31, 2005

Mbeki stands by 'free and fair' election despite global
From Jonathan Clayton in Johannesburg

IN A lonely show of support for Zimbabwean workers, several
hundred South African trade unionists gathered at the country's main Beit
Bridge border crossing yesterday to protest against human rights abuses and
the suppression of basic workers' rights in neighbouring Zimbabwe.

The demonstration by the country's powerful Congress of South
African Trade Unions movement - one of the members of the tripartite
alliance that makes up the ruling African National Congress - contrasted
starkly with President Mbeki's official Zimbabwe policy of "quiet
diplomacy" - now dubbed "See no evil. Hear no evil. Speak no evil".

Commentators have contrasted the South African President's
outbursts against anyone who even mildly criticises his Government's
policies - such as the recent dressing-down he gave to Archbishop Desmond
Tutu, the Nobel Peace laureate - with his embarrassing silence on events in

Some say that the inaction by one of the few men with influence
over President Mugabe threatens South Africa's own democratic process and
has undone much of the good derived from the country's active participation
in peace initiatives in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Ivory Coast and,
most recently, Togo.

Mr Mbeki has sought to portray himself as the champion of
democracy and good governance in Africa, but his refusal to criticise Mr
Mugabe is believed to be rooted in his humiliating failure as Deputy
President in 1995 to persuade Sani Abacha, the Nigerian dictator, to spare
the life of the Nigerian activist and playwright Ken Saro Wiwa. That was
post-apartheid South Africa's first real foray into African politics and a

Critics say that it is also his own intolerant character,
sharpened by bitter experiences as an ANC exile, that has rendered him
unable to criticise leading figures of the struggle to end white minority
rule in Africa - such as Mr Mugabe. They say that he is terrified of laying
himself open to taunts of being close to Western imperialism.

"Our policy is not even-handed . . . it is solidly supportive of
the current regime. Our Government has repeatedly issued statements
supportive of the Zimbabwean authorities while remaining silent about
restrictions on opposition activity," Steven Friedman, senior research
Fellow at the Centre for Policy Studies, said.

"We could and should be really even-handed . . . and insist on
the same standards for Zimbabwean democracy that we rightfully demand for
our own. Support for Zimbabwe is eroding the promise of a new democratic
start on the continent and even threatens our own democratic progress."

So far, the only public comment Mr Mbeki has made on the
forthcoming poll is to say that he has no reason to think it "will not be
free and fair".

Under his prompting, a delegation of monitors from the South
African Government is expected to bless the elections with the words
"sufficiently free and fair", despite mounting evidence to the contrary.

Mr Mbeki's advance approval of a process that at best is likely
to be flawed has done serious damage to recent initiatives, such as the New
Partnership for Africa's Development, of which he is one of the architects,
to encourage good governance and economic growth on the poorest continent.

"The collateral damage Zimbabwe has inflicted on the region, if
not on Africa as a whole, is immeasurable," Dumisani Muleya, the Harare
correspondent of the South African Business Day financial newspaper, wrote.
"Those efforts depend on African leaders' ability to tackle issues of
democracy and governance in return for funding , but Mbeki and his
colleagues have not fulfilled their side of the bargain. Zimbabwe is the
test case."

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Sunday Times (SA)

Editors alarmed about Zimbabwe

Thursday March 31, 2005 09:00 - (SA)

The South African National Editors' Forum (Sanef) has expressed alarm on the
eve of parliamentary elections in Zimbabwe that the country's government
"has failed to lift all restrictions on journalists and media, especially
foreign media".

In a statement by deputy chairperson Liz Barrett and general secretary
Hopewell Radebe, they said: "While it appears that South African journalists
have now all gained accreditation to cover the elections from inside the
country, it is clear that the Zimbabwean government, by barring many foreign
news organisations, has not demonstrated a full commitment to the free flow
of information concerning the elections.

"These actions do not bode well for free and fair parliamentary elections
tomorrow. It suggests that the 'Burma syndrome' - the attempt to prevent
news from reaching the outside world - still infects Zimbabwe."

Sanef noted that the Zimbabwean independent media and correspondents based
in the country continued to face harassment which had an impact upon their
ability to cover the election "without hindrance".

"In addition, the State broadcaster, the Zimbabwean Broadcasting
Corporation, has not effectively opened up the airwaves to opposition
parties as the Zimbabwean government pledged to in the Southern African
Development Community guidelines for free and fair elections," Sanef noted.

"Monitoring agencies report that the ruling Zanu-PF still enjoyed a
disproportionate amount of airtime across public television and radio. All
of this has meant that the media playing fields remained skewed for the
election campaign and suggests there is a lot of post-election work to do to
ensure a free and fair media in Zimbabwe."

Zimbabwean voters elect 120 seats out of a parliament of 150 seats today.
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Press Telegram

Showdown in Zimbabwe

Opposition could wrest power from President Mugabe.

By Rodrique Ngowi
Associated Press

HARARE, Zimbabwe - President Robert Mugabe, widely accused of rigging
previous elections, predicted a huge victory Wednesday, the eve of
parliamentary elections. Opposition leaders urged supporters to go to the
polls in defiance of intimidation and fears of violence.
The ballot pits Mugabe's Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front
party against the opposition Movement for Democratic Change, which won
nearly half the seats in the legislature five years ago in a stinging rebuke
to the 81-year-old leader.

Mugabe, increasingly isolated globally for repressive measures during 25
years in power, said the election would prove once and for all that
Zimbabweans reject interference from the rest of the world.

But opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai said the Mugabe regime's days are

"The end is near. Five years of your efforts in fighting against this
illegitimate regime may be ending tomorrow," Tsvangirai told some 4, 500 MDC
supporters in the eastern Chimanimani region, where the party candidate is
the wife of a white opposition lawmaker jailed for brawling with two
government ministers.

At stake are 120 elected seats. Mugabe appoints members to 30 other seats,
virtually guaranteeing his ZANU-PF party a majority.

Mugabe, pumping his arm while addressing more than 10, 000 wildly cheering
supporters at an opposition stronghold in the capital, promised a free vote
and predicted a "huge, mountainous victory."

Mugabe accuses British Prime Minister Tony Blair and other Western leaders
of backing the 6-year-old MDC, the first party to seriously challenge his
rule. He dubbed today's vote the "anti-Blair election."

Tsvangirai has said Mugabe, and not Blair, is to blame for Zimbabwe's

Zimbabwe's economy has shrunk 50 percent during the past five years, and the
unemployment rate is at least 70 percent. Agriculture, the economic base of
Zimbabwe, has collapsed and at least 70 percent of the population live in

Opposition leaders blame the country's economic woes on the government's
often-violent seizure of thousands of white-owned commercial farms for
redistribution to black Zimbabweans.

"The land is ours. It is not European," Mugabe told reporters after a rally
Tuesday. "We have given it to the right people."
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An observation...
Has anyone realised that the reason why there is limited harassment and intimidation in the run up to the 2005 election, is because the result is already known, and thus violence is unnecessary.
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