Deepening Crisis- Eddie Cross, 29th February 2004
Just when you think we
have sunk about as low as we can go without
completely collapsing in a heap,
new situations present themselves which
fling new challenges to those of us
who live in Zimbabwe. One thing is for
sure we do not get bored!
Right
now we are dealing with three new levels of hardships which we did
not have
to face last year. The first of these is the complete chaos in our
financial
markets. The second is the viability crisis in our remaining
export
industries and the third is an unfolding food crisis that threatens
to be
much worse than last year.
In mid December, a new Governor of the Reserve
Bank, Gideon Gono, was sworn
into office. He assembled a group of wise men
and came out with a new
monetary policy statement. This was designed to force
the "productive
sector" to pay economic interest rates but to continue to
allow the State
to borrow money at very low rates to protect the fiscal
deficit targets.
Within two weeks, interest rates had soared into the
stratosphere, half of
all the commercial banks were tottering on the edge of
bankruptcy and a
whole plethora of Zanu PF dominated lush funds found
themselves in hot
water. In a panic the governor reversed his policy and went
in the other
direction - pouring cheap money into every institution and
company that was
in trouble. When he finally caught his breath he had doubled
the national
debt in Zimbabwe dollar term in 6 weeks. He pumped an
astonishing nearly
one trillion Zimbabwe dollars into the money
market.
Like heroin addicts the financial industry sighed with relief and
lay back
in a drunken stupor - waiting for their next shot of liquidity to
keep the
pot boiling. The price is high - inflation and speculation in assets
such
as stock shares and property has again taken off and we can expect
general
living standards to continue to decline rapidly as a
result.
In a parallel move, Gono announced that he was going to auction
25 per cent
of all foreign exchange earnings by exporters. For those who do
not live
behind the glass in Alice in Wonderland, this means that when an
exporter
is paid, an electronic arm goes into the exporters bank account and
takes
50 per cent. His ordinary accounts at the same bank are then credited
with
Zimbabwe dollars at the rate of 800 to 1 for 25 per cent and the
auction
rate for the rest. But there was a sting in the tail of that one - if
the
exporter failed to use the balance in the account in 21 days - the
same
mysterious electronic arm would take the rest and give the
exporter
Zimbabwe dollars at the auction rate.
The net effect of this
neat little scheme was to increase the flow of
foreign exchange available to
the State through the Reserve Bank and to
sharply reduce the total revenue of
all exporters in local dollars. In
another sphere, unrelated to the Reserve
Bank, the electricity utility
ZESA, raised its tariffs by 500 per cent in one
month and started to charge
all exporters in US dollars at the auction
rate.
Suddenly all exporters and earners of foreign exchange in Zimbabwe
found
themselves in an immediate and severe cash crisis. Mines and foundries
find
themselves facing liquidation. Industrial firms are suddenly faced with
the
reality that if they continue to export they will go bust and if the do
not
they cannot function.
Before these developments both the Minister
of Finance and the MDC economic
team forecast that the economy would shrink
in 2004 - we thought by as much
as 10 per cent. This now looks very
conservative. And remember - this will
be the 7th consecutive year that the
GDP has declined in real terms - a
situation unheard of in any other
country's history, especially those that
are not (yet) at war.
Then
there is the food situation. My own estimate of the local crop was
that we
would be about 65 per cent short of maize grains this year and
about 85 per
cent short of wheat grain. The latest crop estimates prepared
by the people
responsible have just confirmed this view. I keep on
reminding people that
the great famine in Ethiopia that caused such a furor
was caused by an
estimated 20 per cent shortfall in national grain
supplies. Our total
shortfall will be not less than two thirds - more than
three times the
shortfall in the horn of Africa.
To this we must add a shortage of all
other forms of food - milk based
products, vegetable oils and protein rich
pulses and beans. Fish and fruit
are impossibly expensive. In addition to
this, the meat industry has shrunk
so much that all abattoirs are scaling
down and meat products are in short
supply and very expensive.
Death
rates from malnutrition related problems in both adults and children
are
running at thousands per week. With nearly 2 million HIV infected
adults and
over two million children under 5 years of age - we are seeing
death rates
that were last seen in the plagues of Europe in the 1600's. I
estimate that
our national population is now declining by at least 2,7 per
cent per annum -
a situation exacerbated by migration.
Last week the United Nations
Agencies met with the Zimbabwe Government to
decide on their response to this
emerging crisis. Three Ministers from the
Mugabe regime attended together
with officials and tried to bully the
United Nations into fully supporting
this food shortage.
The UN gave notice that they had had enough of this
situation - they were
infuriated by the fact that the Mugabe regime was
holding back food stocks
to use in their political campaigns this year. They
also said that the
crisis was a deliberate creation of the Zimbabwe
government and that there
was no good reason why Zimbabwe could not feed
itself. This was a
self-imposed problem and the State had to take
responsibility for the
situation. They informed the government that they
would only feed the ill,
the elderly and undernourished children in the year
beginning in April
2004.
This is all very well, but it leaves the
great majority of the people naked
in a blizzard - not of their own making. I
think it is right for the UN to
demand that we grown up and take
responsibility for our actions. That is
what independence and sovereignty is
all about. But for those of us who
live here, it will make things that much
worse.
So suddenly I feel a shiver of apprehension, what does this all
mean? Can
we really take another sharp down turn in economic activity and an
increase
in unemployment? Can we survive a winter with very little basic
foodstuffs
and what is available being impossibly expensive? What will the
political
ramifications be?
When Morgan was attacked by a group of 30
young "green bombers" last
weekend his security guards protected him. When I
went to see him on Sunday
to find out if he was OK and to put the rumors to
rest, his security guards
said to me "Eddie, why are we wasting our time with
democracy, it is now
necessary that we go back to the bush". This evening I
see that Aristide
has fled Haiti - perhaps they are right. I pray
not.
76 184 Cases of Malaria ReportedThe Herald (Harare)
March
2, 2004
Posted to the web March 1, 2004
Harare
At least 76 184
cases of malaria have been reported in the country since the
beginning of the
year, with Mashona-land West province having the highest
cases.
In an
interview yesterday, the deputy director for disease prevention and
control
in the Ministry of Health and Child Welfare, Dr Stanley Midzi, said
there had
been an increase in malaria cases, with 12 187 cases being
reported last
week.
He said Mashonaland West province had the highest cases with 3 003
reported,
while Mashonaland Central had 2 869.
Dr Midzi said 2 518
malaria cases were reported among children under five
years. Children and
pregnant mothers are said to be at greater risk of
contracting the
disease.
"The Ministry of Health and Child Welfare is urging people who
live in
malaria zones and notice signs and symptoms of malaria to seek
medical
advice at the nearest health centre," said Dr Midzi.
He said
the country was now entering the peak malaria transmission season,
which is
March and April, and there was therefore need to seek medical
advice if one
suspected that they might have contracted malaria.
"We also urge people
who are planning to travel or have travelled in those
areas and develop
symptoms of malaria to also seek early treatment," he
said.
Malaria
zones in the country include Binga, Nkayi, Gokwe, Hwange, Lupane,
Kariba,
Uzumba-Maramba-Pfungwe, Centenary and Guruve.
Its symptoms include
headaches, fever, vomiting and general body aches,
particularly in the
joints.
Dr Midzi urged people to voluntarily visit a health centre if
they suspected
they were suffering from these symptoms, which were almost
similar to that
of one who had a cold.
Daily News
New 'Anti-corruption' Law Tramples on Human
Rights
Date:1-Mar, 2004
Zimbabwean President
Robert Mugabe's new apartheid-style
anti-corruption law, imposed by decree on
14 February, has joined draconian
security, media and other legislation to
further shatter the rights and
freedoms of beleaguered citizens and erode the
constitution.
A sinister amendment to the Criminal Procedure
and Evidence Act
requires magistrates to remand suspects for 21 days, denies
the fundamental
right to innocence until proven guilty and reaches beyond
corruption to
cover offences under the harsh Public Order and Security
Act.
Zimbabwe, wrote the respected Southern African Report, has
imposed 'a
state of emergency by stealth'. According to the South African
based weekly,
the country has been:
'... turned overnight
into a de facto police state, with police being
given wide powers to arrest
and detain people for lengthy periods in prison
without trial for political
and other 'offences'. Though brought in
ostensibly to combat corruption, the
fine print in the law has disclosed
that arrests can be made for conduct as
inoffensive as showing passive
resistance to any law.'
The
many critics of the decree believe it will be used by Mugabe not
only to act
against corrupt members of his ruling Zanu-PF party ahead of
general
elections in March 2005 - to persuade voters that he is serious in
fighting
graft - but also against the political opposition.
He recently
announced a reshuffled, expanded 'anti-graft cabinet' to
fight corruption and
fix the economy, and signed (after it was passed by
Parliament), the Bank Use
Promotion and Suppression of Money Laundering Act,
which cracks down of abuse
of the banking system.
Government argues that the anti-graft
decree is proof of its
commitment to clamp down on endemic corruption.
Justice Minister Patrick
Chinamasa said it aimed to extricate investigating
officers from long hours
spent in courts:
'We are determined
to stamp out corruption and no one can stand in our
way'.
But political analysts slated the amendment as an election ploy to win
over
urban voters, who are currently supporters of the opposition Movement
for
Democratic Change (MDC), ahead of the 2005 election - tough action on a
hot
urban topic, much like the way Mugabe secured the rural vote in 2000 and
2002
through tough action on land reform.
Of significance is that
Mugabe imposed the anti-graft law by decree:
it was promulgated in terms of
Section 2 of the Presidential Powers
(Temporary Measures) Act Chapter 10:20,
and amends Section 32 of the
Criminal Procedure and Evidence Act Chapter
9:07.
The law would have faced stiff opposition in Parliament,
from the many
Zanu-PF MPs tainted by allegations of corruption and, for
different reasons,
from the MDC.
Few dispute the urgent need
to fight corruption in Zimbabwe, but many
condemn the means, which are seen
as Mugabe grasping - by decree and via
unjust, unconstitutional law - the
power to act decisively against political
opponents in and outside his ruling
party.
Indeed, the MDC has argued for stronger anti-corruption
laws similar
to those in Hong Kong, which oblige public officials to explain
why their
living standards exceed their income. David Coltart, MP, MDC
secretary for
legal and parliamentary affairs, told the Financial
Gazette:
'In Zimbabwe, we have become accustomed to Members of
Parliament,
Cabinet ministers and soldiers who have become multi-millionaires
and now
have assets which are far more than the incomes they have received
over the
years.'
However, Coltart described the anti-graft
decree as a brazen effort by
Mugabe to circumvent fundamental constitutional
rights, including the right
of accused people to have their liberty
'determined by an independent court
in a fair hearing within a reasonable
time'. It is:
'...nothing less than a Trojan horse which
effectively ushers in
provisions that give the regime state of emergency
powers without actually
declaring a state of emergency'.
Previously, police have had to produce suspects in court within 48
hours of
arrest. Now judges and magistrates are stripped of the power to
hear bail
applications while police are investigating suspects for crimes
covered by
the decree - corruption, money laundering, externalising foreign
currency or
unauthorised dealings.
The number of days the Magistrate is
required to remand an accused
person in custody is 21 days. Where a prima
facie case is established, no
bail may be entertained for 14 days. Where no
prima facie is established no
bail may be entertained for seven
days.
There have been several high profile corruption arrests
this year,
some of which involved suspects being held for long periods
without bail.
But the first victim of the new decree was powerful Zanu-PF
central
committee member and business tycoon James Makamba.
He surrendered himself to the police on 9 February after heavily armed
police
and Central
Intelligence Organisation agents raided his homes and
properties, and
has been charged with 22 counts of illegal foreign currency
dealing. Makamba
was refused bail by the courts, which made it clear they had
no option under
the decree. One Judge, Justice Ziyambi, criticised the
amendment for
depriving judges and magistrates of the discretion to grant
bail and
requiring them merely to act as: '. A rubber stamp to give a
semblance of
legality to the detention. This strikes me as being
patently
unconstitutional'. Critics correctly argue that the police's
extended
detention powers strip suspects of the rights to due process,
the
presumption of innocence and access to lawyers. Lovemore Madhuku, head
of
civil society's National Constitutional Assembly and a UZ law
lecturer,
argues: 'This undermines the principle of the rule of law. Police
need to
investigate first before they arrest anyone not the other way round.'
The
decree's small print reveals that it also applies to offences under
the
Public Order and Security Act, a notorious law introduced two years
ago
which deals harshly with 'subversion' of the government and
constitution,
including protests or strikes. It has been used to arrest
hundreds of
opposition leaders, supporters, and representatives of
non-governmental
organizations. Many of whom have been tortured or killed.
There are also
fears that it will enable police to torture arrested
opposition supporters
more effectively, and prevent them from receiving
timely medical attention.
The MDC argues that the powers the decree gives
police are similar to those
used by South Africa's apartheid regime. Such
powers have only been used in
Zimbabwe during states of emergency -
ironically, by the old white regime
during the liberation war and by Mugabe
in the 1980s, when his security
forces crushed the opposition in the
Matabeleland massacres. The opposition
believes that Mugabe, who stands
widely accused of rigging the 2000 and 2002
polls, will use the decree to
thwart opponents whether they are inside or
outside Zanu-PF, ahead of the
2005 election. Certainly it would be another
powerful weapon in an arsenal of
draconian laws that the 24-year ruler could
deploy in his ongoing quest to
cling to power. Importantly, the decree also
places yet another cloud over
prospects for talks between Zanu-PF and the
MDC, which South African
President Thabo Mbeki has repeatedly promised. In
its 20 February edition,
Southern African Report worried about whether
Mugabe, armed with an 'array of
laws which can decimate the opposition, has
any intention of indulging in
talks': 'Indeed, the decree gives the
impression that Mugabe is intent on
eliminating all opposition, which is
hardly an attitude conducive to the
holding of talks'.
.. This column is provided by the
International Bar Association. An
organisation that represents the Law
Societies and Bar Associations around
the world, and works to uphold the rule
of law. For further information,
visit the website www.ibanet.org
African nations slow in offering Aristide asylum
By Geoff Hill
THE
WASHINGTON TIMES
JOHANNESBURG - Jean-Bertrand Aristide faces
an uncertain future in
Africa, with even his most faithful ally on the
continent - South Africa -
showing little interest in granting him
asylum.
The ousted Haitian president arrived in Bangui, the remote
capital of
the Central African Republic, aboard a U.S.-provided flight from
Antigua
yesterday after an overnight journey and was whisked to the
presidential
palace.
"Aristide ... is a free man," CAR Foreign
Minister Charles Wenezoui, who
greeted the ousted leader upon his arrival,
told the Associated Press. "The
heavy security measures around the
presidential palace are for his own
security."
It was unclear what
financial resources Mr. Aristide has at his
disposal. While the opposition in
Haiti has long accused him and his
government of corruption, officials
yesterday offered no specific accusation
that he had spirited money
abroad.
However, past Haitian leaders have enjoyed a comfortable
exile.
Jean-Claude "Baby Doc" Duvalier, who fled to France in 1986, was said
to
have embezzled as much as $500 million and set himself up in a
comfortable
villa near Cannes.
Agence France-Presse reported that Mr.
Aristide plans to continue from
Bangui to permanent exile in South Africa,
but Foreign Ministry spokesman
Ronnie Mamoepa in Johannesburg said his
government knew of no such
arrangement.
"We know nothing of this and
have not received any formal request from
Mr. Aristide, the U.S. or anyone
else," Mr. Mamoepa said in a telephone
interview. "And the South Africa
government has not made any offer of exile
or asylum."
A spokeswoman
for the U.S. Embassy in Pretoria said the embassy had not
raised the issue
with South African authorities.
However, Foreign Minister Nkosazana
Clarice Dlamini-Zuma is reported to
have discussed Mr. Aristide's future in a
telephone conference call on
Saturday with Secretary of State Colin L.
Powell, French Foreign Minister
Dominique de Villepin and U.N.
Secretary-General Kofi Annan.
Haitian radio has also carried reports
speculating that Mr. Aristide was
headed for Johannesburg.
As support
for Mr. Aristide ebbed in recent months, President Thabo
Mbeki remained one
of Mr. Aristide's last supporters.
In January, his government gave $1.4
million towards Haiti's
celebrations marking 200 years of independence from
France and Mr. Mbeki was
the only foreign head of state to attend the
event.
A Johannesburg newspaper reported last week that South Africa
was
sending 150 rifles, 200 smoke grenades, 200 bulletproof vests and
5,000
rounds of ammunition to help Mr. Aristide's forces hold back the
rebel
advance.
Diplomatic sources in Pretoria said last night that Mr.
Mbeki might not
decide on asylum for Mr. Aristide before South Africa's
national elections
on April 14.
Mr. Mbeki is already under attack from
human rights groups for not
taking a stronger stand against the government of
neighboring Zimbabwe,
where President Robert Mugabe is accused of rigging
elections and misusing
power.
"He has enough problems with local
tyrants without some guy from Haiti
arriving on his doorstep," one senior
diplomat said. "Aristide may just have
to cool his heels awhile in
Bangui."
Business Day
Police seek Zimbabwean bankers in forex
case
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
----
Harare
Correspondent
FOUR leading Zimbabwean bankers accused of illegally moving
Z30bn offshore
were still on the run yesterday, police said.
Police
were looking for NMB Bank MD Julius Makoni, deputy MD James
Mushowe,
financial director Otto Chekeche and executive director Francis
Zimuto in
connection with externalising funds in alleged breach of the
Exchange
Control Act.
Makoni was said to have escaped to London, while
the others could still be
in the country. Mushowe may be in SA.
The
four bankers ran NMB Holdings, which is listed on the Zimbabwe and
London
bourses, and owns NMB Bank.
They allegedly siphoned off foreign currency
through LTB Money Transfers.
About £3m and $2m was allegedly
transferred.
Last year the government withdrew NMB Bank's foreign
currency licence,
accusing it of black market trading .
The licence
was recently returned to the bank, which has 10 large
institutional
investors.
The government recently launched a campaign to fight
corruption, which is
widely seen as a vote-catching gimmick.
A few
politicians from the ruling Zanu (PF) and several businessmen have
been
arrested.
Yorke Peninsular Country Times
Escape to the lucky country
JOURNALIST: Kathryn Crisell Probst
 |
|
Guy and Suzi with (l-r) Demi (9), Jodie (7) and Chelsea
(5). |
Leaving Zimbabwe for Australia may be a big move, but it was not a hard
decision to make for the Alderton family.
Guy and Suzi with their children Demi (9), Jodie (7) and Chelsea (5) decided
it was time to leave their homeland, with a family farm destroyed and crime
rife, after Suzi was carjacked.
They have moved to Yorke Peninsula, to a farm just outside of Paskeville, in
the hope of starting a new, safer life.
While Guy has been here since October, taking a job as a diesel mechanic at
Measday's Services Pty Ltd at Kadina, the rest of the family arrived here on New
Year's Day after an emotional final Christmas with their families.
"I've always wanted to live in Australia", said Guy. "I've been here three
times before in my travels. Ever since a school rugby trip when I was young I
have wanted to live here."
It took 18 months for the family to secure visas, based on Guy's trade skills
obtained after leaving school and before joining the family farm.
"We're very lucky", said Guy. "Australian people have been wonderful to us.
Here you hardly have to lock your car, and there is no big fence around your
property."
Both Guy and Suzi say the girls are enjoying school at Harvest Christian
School at Kadina.
"We did think it might take them a little time to settle in because it is so
different but they loved it from day one", said Suzi.
For Suzi, too, the move is positive.
"There are so many shortages in Zimbabwe now. I could spend hours just in the
supermarket here, there are so many choices. Even choices in bread. It's so nice
to see everything in the shops", she said.
But, the joy of being in Australia is tempered by concern for family they
left behind.
"We do worry about our families because of the level of crime. I wish we
could bring them all here", said Suzi.
"I'm not lonely because I've got involved in reading at the school and I'm
very busy in the house. Everyone is so friendly. But we both come from quite
large, and close families so we always cry after someone has phoned us."
The family farmed sugar cane on two family farms in the Triangle in Lowveld
region in Zimbabwe.
One of those farms, some 10,000 acres owned by Guy's father since 1960, has
been lost under President Mugabe's changes, leaving one that is too small to
support Guy and his brother's families.
"It was beautiful, stocked with game and wildlife", says Suzi. "I believe
that's all gone - the wildlife has been slaughtered.
"We also had to leave our pets, three large labradors that some people kindly
took for us."
Both have been surprised at the differences in farming practice between the
two countries, especially with the amount of technology available.
"We find it amazing that one farmer can work the land here. We had 70 people
working for us because all the sugar is cut by hand", said Suzi.
Guy says, by the time they left, Mugabe had "run the country into the ground"
with $6,000 Zimbabwe dollars needed to buy just US$1.
"The crops have all failed", said Suzi. "The farms were taken off us but the
new owners were not properly backed by the government to put crops in - and then
we had a bit of a drought and it all failed."
With their homeland in ruins, the couple have no plans to return to Zimbabwe.
"We will settle here - we love it", said Guy. "If the kids are happy, we will
always be happy."
Business Report
Trickle-down effect not a viable economic
plan
March 2, 2004
By The Independent
London
- I sat outside Hugo's gun store watching the flies chew on a
dead Alsatian.
The prostitutes fanned each other against the afternoon heat
and started to
hang their surplus clothing on the razor wire of the
neighbouring
house.
I had been advised to keep the car window open just a
fraction so it
was harder for a street gang to smash it. As my friend ran out
of the bank,
I unlocked the car door and he jumped in fast.
"February is when Africa's at its best, no?"
In this world of two
halves, the northern hemisphere is spinning
towards economic recovery. Up to
90 percent of global output comes from
north of the equator, while the south
provides most of the raw materials.
Strip out subsistence farming
and the vast majority of sub-Saharan
Africa's (tiny) gross domestic product
(GDP) comes from mining. Given the
rapid pick-up in industrial activity and
the speed with which China is
joining the rich man's club, you would expect
commodity prices to be
booming.
And they are. Prices for copper,
aluminium, palladium, platinum,
nickel and lead are up massively, in some
cases by nearly 70 percent.
Companies have reported the benefits:
take BHP Billiton's 40 percent
rise in profit this month to $1.96 billion
(R12.9 billion).
But sitting in that street in Africa, it was hard
to see much
"trickle-down effect".
The political dimension is
crucial. Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe
had his 80th birthday last month,
but Zimbabwe's economic statistics are
nothing to celebrate. GDP has shrunk
by a third in the past six years,
unemployment is now 70 percent, and
inflation this year will touch 1 000
percent.
Before the war
with Iraq, "neo-imperialism" flourished as a concept
among the chattering
classes.
The line ran that whatever the historic sins of
colonialism - and no
doubt many of Africa's current problems are a direct
consequence of this -
there was still moral justification for active
intervention to prevent human
tragedy.
Post Iraq, this view is
almost unthinkable in liberal circles, but
why? Zimbabwe is by no means the
only example of political mismanagement.
The persistent famines in
east Africa are a direct result of political
failure. In the Democratic
Republic of Congo, a bloody war has killed about
4.7 million.
And then there is Aids. Statistics vary as to the exact prevalence,
but many
estimates run as high as 30 percent or even 40 percent in
some
countries.
The effect is dramatic: one London friend was
part of a team
parachuted in to run a central bank where over half the board
had died of
the disease.
Fighting Aids also requires political
will. South Africa's political
reconciliation is cited as one positive
development in Africa, but the
budget demonstrated that the authorities there
are now paying the price for
their tardy recognition of the reality of
Aids.
The disease absorbs a growing proportion of government
expenditure,
yet the health minister talks of traditional "African remedies"
such as
ginger.
Charity donations might be a more considerate
response, but either way
there must be better ways to help.
US
policy makers should consider the effect of their cheap dollar. The
rand has
appreciated by 70 percent, which is why none of the rise in
commodity prices
(which are priced in dollars) has fed through.
But if we really
want some economic solutions, don't we also need some
political
actions?
104 Export Firms Under Probe
The Herald (Harare)
March 2,
2004
Posted to the web March 1, 2004
Harare
AT least 104
exporting companies are under probe for non-acquittal of
foreign currency
earnings declaration forms known as CD1 forms, as the
Government keeps a
tight grip on businesses involved in illegal foreign
currency
deals.
The companies collectively failed to declare earnings of an
estimated US$39
million as required by the Reserve Bank of
Zimbabwe.
The matter has been referred to the National Economic Crimes
Inspectorate,
the Zimbabwe Revenue Authority and the police for
investigation.
Although efforts to get a comment from central bank
authorities proved
fruitless at the time of going to Press yesterday, sources
said
investigations were underway.
The company, which has the highest
figure of undeclared earnings but is
engaged in discussion with central bank
authorities is the Minerals
Marketing Corporation of Zimbabwe, whose export
proceeds were US$20 million
as of February 27, 2004.
Transmart IMP, an
agricultural concern has also failed to declare earnings
totalling
US$2,7million.
Manufacturing concern Yearend Investment and another
agricultural concern
Interwood Marketing, have not declared earnings of
US$2,3 million and US$1,9
million respectively in relation to projected
foreign currency earnings from
their exports.
The company with the
lowest amount is Tanwood Trading, a horticultural
concern, which has not
declared foreign currency earning receipts amounting
to US$109
dollars.
However, there are several other companies which have higher
figures, but
are engaged in discussion with central bank officials so as to
expedite
submission of the respective CD1 forms.
All banks, except
Barbican Bank and the Agricultural Development Bank, have
been criticised for
failing to ensure that the exporting firms submit the
relevant foreign
currency declaration forms.
Last month, the central bank gave exporters
and their bankers a two-week
deadline for submission of the
forms.
Initially, the companies were supposed to submit the forms before
December
15 last year.
Under the Exchange Control Regulations,
authorised dealers are expected to
remind exporting clients on the need to
submit the forms at 30, 60 and
90-day intervals.
Failure to acquit the
forms or export receipts within the agreed contract
period would be in
violation of Section 5(1) of the Exchange Control Act.
Central bank
officials said they had already sent written warnings to the
respective
companies.
While some have not responded to the request, others have
furnished the
central bank with all the necessary documents.
Officials
said they were aware of some of the causes of the delays in the
acquittal of
forms, but preferred to hear from the exporting companies
individually since
they operated from different perspectives.
The officials have maintained
that it is not the intention of the central
bank to ban exports or cause
exporting companies to shut down operations.
Instead, it intends to prohibit
people from causing foreign currency
shortages and "pain to the innocent
public".
BBC
Mozambique 'human organ' nun dead
A Brazilian
nun has been found dead in Mozambique after some of her
colleagues said they
had exposed an organ trafficking network.
Doraci Edinger had reportedly
been strangled and beaten in her home in
the northern city of
Nampula.
The traffickers are said to target the sex organs of
children, which
are sold to make magic charms.
The nuns from the
Sisters Servants of Mary Immaculate said they had
received death threats
since their report.
On Tuesday, the authorities said they had found
no evidence of a trade
in human organs.
But the nuns say they
have spoken to victims who managed to escape the
ring and have photos of dead
children with missing organs.
'Powerful charms'
The
BBC's Jose Tembe in the capital, Maputo, says that many people
believe that a
ring does exist and accuse the government of not doing enough
to investigate
it.
One nun told our correspondent that she was extremely angry at
the
news of the death in Nampula.
Ritual murders have been
reported in many African countries, as some
witchdoctors say using human
organs in magic charms makes them more
powerful.
These are
believed by some to bring financial or sexual success to
those who use
them.
"Several countries are involved in this iniquitous game
and the
victims are the poor, those who have no voice or defence, or the
strength to
defend themselves, we are convinced that Nampula is part of an
international
ring," order spokeswoman Sister Juliana told Portuguese radio
earlier this
month.
She said there have been several attempts to
abduct children from the
orphanage they run in Nampula.
Mozambican, South African, Brazilian and Portuguese nationals were
involved
in the ring, she said.
The organs were reportedly being
smuggled into neighbouring Zimbabwe
and South Africa.
Doctors backtrack on cash upfront demands
BULAWAYO, 2 Mar 2004 (IRIN) -
Zimbabwe's private doctors this week stopped
demanding cash payments for
services and reverted to accepting valid medical
aid cards, easing the
difficulties of patients struggling to afford
medical
attention.
Private doctors had been demanding cash upfront
since January, citing long
delays in the processing of claims by the National
Association of Medical
Aid Societies (NAMAS). They also hiked their
consultation fees from an
average of Zim $26,500 (US $6) per visit to Zim
$46,500 (US $10).
Dr Billy Rigava, president of the Zimbabwe Medical
Association (ZIMA), said
members would now comply with an amendment to the
Medical Services Act
introduced by the government last week, which
effectively made it a crime
for any doctor to refuse services to holders of
valid medical aid cards.
The amendment also sought to address the
doctors' complaints about delays in
payment by compelling medical aid
societies to pay doctors within 30 days of
receiving their claims for
services rendered.
"We are law-abiding professionals and our role is not
to make laws but to
abide by them. So, with effect from [1 March], all
doctors under our
association shall accept medical aid cards," Rigava
announced on Friday.
He said one of ZIMA's conditions for reverting to
the acceptance of medical
aid cards was that patients requiring a general
consultation at a rate of
Zim $46,500 would make a cash payment of Zim
$14,500 (US $3) as
"co-payment", which he defined as the difference between
ZIMA's own
consultation fees and that of NAMAS.
While ZIMA increased
its consultation fees by 400 percent in November, NAMAS
opted for a 360
percent rise. Doctors insist on demanding the non-refundable
co-payment to
make up the difference in the fee structures.
"Part of the impasse
between us and NAMAS was that they wanted to impose a
fee structure on us -
but these are the same medical aid societies that have
been taking as much as
three years to pay doctors for services rendered to
their members. We felt
this posed a serious threat to our viability," said
Rigava.
With ZIMA
and NAMAS unable to settle their differences, the government had
threatened
to intervene and gazette the fees in the interests of the public.
Clerical task team to kick-start talks
JOHANNESBURG, 2 Mar 2004 (IRIN) -
South African and Zimbabwean church
leaders on Tuesday said they would play a
more active role in trying to
defuse tensions between Zimbabwe's political
leaders in the run-up to next
year's parliamentary elections.
On
Monday seven prominent clergy from both countries formed a task team
aimed at
encouraging talks between the ruling ZANU-PF and the main
opposition Movement
for Democratic Change (MDC).
"We are particularly concerned about the
plight of ordinary Zimbabweans, and
we will pool our resources together to
assist those who are in need. But we
also realise that unless the political
crisis is resolved, much of our
efforts will, in the long term, be
ineffective," secretary general of the
Southern African Catholic Bishops
Conference, Father Richard Menatsi, told
IRIN.
He acknowledged current
efforts to get both parties back to the negotiating
table. "We hope to assist
those who are already working towards a solution
to the Zimbabwean crisis, so
there is no intention, at the moment, to repeat
much of the efforts that are
already underway."
Since talks between President Robert Mugabe's
government and the MDC broke
down in April 2002, there have been several
attempts by the diplomatic
community and the church to re-start them. In July
last year Zimbabwe
clergymen met with both the MDC and ZANU-PF in a bid to
resolve the
political impasse.
To date, the parties have yet to resume
a formal dialogue. But Trevor
Manhanga, the head of the Evangelical
Fellowship of Zimbabwe told IRIN:
"There has been some progress since our
meeting. Both sides have presented
us with some of their concerns and now we
can work towards finding common
ground."
According to Manhanga, the
government had raised concerns over a court
challenge to Mugabe's
presidential victory in 2002 and the perceived British
influence over the
MDC. The opposition had called for electoral reform and
the scrapping of
legislation that undermined a free and fair poll.
Menatsi said the
current concern of the churches was the ongoing political
instability as the
country started preparing for parliamentary elections in
2005.
Menatsi
warned: "It is clear that the upcoming parliamentary elections will
not be
free and fair as long as the situation is unstable - it doesn't
matter who
wins the election, because everybody loses in an
unstable
environment."
"We are aware that the army and police are very
powerful in Zimbabwe - one
of the urgent issues right now is trying to get
some assurance that the
police and army would remain neutral during the
elections," he added.
Last month the South African Council of Churches
(SACC) wrote an urgent
letter to South African President Thabo Mbeki,
requesting that a delegation
be sent to Harare to help resuscitate talks with
the MDC.
The SACC called on Mbeki to clarify whether Mugabe was indeed
committed to
talks with MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai, after Mbeki had
publicly stated he
had been personally told by Mugabe that preparations for
talks were
underway. However, the MDC subsequently denied having had any
contact with
ZANU-PF.
Northampton Today
MP wants sanctions imposed on Mugabe
THE Government
has been urged by a Northampton MP to impose sanctions on
Robert Mugabe's
regime following the latest evidence of human rights
atrocities in
Zimbabwe.
Footage of brutal camps in the troubled African nation training
young men to
maim, torture and kill was screened by the BBC in a Panorama
documentary.
And Sally Keeble, the Labour MP for Northampton North, saw the
effect of
Mugabe's violent youth brigades during an undercover visit to
the
famine-stricken country.
As the full horror of the camps where
thousands of young people are raped
and beaten as part of their "training"
was laid bare for the first time on
television, Mrs Keeble called for more
pressure and sanctions on Mugabe's
regime.
But despite 23 years of
Mugabe's cruel presidency, Mrs Keeble, a former
international development
minister, said it was not the time for
military
intervention.
Mother-of-two Mrs Keeble said: "The regime is
extremely oppressive and that
is very evident. It was clear that it had
completely destroyed the economy
and people are very frightened.
"In
Harare, it is increasingly becoming a militarised society. There are
real
signs in Bulawayo that people are self-censored because they know what
is
likely to happen. Some of the people I met obviously had
real
difficulties."
Mrs Keeble did not see any of the country's so-called
training camps during
her illegal visit last year, but said fear of them and
the Green Bombers
youth brigade was tangible on the streets.
The MP, who
resigned from the Government last year, sneaked across the
Zimbabwean border
in October to witness the human rights atrocities carried
out by Mugabe's
regime.
Mrs Keeble said she continued work with aid agencies and lobby
the
Government to pressure neighbouring African states to condemn the
Zanu-PF
administration.
She said: "People think that Mugabe is a one-off
and that when he's removed,
the whole system will collapse and pave the way
for democratic government.
"But in oppressive regimes the system of
government falls into such abuse,
it is quite likely that if anything happens
to Mugabe, Zanu can set up an
equally brutal regime.
"That is the biggest
nightmare facing Zimbabwe."
She said that targeted sanctions should be
widened to affect more people
linked with the regime, such as relatives, and
more aid should be channelled
to agencies not directly to the government. On
Sunday night, BBC's Panorama
screened interviews with young victims who were
regularly raped and tortured
and the camp commanders who maintained that the
government knew the brutal
methods used.
Mugabe wants to make it
compulsory for all youths aged 12 to 30 through the
camps in his bid to win
the parliamentary elections in 2005.
angela.pownall@northantsnews.co.uk
02
March 2004
Sunday Times (SA)
Zimbabwe's Daily News to challenge
ruling
Tuesday March 02, 2004 15:27 -
(SA)
HARARE - Zimbabwe's Daily News, a fierce critic of President Robert
Mugabe,
is due to challenge the southern African country's tough media laws
before
the constitutional court, a lawyer for the paper said.
Mordecai
Mahlangu said the Daily News, which was shut down by armed police
in
September and has been struggling ever since to get back onto the
newsstands,
would on Wednesday "ask for leave to be heard on the
constitutional
challenge".
The challenge comes six months after the Supreme Court
accused the Daily
News of operating illegally by not being registered with a
state-appointed
media commission as required under press laws.
The
paper, the country's most popular daily, had gone to the Supreme Court
last
year to argue that the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy
Act
(AIPPA), passed by Mugabe shortly after his controversial re-election
in
March 2002, was unconstitutional.
But the court accused the paper
of approaching it with "dirty hands" and on
September 12 police forcibly shut
down the paper.
When the Daily News tried to register with the Media and
Information
Commission, its application was turned down.
That marked
the beginning of a marathon legal battle between the paper and
the media
commission.
The Daily News successfully challenged the media commission's
refusal to
register it in the administrative court, but the commission
immediately
appealed to the Supreme Court.
The Supreme Court is
Wednesday due to hear the media commission's appeals
against the court
rulings made in favour of the Daily News.
Meanwhile, the Daily News has
now done "everything to comply with the law"
and expects to have its
constitutional challenge heard Wednesday, Mahlangu
said.
He said the
Daily News intended to challenge the legal requirement for media
houses to be
registered with the commission.
The Daily News is the only independent
alternative to the two state-run
daily newspapers - The Herald and The
Chronicle.
Its million or so readers have only seen the paper for short
periods since
its forced closure in September after various courts ordered
that the paper
be allowed to publish again.
The last edition came out
on February 5.
The Daily News stopped publishing in February after the
Supreme Court upheld
a section of the press law requiring journalists to
register with the media
commission.
None of the Daily News journalists
are registered.
Last week the paper's chief executive officer, Samuel
Sipepa Nkomo,
announced that he was forced to lay off 250
employees.
Just 50 workers would be kept on until the paper's fortunes
improved, he
said.
AFP
Mail and Guardian
SA eager to accept 'thuggish' Haiti leader
Moyiga Nduru
02 March 2004 09:26
Former Haitian
President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, who fled a rebel onslaught
on Sunday, is
searching for a new home -- and it appears that he may take up
exile in South
Africa. Aristide arrived in Bangui, capital of the Central
African Republic
(CAR), on Monday along with a small entourage that included
his
wife.
He resigned his post over the weekend to avoid what he called a
"bloodbath",
this after months of political tension that began in the western
town of
Gonaives. The rebels took control of Cap Haitien, Haiti's second
largest
city, a week ago. As Aristide left under a heavy US marine escort,
rebel
forces were closing in on the capital, Port-au-Prince.
Reports
from Bangui said Aristide had been offered temporary asylum in the
CAR, but
that he would continue his journey to South Africa after a few
days. Morocco
and Taiwan have both turned down Aristide's request for
political
asylum.
However, South Africa's Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, Aziz
Pahad, told
journalists on Monday that Pretoria had not yet received any
request for
asylum from the former Haitian leader. "Such a request, if
received, would
have to be approved by cabinet," he said.
The main
opposition party, the Democratic Alliance, said it would oppose any
move to
shelter Aristide.
"We don't have any real interest in Haiti," said
Douglas Gibson of the DA on
Monday. "The United States, France and all the
countries in the Caribbean,
which border Haiti, have interests
there."
"What is happening in Haiti is none of our business. We should
keep out of
it," Gibson added.
But Pallo Jordan of the ruling African
National Congress disagreed.
"In principle, I have no problem granting
Aristide political asylum. He is
the democratically elected president of
Haiti. He is not 'Papa Doc' or 'Baby
Doc' Duvalier (the father and son
dictators who ruled Haiti before Aristide
took power). He might have behaved
thuggishly while in office. But so many
presidents do that," he told a news
briefing in Johannesburg on Monday.
Francois Duvalier (Papa Doc) died in
office in 1971 after naming his
19-year-old son, Jean-Claude (Baby-Doc)
Duvalier, as his successor.
Following a bloody uprising in 1986, the younger
Duvalier fled into exile in
France.
"What I gather is that the rebels
are supporters of Duvalier. We know the
track record of the people who are
trying to overthrow Aristide," Jordan
said. "It would have been necessary for
the international community to
support the elected government in
Haiti."
But, when asked whether he would have endorsed a decision for
South Africa
to send arms and soldiers to prop up the government of Aristide,
Jordan
said, "No. I will not support it."
South Africa's links with
the Caribbean state were strengthened last year
when President Thabo Mbeki
attended the anniversary celebrations marking 200
years of independence in
Haiti. Under the leadership of Toussaint L'
Ouverture, the island became the
world's first independent black republic,
following a slave
revolt.
Mbeki also donated about R10-million to the impoverished
island.
Ronnie Mamoepa, South African foreign affairs spokesperson, urged
the
international community on Sunday not to allow the rebels to seize power
in
Port-au-Prince.
"The international community must not allow
'rebels', many of whose leaders
are notorious criminals responsible for gross
human rights violations, to
determine the future of Haiti," he said in a
statement.
"The international community must act decisively to arrest the
situation
from a further decline into lawlessness and disorder, with a view
to
creating a climate conducive for a dialogue among Haitians to find a
lasting
resolution to challenges facing their country."
The 53-nation
African Union has also called for a peaceful political
settlement in
Haiti.
As part of its efforts to restore order, the United States says it
will send
up to 500 troops to Haiti. France has agreed to deploy 300 soldiers
-- while
Brazil and Canada have indicated that they will also contribute
troops to
the peace-keeping effort.
The deployment of the troops comes
just 10 years after former US President
Bill Clinton sent 20 000 marines to
restore Aristide to power. The former
Haitian leader first became president
in December 1990, but was deposed in a
military coup the following
year.
Heeding a constitutional ban on serving two consecutive terms in
office,
Aristide left office in 1995, but contested the presidency again in a
2000
poll -- which he won under dubious circumstances. The opposition did
not
recognise the results of this election, something that led
to
anti-government protests which grew more vocal last year.
The
worsening political and economic crises in Haiti prompted the U.S. and
former
colonial power France to bring pressure on Aristide to resign. -- IPS
Three Journalists From Government Daily 'The Herald' Dismissed for
Working
With Voice of America Radio
Reporters sans Frontières
(Paris)
PRESS RELEASE
March 1, 2004
Posted to the web March 2,
2004
RSF has called for the reinstatement of three journalists who
were recently
dismissed from the government daily "The Herald" because they
worked with
the American public radio station Voice of America
(VOA).
The three journalists - sports editor Robson Sharuko and sports
journalists
Tendai Ndemera and Rex Mphisa - were dismissed from "The Herald"
in early
February 2004.
In a 25 February statement, the Media and
Information Commission (MIC) said
that Zimbabwean journalists' collaboration
with VOA ran contrary to
"national interests and security," since the station
is "among the media
outlets that spread lies about this country, contributing
to a deterioration
in its image."
RSF said the dismissals were
symptomatic of the state of press freedom in
Zimbabwe. "The authorities are
trying to cut all links with the outside
world by preventing a free exchange
of news," the organisation said.
"Journalists are restricted to writing about
the president's 'munificence.'
No initiative is tolerated because it is
viewed as a threat to the Mugabe
regime, which feels threatened by growing
international pressure. 'The
Herald' is, after all, the mouthpiece of the
ruling party, so in effect the
authorities are punishing their most fervent
supporters," RSF added.
The organisation also regretted that the
government daily had published an
article justifying and backing the decision
to dismiss the journalists.
"Even government media seem to be afraid of the
authorities," RSF said.
In a separate development, "The Herald" managing
editor Pikirayi Deketeke,
news editor Innocent Gore and reporter Tsitsi
Matope are facing criminal
proceedings for allegedly "defaming" a leader of
the ruling Zimbabwe African
National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF), after
carrying an article accusing
him of fraud. Under the Access to Information
and Protection of Privacy Act
(AIPPA), they face several years in jail.
News Release -
Financial Sanctions:
Zimbabwe
2 March 2004
The Bank of England, on behalf of Her Majesty's Treasury, has
today issued a Supplement to the Bank of England
Notice dated 24 February 2004 on Zimbabwe.
NOTICE
1
Bank of England Notice 24 February 2004
________________________________________________________________
COUNCIL REGULATION (EC) NO 314/2004
________________________________________________________________
ZIMBABWE
INTRODUCTION
1. On 18 February 2002 the Council of the European Union adopted
Council
Regulation (EC) No 310/2002 which, inter alia, had the effect of
freezing the funds,
financial assets and economic resources of various individual
members of the
Government of Zimbabwe and certain individuals associated with
them. All such
targeted persons were listed in Annex I of that Regulation.
Regulation (EC) No
310/2002 was published in the Official Journal of the European
Communities and
entered into force on 21 February 2002 (OJ L50, p.4). The list of
those targeted
persons was extended by Commission Regulation (EC) No 1345/2002
and
Commission Regulation (EC) No 1643/2002. Regulation (EC) No
310/2002
expired on 20 February 2004.
2. On 19 February 2004 the Council of the European Union adopted
Council
Regulation (EC) No 314/2004 which amended and extended the
financial
sanctions imposed by Regulation (EC) No 310/2002 and replaced that
Regulation
upon its expiry. Amongst other things, Council Regulation (EC) No
314/2004
introduced a new definition of "funds and economic resources" and
Annex III
effectively extended the list of targeted persons subject to the
financial sanctions
regime under Regulation (EC) No 310/2002. Regulation (EC) No
314/2004 was
published in the Official Journal of the European Union on 24
February 2004 (OJ
L55, p.1) and applies with effect from 21 February
2004.
2
3. A copy of Regulation (EC) No 314/2004 is attached to this
Notice. It may also be
found on the Bank of England’s website:
http://www.bankofengland.co.uk/sanctions
.
4. Regulation (EC) 314/2004 applies within the territory of the
Community including
its airspace, on board any aircraft or any vessel under the
jurisdiction of a Member
State, to any person inside or outside the territory of the
Community who is a
national of a Member State, and to any body which is incorporated
or constituted
under the law of a Member State, or any person doing business
within the
Community.
Definition of funds and economic resources
5. For the purposes of Regulation (EC) No 314/2004,
"funds" means financial assets and benefits of every kind,
including but not limited to:
(i) cash, cheques, claims on money, drafts, money orders and other
payment
instruments;
(ii) deposits with financial institutions or other entities,
balances on accounts,
debts and debt obligations;
(iii) publicly and privately traded securities and debt
instruments, including
stocks and shares, certificates representing securities, bonds,
notes,
warrants, debentures and derivatives contracts;
(iv) interest, dividends or other income on or value accruing from
or generated
by assets;
(v) credit, right of set-off, guarantees, performance bonds or
other financial
commitments;
(vi) letters of credit, bills of lading, bills of
sale;
3
(vii) documents evidencing an interest in funds or financial
resources;
(viii) any other instrument of export-financing;
"Economic resources" means assets of every kind, whether tangible
or intangible,
movable or immovable, which are not funds but can be used to
obtain funds,
goods or services.
Interest
6. Interest or other earnings on frozen accounts, or payments due
under contracts,
agreements or obligations that were concluded or arose prior to
the date on
which those accounts became subject to Regulation (EC) No 310/2002
or
Regulation (EC) No 314/2004 may be added to frozen accounts
provided that
any such interest, other earnings or payments continue to be
frozen.
Targeted Accounts
7. All funds belonging to the persons listed in Annex III to
Regulation (EC) No
314/2004, held by banks, building societies, stockbrokers,
solicitors,
accountants, etc. must be frozen. No funds, financial assets or
economic
resources are to be made available directly or indirectly to or
for the benefit of
the listed persons.
Provision of information
8. All financial institutions and other bodies and persons in the
UK are required to
inform the Bank of England of all funds that they have frozen in
accordance with
Regulation (EC) No 314/2004. They must also provide the Bank of
England with
all relevant information necessary for ensuring compliance with
Regulation (EC)
No 314/2004.
Enquiries
9. Enquiries concerning any matter contained in this Notice should
be addressed to
the Bank of England, Threadneedle Street, London, EC2R 8AH and
marked for
4
the attention of the Financial Sanctions Unit (FSU). Enquiries may
also be made
by facsimile transmission (020 7601 4309), by telephone (020 7601
4768/5811/
4783/4328) or by email (sanctions.unit@bankofengland.co.uk).
BANK OF ENGLAND
24 February 2004
---------
SUPPLEMENT
1
COUNCIL REGULATION (EC) NO 314/2004
________________________________________________________________
Bank of England Notice dated 24 February 2004:
ZIMBABWE
________________________________________________________________
SUPPLEMENT NO. 1
2 March 2004
The purpose of this Supplement, which is issued in accordance with
the powers
delegated by HM Treasury, is to advise of the addendum to Council
Regulation (EC)
No 314/2004 issued by the European Union on 25 February
2004.
Interest and other payments
The following paragraph is inserted after paragraph 6:
"6. (a) The prohibition against making funds or economic resources
available shall not
prevent the crediting of frozen accounts by financial institutions
that receive
funds transferred by third parties to the account of the listed
person or entity,
provided that any addition to such accounts is also frozen.
Financial institutions
are required to inform the Bank of England of any such
transactions."
BANK OF ENGLAND
2 March 2004
BBC
Namibia land seizures 'very soon'
The Namibian
government has said that it will begin forcibly taking
land from white
farmers "very soon".
Lands Minister Hifikepunye Pohamba said in a
speech to parliament that
the government had enough money to kick-start the
process.
But expropriations would be carried out within the law, he
said, in an
apparent attempt to allay fears of Zimbabwe-style land
invasions.
Mr Pohamba did not specify how many or which farms would
be targeted.
The government has so far only purchased land from
farmers who wish to
sell for redistribution to some 240,000 people waiting to
be settled.
About 4,000, mostly white, farmers own almost half of
Namibia's arable
land.
'Impatience'
Last year,
some Namibian farm workers threatened to invade white-owned
farms. The BBC's
Frauke Jensen in Windhoek says political pressure ahead of
this year's
elections may have influenced the move.
NAMIBIAN LAND
REFORM
118 farms bought since 1990
$105m
spent
37,100 people resettled
"The ministry has adequate
funds to kick-start the [expropriation]
process and will proceed with this
option without further delay as those who
should have benefited from land
reform are becoming impatient," Mr Pohamba
said.
He added that
expropriation notices would be issued to the owners of
some commercial farms
in areas where no farms had been offered to the
government on the basis of a
willing seller and a willing buyer.
Absentee and foreign farmers as
well as those owning more than one
farm and those believed not to treat their
workers fairly will be among
those targeted.
Landowners would be
given an official letter to say that they had been
targeted and would be
asked to offer a price for their farms, the minister
said.
But
he failed to calm the fears of owners of farms on a list published
by the
Swapo party newspaper Namibia Today on Friday.
Mr Pohamba had been
expected to say whether or not the farms on the
list would be
targeted.
New Zimbabwe
CHIDO MAKUNIKE ON MONDAY
Of the Herald,
corruption and witch hunts
01/03/04
AFTER a few months of
relative stability in the availability of diesel
and petrol, in the past
fortnight we have witnessed the re-appearance of
petrol queues, and the worry
and panic that accompanies the shortage of such
a basic of a modern
economy.
As usual there is no explanation from the responsible
ministry or the
now largely de-regulated industry. Lack of information about
fundamental
developments that affect our lives is one reason Harare thrives
on rumour
and speculation.
Recently the duty on many imported
goods was increased several fold
with little warning. There were reports of
people being stuck at border
posts, suddenly finding themselves unable to pay
for items they wished to
clear and bring in because of the dramatic
increases.
As part of the often petty culture of governing in
Zimbabwe, dramatic
changes of this type are implemented almost punitively. It
is as if to say
"we reserve the right to take you to the cleaners in exchange
for doing you
the favour of importing a car" or whatever item. The
suddenness, sullenness
and general drama with which it is all done may also
be just to emphasize
the raw exercise of power, a question of reminding us
who is in charge.
Yet there are times that quite apart from the
public relations
crudeness of the governing authorities, changes of this type
could be easily
economically justified. For instance, is the punitive
increase in duty meant
to increase revenue? If so, does the magnitude of the
percentage duty
increase neutralise the hoped for added income from duty, by
drastically
decreasing the volumes of the imports from which it is hoped the
increased
revenue will come? Is it to support local industry, whatever of it
is left
after the upheavals of the last few years, by discouraging certain
sometimes
subsidised foreign products from flooding our markets? (In reality
duty has
been increased by huge margins on even products we don't produce
in
Zimbabwe.) Is it to encourage local industry to innovate local
substitutes
for some imported goods? All these and more could be used quite
legitimately
to explain and justify duty increases.
But then
that would take a government propaganda department that knew
what it was
doing, and one must remember that ours is run by the likes of
Jonathan Moyo,
far more effective at polemics and being a political turncoat
than at
explaining things well and winning over opinion!
In any case, some say
that the worry about the effects of the shock
increase in import duty on the
price of fuel led to the sudden drying up of
petrol. It was said that
importers feared that fuel they had ordered would
now cost several times more
in duty to bring in, and so they dithered until
the situation had been
cleared up. It was eventually explained by government
that the duty increases
did not apply to fuel,and in fact the duty on it was
decreased. There was a
collective sigh of relief at this development, but
the week or so of
uncertainty, probably while the typically bungling regime
of Mr. Mugabe was
trying to digest the effects of its own ad hoc, impulsive
and inadequately
explained policy, disrupted the inflows of petrol.
If this
explanation is true, the long queues for it one sees could be
because it will
just take a little more time to re-establish and smoothen
that flow. As a
service station operator explained to me, most of Zimbabwe's
fuel is trucked
in, so when the supply stops, those hired trucks , local or
foreign, must be
hired out to ferry other goods for their owners to stay in
business. It may
therefore be a question of enough of them completing their
other contractual
obligations, entered into during the time of Zimbabwe's
confusion over the
changes in import duty, to revert to bringing in our fuel
and resume normal
supplies of it.
Whether this is indeed the reason for the recent
shortage of petrol or
not, it illustrates the knee jerk policy making and
implementation of the
Mugabe government that has made us lurch from one
crisis to another for many
years now.
The practice of the
government paper The Herald becoming more of an
outright tool of propaganda
as well as an arm of the "intelligence" services
and of keeping perceived
government opponents in line continues. In the last
few days the Jonathan
Moyo-run paper was used to announce that two prominent
bankers, James Mushore
and Julius Makoni were wanted by the police for
"externalising" large sums of
money. The paper is now slyly used to tell us
who is out of favour, it is
used as a tool of intimidation and demonisation
in both what pass for news
reports as well as in its editorials. Never has
its ability to argue that it
is a professionally run newspaper that is just
a little more sympathetic to
the government cause been weaker.
The shoddy writing of the recent
past in it and its sister paper The
Sunday Mail are one thing, but it is far
more alarming that there is no
longer any serious attempt to hide the fact
that they have become something
far more sinister than mere tools of state
propaganda.
The coded but now well understood language that
government
propagandists spoon feed the so-called journalists in the Jonathan
Moyo-run
media is designed to intimidate judges before politically crucial
rulings,
for instance. If any judge or other high profile public official is
to be
brought low for a little too much independence, the eager young hired
guns
of the state propaganda media are often not far behind in the effort.
If
there ever is a truth commission after Zimbabwe emerges from the
nightmare
of Mugabe, certainly many members of the state media would qualify
to be
called before it to explain their role. Presenting the ruling
authorities'
point of view is an important function, whether one agrees with
it or not,
but the state media has recently gone way beyond this to become a
really
down and dirty instrument for silencing, cowing and destroying the
lives of
government opponents.
Mushore and Makoni, like James
Mutasa, Philip Chiyangwa and James
Makamba, will probably have relatively few
sympathisers among the general
public. But the anti-corruption effort is
beginning to look more like a
highly selective political witch hunt than a
genuine effort to stamp out
corrupt practices across the board. Part of this
is because of the fact that
none of the biggest long time crooks in Mugabe's
inner circle has been
apprehended yet, either by the police or The Herald
that now seems to be a
branch of the propaganda machinery as well as of the
police and spy
services! On the contrary, some of those big crooks have
recently been
re-appointed to high office!
Another reason that
the said corruption crackdown is beginning to look
unconvincing so soon is
that so far it has mainly focused on currency law
violations. At the height
of the currency speculative period, everybody who
could changed any hard
currency they came across at the "illegal" black
market rates.
Many close cronies of Mr. Mugabe are said to have been at the
forefront of
these activities, but none have been booked yet! The official
currency
exchange rates were so absurdly out of touch with reality that
government
bought forex on the black market for many of its needs, allegedly
including
for the foreign trips of certain very highly placed globe
trotters! So really
trying to paint those who did so a little more openly
than the official
globetrotters reeks strongly of hypocrisy and
victimisation, both hallmarks
of the regime of Mugabe. As for
"externalising" forex that was and still is
badly needed at home, let me
just say that I doubt that the many ministers
and countless other Mugabe
cronies whose children and other close relatives
are scattered all over the
Western world are particularly innocent of this!
But don't expect to read in
The Herald about how they are being hunted down
like animals, virtually
judged and tried before they are even arraigned like
is happening to the
regime's sacrificial lambs, and others out of the
emperor's favour for one
reason or another.
But whatever the
hypocrisy and unfairness of a few high profile people
being targeted for a
"crime" many of their most ardent and gleeful accusers
are just as guilty of,
it is true that we have had a small group of high
fliers, both in the private
sector and the ruling party, who lost all sense
of proportion in the time of
easy, overnight, fabulous speculation-based
wealth. They often recklessly
rubbed salt in the public's wound of
desperate, increasing impoverishment and
economic hardship with their
flaunted wealth. Many wondered what secrets of
hard work and innovation
known to only this flashy new elite could account
for their high living at a
time all of the economic fundamentals of the
economy were wrong and
deteriorating. The political targeting of a few of
these people has
therefore been met with a certain degree of public cathartic
relief at their
bring brought down.
Whether this can be
sustained and harnessed to the benefit of Mugabe
and his regime in the run up
to next year's general election remains to be
seen. In the meantime we are
likely to see more of those individuals who
have been a little more
flamboyant with their wealth than was prudent at a
time of great hardship, as
well as those believed to be the financial
backbone of the opposition,
gleefully disgraced in the Herald and in public.
Over the next
several months more of this and other parts of the
Mugabe regime's
preparations to obliterate any opposition to it will emerge.
In the run up to
the election, there will be renewed efforts to try to move
public attention
way from the fact that virtually all the political and
economic fundamentals
required for a real and sustained improvement in
Zimbabwe's fortunes are in
absolute shambles, and will likely remain that
way for as long as Mugabe is
in power - chidomakunike@yahoo.com