Zim Online
Saturday 03 March 2007
By Wayne
Mafaro
HARARE - The family basket in Zimbabwe has shot to a staggering
Z$686 000 a
month for a family of five, in a clear sign of worsening
economic hardships
in the southern African country.
In a statement
released to the media on Friday, the Consumer Council of
Zimbabwe (CCZ) said
an average family of five now needs Z$686 000 a month up
from Z$460 000 that
it needed last month to survive.
The consumer rights body said in United
States dollar terms, the family
basket had shifted from US$1 835.95 in
January 2007 to US$2 744.46 last
month.
"The prices of most basic
commodities rose by at least 50 percent in the
period January 2007 and
February 2007. Notable increases on a month on month
basis were recorded on
washing bars (soap) which rose by 297.8 percent, salt
by 197.5 percent,
vegetables by 158.9 percent . . . roller (maize) meal by
87.9 percent and
rice by 71.4 percent.
"The major mover for the month of February was
washing bar soap, primarily
due to the increased demand for the commodity,"
the CCZ.
The consumer rights group said it was concerned with the
increase in prices
of basic commodities by business as the sector sought to
cushion itself
ahead of a proposed social contract that will see a price and
wage freeze
later this year.
"For a social contract to work for
Zimbabwe, there needs to be a conducive
platform for its establishment and
unjustified price hikes undermine and
destroy efforts to a successful social
contract," it said.
The latest figures on the family basket are way above
the average Z$100 000
that most workers now earn after last January's salary
increments.
Zimbabwe is in the grip of a severe economic crisis that has
seen inflation
shooting to nearly 1 600 percent, the highest in the
world.
The economic crisis has stoked up political tensions in Zimbabwe
which is
also grappling with surging unemployment and poverty.
The
main opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party and major
Western
governments blame the crisis on mismanagement by President Robert
Mugabe in
power since the country's independence from Britain 27 years
ago. -
ZimOnline
Zim Online
Saturday 03 March 2007
By
Patricia Mpofu
HARARE - A High Court Judge on Friday declared a
commission appointed by the
government to run Harare illegal, in a surprise
judgment that could plunge
the city into administrative chaos while also
potentially undoing the
government's hold on the capital and at another
major city.
Justice Lawrence Kamocha found that Local Government Minister
Ignatious
Chombo's decision to re-appoint the Harare commission that is
chaired by
ruling ZANU PF activist Sekesai Makwavarara for a fourth term was
unlawful,
null and void.
The Judge made the ruling following an
application by former town clerk
Nomutsa Chideya in which he challenged the
commission's powers to dismiss
him from his job.
Chideya, fired by
Makwavara last year for alleged incompetence, had argued
that the commission
could not dismiss him because it was not an elected
council and that its
chairperson was not an elected mayor.
"The first respondent (Sekesai
Makwavarara) is not at law, a mayor of Harare
and cannot, consequently,
lawfully discharge any of the functions and
exercise the statutory powers
given to a mayor of a city of municipality by
the Urban Councils Act,"
Chideya's lawyers argued in court.
Justice Kamocha agreed, ruling that
the commission was illegal and that it
did not have the authority to make
any decisions adversely affecting the
contractual rights, statutory rights
and powers of Chideya in his position
and capacity as town clerk of the City
of Harare.
Both Makwavarara and Chombo were not immediately available
last night to
comment on the matter.
The ruling effectively outlaws
Makwavarara's commission and immediately
created a power vacuum in Harare.
It could also derail President Robert
Mugabe and his government's strategy
of regaining control of cities from the
opposition Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) party by firing elected
councils aligned to the party and
replacing them with pro-government
commissions.
Harare's first ever
opposition-led council was dismissed by the government
in 2003 for alleged
mismanagement and replaced by the Makwavarara-led
commission. The government
also replaced another MDC-led council in the
eastern city of Mutare with a
commission, while in Chitungwiza city
opposition mayor Gilbert Shoko was
fired and a pro-government politician
appointed to take over.
The
government has barred mayoral and council elections in Harare saying the
city is not yet ready for such polls but critics say it fears it could lose
to the MDC.
With Kamocha's ruling the government - which has an
option to appeal the
judgment at the Supreme Court - will be forced to
accept local government
elections in the politically crucial capital. -
ZimOnline
By Violet
Gonda
2 March 2007
Most of the activists from the National
Constitutional Assembly who were
arrested this week, have been released on
bail after appearing in court
Friday. The pressure group held demonstrations
on Wednesday in Harare,
Masvingo, Mutare, Gweru and Bulawayo in defiance of
the police ban on
demonstrations and rallies.
NCA chairperson Dr.
Lovemore Madhuku said in statement that 17 Gweru
activists were released
after paying a bail amount of Z$25 000 each, eight
were released in Mutare
on Z$20 000 bail each and out of the eight arrested
in Masvingo, five paid
fines of $Z2 500 each, while the other three are
still to appear in
court.
We were not able to get information on those arrested in
Harare.
Dr Madhuku said: "The NCA considers the arrests of its members to
be nothing
but an act of intimidation meant to scare its members from
expressing their
views on the need for a new, democratic and people-driven
constitution in
Zimbabwe."
The pressure group said it remains
committed to pushing for a democratic
constitution and will continue to defy
the bans on public gatherings and
demonstrations.
Meanwhile a
showdown is looming between the police and disgruntled students
who are
planning to defy the ban by holding countrywide demonstrations on
Monday.
The Zimbabwe National Students Union is calling for a review of
payouts and
tuition fee structures for its members. The students said they
are calling
for class boycotts as the government has failed to meet their
demands as
education had now become unaffordable for many.
The national student body
is also calling for an improvement in food
standards and accommodation, plus
salary increases for lecturers in
universities and colleges around the
country. Lecturers at several state
universities are currently on
strike.
Every sector of Zimbabwean society is being adversely affected by
the
economic and political crisis.
The worsening situation prompted
the Save Zimbabwe Campaign to arrange a
gathering of key organisations to
have access to the broader media in South
Africa. Leaders and officials from
the main opposition parties and civic
groups told a press conference in
Johannesburg on Thursday, they would
continue to defy the unlawful ban and
were gearing up for civil action.
Some of the key leaders present at the
conference to drum up regional and
international support were - Pius
Wakatama of the Christian Alliance, Jenni
Williams of WOZA, NCA Chairman Dr.
Madhuku, Arnold Tsunga from the Zimbabwe
Lawyers for Human Rights and ZINASU
President Promise Mkwananzi. The two MDC
factions were represented by Nkayi
Member of Parliament Abednigo Bhebhe for
the Mutambara-MDC while exiled
former legislator Roy Bennett represented the
Tsvangirai-MDC. It's reported
ZCTU officials did not manage to get visas.
The ZINASU leader also
announced at the press conference that his group
would embark on countrywide
protests. The civic groups and both MDC factions
said they would support the
demonstrations.
Speaking from South Africa Roy Bennett said the meeting
was significant as
it showed that all democratic forces, including the two
MDCs, are united and
will fight under the Save Zimbabwe Campaign to press
for a new constitution
and presidential elections in
2008.
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
VOA
By Carole Gombakomba
Washington
02
March 2007
A student leader at the University of Zimbabwe remained in
police custody on
Friday following his arrest Wednesday on charges he
destroyed university
property, and two other student leaders were arrested
in connection with
campus disturbances.
Lawyer Tafadzwa Mugabe,
representing student activist Tineyi Mukweva, said
it was likely their
clients would spend the weekend in jail. But he said he
and attorneys from
the Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights would seek a court
order for their
release.
The arrests followed a demonstration at the University of
Zimbabwe last week
over the closure of dining facilities, sharply higher
tuitions and
deteriorating living conditions.
Mugabe told reporter
Carole Gombakomba of VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that
the continued arrests
of student activists straining the capacity of the
judicial
system.
Students have not been attending class as university lecturers
are on
strike. Sources said the lecturers expect to meet with university and
government officials Monday.
VOA
By Jonga Kandemiiri
Washington
02 March
2007
Police in Masvingo, Zimbabwe, on Friday released Progressive
Teachers Union
of Zimbabwe President Takavafira Zhou, who was arrested
Wednesday on charges
of leading demonstrations in the city and held for the
next 48 hours.
Police told his lawyers that they could not find witnesses
to his alleged
leadership of the protest, which was organized by the
National
Constitutional Assembly.
In an interview, Zhou said the two
plainclothes officers who arrested him
accused him of taking photos of them
using his cell phone, and when he
insisted that the matter be sorted out at
the nearest police station,
accused him of inciting
demonstrators.
President Robert Mugabe singled out the Progressive
Teachers Union of
Zimbabwe in a speech last week, accusing the union of
trying to destabilize
his government.
Zhou told reporter Jonga
Kandemiiri of VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that he
believed Mugabe's comments
resulted in his arrest and detention for two
days.
VOA
By Blessing Zulu
Washington
02 March
2007
The Consumer Council of Zimbabwe said Friday that the cost of
basic goods
needed by households surged nearly 50% in February, while
economists said
apprehension about a price freeze mooted by the central bank
had fueled the
run-up in prices.
The Consumer Council said a family
of six needed Z$686,000 last month to
meet its basic needs, compared with
Z$459,000 in January. The council noted
large increases in the prices of
soap, vegetables, milk, rice and maize
meal, a Zimbabwean
staple.
Chief economist Prosper Chitambara of the Labor and Economic
Development
Research Institute of Zimbabwe said workers at the bottom of the
private
sector pay scale earn just Z$90,000 a month - 13% of the council's
"breadbasket" figure, while public workers who just received a large
increase bring home Z$300,000.
The Consumer Council's regional
manager for Matabeleland, Comfort Muchekeza,
told reporter Blessing Zulu of
VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that the surge in
prices was partly drive by
misinterpretation of a statement by Reserve Bank
Gideon Gono in January
recommending the institution of a freeze on prices
effective March
1.
Economist Eric Bloch said an acute scarcity of foreign exchange and
the
consequent surge in the parallel market exchange rate drove up prices of
imported goods.
Reuters
Fri
Mar 2, 2007 2:29 PM GMT
HARARE (Reuters) - Zimbabwe's gold mining
companies have been pushed to the
brink of collapse due to a fixed exchange
rate and soaring production costs,
a leading gold producer said on
Friday.
Miners sell gold to the Reserve Bank at Z$16,000 per gram
(0.03527 ounce),
which is about $64 at the official exchange rate and $2 on
the black market.
They may retain 70 percent of their earnings in foreign
currency while the
remainder is surrendered to the central bank at the
official exchange rate.
The Zimbabwe dollar is officially pegged at Z$250
against the U.S. dollar,
but trades more than 30 times weaker on the black
market, while the Z$16,000
per gramme price for gold has been fixed at
current levels for five months
during which inflation has risen by almost
400 percent.
Falcon Gold (FalGold), a Zimbabwe Stock Exchange listed
mining company,
warned in a statement to shareholders that the industry
could no longer
sustain operations in the face of rising costs and falling
revenues.
"Without a realistic increase implemented shortly, this
company, in fact,
the whole gold mining industry in Zimbabwe, faces imminent
collapse,"
FalGold chairman Gary Perotti said in the statement. "No business
can
sustain an environment where rapidly increasing costs are matched
against
fixed revenue."
Miners were disappointed the central bank did
not devalue the currency last
January. Overall mining contributes 4 percent
to Zimbabwe's gross domestic
product.
"The mining sector, and in
particular gold mining, has been dealt a huge
blow with regards the monetary
policy... it was a non-event in terms of
Zimbabwe dollar devaluation or any
increase in the gold support price,"
Perotti added.
South Africa's
Halogen Holdings this week completed the $4.5 million sale of
its majority
stake in FalGold -- which has an estimated 2.5 million ounces
in gold ore
resource -- to Central African Gold, which is listed on London's
Alternative
Investment Market.
Several mines have closed amid a worsening business
environment
characterised by exchange rate problems, inflation at almost
1,600 percent
and serious foreign currency shortages that have made it
difficult to import
equipment and spares.
Jitters over President
Robert Mugabe government's plans to take control of
foreign-owned mines have
also seen limited exploration and mine development.
Mining output
declined by 14.4 percent, while gold deliveries to the central
bank were 18
percent down to just under 11 tonnes last year.
Gold production, which
accounts for 51 percent of total mineral output, was
21 tonnes in
2004.
Mail and Guardian
Sumayya Ismail | Johannesburg, South
Africa
02 March 2007 03:52
Arnold
Tsunga, chairperson of the Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition,
on Thursday joined
other politicians and civil-society representatives in
calling for an end to
the country's "smart genocide" where, instead of blood
and bullets, there is
a systematic eradication of human dignity, he said.
Tsunga
was addressing the media at a "Save Zimbabwe" press
conference in
Braamfontein, Johannesburg, along with representatives from
the National
Constitutional Assembly (NCA), the Zimbabwean National Student
Union
(Zinasu), Women of Zimbabwe Arise (Woza) and the official opposition
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).
The people of
Zimbabwe "experience routine human rights
violations under the guise of
pan-Africanism and redressing the balances of
power", he said, adding that
many Zimbabweans are now so desperate that they
resort to crossing the
crocodile-infested Limpopo River illegally into South
Africa, just to
maintain their livelihoods and self-respect.
One of the
country's religious leaders, Reverend Pius Wakatama
of the Christian
Alliance Organisation, said President Robert Mugabe's is "a
government whose
laws are satanic and cannot be conquered just by praying
and fasting". A
decision was therefore taken to form a coalition to address
the challenges
the country faces, he said.
"[We must] topple down this
fortress of the devil called the
government of the [ruling] Zanu-PF,"
Wakatama told the conference.
Objectives
The
group said the coalition focuses on two main objectives:
formulating a new,
people-driven Constitution for the country, and ensuring
that Zimbabwe has a
free and fair national election in 2008. It has also
called on the
international community to push Mugabe's government to respect
the rights
and freedoms of its people.
Lovemore Madhuku of the NCA, the
main organisation calling for
constitutional reform in Zimbabwe, said the
group's two objectives need to
work together, as a legitimate election was
not possible without a revised
Constitution.
Madhuku
called Mugabe's government a "brutal regime" that will
not give up its
brutality through a simple call for change. He said the
solution can only be
found in a "determined coalition" of stakeholders who
will have to engage
with the government in a battle of wills until the
government finally gives
in.
He said Zimbabweans need to maintain the pressure they
are
putting on the government by defying improper legislation, such as its
decision to ban public meetings. They should not back down, even if they are
arrested.
"Continue to do what you are doing, because
[the government]
will continue what they are doing," he said, referring to
the government's
harassment and even attempted abduction of defiant
individuals.
Key to success
Jenny Williams of
the women's organisation Woza agreed that the
situation is extremely
difficult in Zimbabwe, saying that people can be
arrested or killed when
they oppose the government. "There have been
attempts to abduct me and to
kill me," she said.
"But it is not about individuals; it's
about mobilising
Zimbabweans out on to the streets," Williams emphasised.
She said the key to
success in Zimbabwe is getting more people on the
opposition's side and
protesting on the streets. "It's a matter of
numbers."
To garner support, the coalition intends
highlighting
"bread-and-butter issues" such as education, employment and
patriotism among
the country's citizens, who are greatly affected by the
policies of the
Zanu-PF government.
The president of
Zinasu, Promise Mkwananzi, agreed that normal
citizens are the worst
affected. "These testimonies [of speakers at the
conference] are a drop in
the ocean to what is going on in Zimbabwe. What is
happening to the people
of Zimbabwe is too gruesome to bring to this
platform," he
said.
Calling Zimbabwe a "de facto state of emergency",
Mkwananzi said
he has also been systematically targeted by the government
for standing up
for students' rights. "Student activism has been made
illegal," he said,
explaining how he was expelled from university and
arrested for initiating
student protests.
"But it's not
just within the student movement," he emphasised.
"The ball is in the court
of Zimbabweans to solve the crisis facing them.
But Zimbabwe is not in a
vacuum . [and it needs] the international
community's
assistance."
Assistance
Ray Bennett of the MDC
clarified that the coalition is "not
asking the international community to
find solutions for us, but [for]
assistance such that it amplifies the local
process".
He emphasised the need for solidarity with the
region, saying
that countries in similar situations were only able to rise
above it through
support from other nations. They needed moral support and
possible financial
assistance.
"You are too diplomatic,"
Abednico Bhebhe, also from the MDC,
added, complaining that countries in the
region, such as South Africa, need
to stand up to Mugabe. "Mugabe has a
history of violence and a history of
killing . If Mugabe is a killer, call
him a killer; if he is abusing human
rights, tell him he's abusing human
rights . that's the support we need."
The NCA's Madhuku
expressed that coalition members are all
victims of the situation in
Zimbabwe, but what they are attempting to do is
"advocate for a democratic
path to get Mugabe out of power".
"This is the year we are
likely to deliver change in Zimbabwe,"
he said.
Reuters
Fri Mar 2, 2007 8:17 AM GMT
HARARE (Reuters) - Zimbabwe labour and
business leaders began talks with the
government on Thursday on a wage and
price freeze, but union leaders doubted
a deal would emerge to rescue the
country from economic collapse.
President Robert Mugabe's government
hopes a freeze agreement could help
arrest galloping inflation, the highest
in the world at almost 1,600
percent.
But labour leaders have said
they doubt the government is yet willing to
give into demands that political
reforms be included in any economic
recovery package.
The country's
largest labour body, the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions
(ZCTU), which has
called for a two-day strike in April, took part in the
meeting.
Labour Minister Nicholas Goche told the meeting the
government was eager to
negotiate and would honour any agreement coming out
of the talks, including
an as-yet unimplemented pact hammered out in 2001 --
a key union demand.
"This will ... provide a conducive environment for
the discussion and
conclusion of a social contract," Goche said.
The
2001 agreement, which Mugabe's government did not sign, calls for
reforms to
address Zimbabwe's "political risk factor" following sometimes
violent
seizures of white-owned farms under a land redistribution drive.
The
agreement asked the government to shore up respect for property rights
and
the rule of law to help attract much needed trade and investment.
ZCTU
President Lovemore Matombo said he doubted Mugabe's government was now
committed to reform and dialogue.
"Responsibility weighs heavily on
government ... We impressed on them that
if we are to make progress in
eliminating the political risk factor, there
is need for good governance and
the rule of law," Matombo said.
He said the ZCTU would not call off the
planned strike on April 3, saying it
was up to government to meet union
demands such as a minimum wage linked to
the poverty line and lower income
tax before that date.
Political tension has been mounting in the southern
African country over an
economic crisis that has sparked a series of strikes
as workers battle
inflation. Analysts have warned the worsening economy
could trigger
anti-government street protests.
Police last week
imposed a three-month ban on protests and rallies across
the capital
following clashes between armed riot squads and opposition
supporters in a
volatile Harare township.
New Zimbabwe
By Lloyd
Msipa
Last updated: 03/02/2007 12:18:22
THE ban of political rallies in
the most inhabited parts of Zimbabwe mainly
the cities was introduced by the
Zimbabwe Republic Police Commissioner a few
weeks ago. The ban was issued
under the Public Order and Security Act (POSA)
following recent violent
clashes between protesters and the police.
The Minister of Justice
proceeded to confirm that the "restriction will
remain where there is
breakdown of law and order" and that "any (police)
commissioner who fails to
do that (maintain law and order) will lose his
job," in Parliament. (The
Herald, March 1st). When I read this, and I am
sure a lot of people out
there experienced a sense of dejavu.
Where have we seen or experienced
this before? Senior citizens will be very
quick to point out that this
scenario is reminiscent of Ian Smith's
Rhodesia. Ian Smith's Law and Order
(Maintenance) Act of 1960 prohibited any
political gatherings without the
blessing of the authorities then. It
suffocated any form of free expression
by the citizenry of then Rhodesia.
The refusal of the Rhodesian government
to embrace any democratic reforms
resulted in them tightening the laws to a
point that they infringed on
almost every basic right under the constitution
of Zimbabwe.
The old adage that history repeats itself rings true in this
instance. Faced
with the restrictions of the Law and Order (Maintenance) Act
of 1960, the
pro-democracy and majority rule movements then left the country
and
organised themselves quite effectively in exile, and challenged the Ian
Smith regime.
The pro-democracy movement of today in Zimbabwe, it
seems, has not learnt
anything from all this. When a government of the day
controls all the
institutions of repression it is foolhardy to continue to
challenge it in
its area of greatest strength. Uncoordinated street
demonstrations will
never overthrow a government.
The Zimbabwean
government, through the executive, controls the Legislature
and Judiciary.
The current government will, of necessity, enact laws to
preserve its
existence. It is high time in my opinion that the pro-democracy
movement
takes a leaf from the Patriotic Front of the 1970s and consider
other
options if they are to remain relevant.
Following the incarceration
of the leadership of both Zanu and Zapu, their
operations were moved to
neighboring countries. The Patriotic Front had
bases in South Africa,
Zambia, and as far afield as Dar es Salaam.
The chief reason for the
travel sanctions imposed on Zimbabwean officials
was the flawed or stolen
elections of the year 2002. The international
community argued that the
opposition political movement was the legitimate
winner of those elections.
Considering that all the legal channels for
expression have been curtailed,
the pro-democracy movement members need to
seriously consider their options
in order to overcome. The continued
participation in a flawed election
processes contrary to popular opinion do
not expose the regime; to the
contrary it actually legitimises their
continued claim to a popular
mandate.
A government in exile, if properly structured and constituted,
will almost
get instantaneous recognition from Zimbabweans and the
international
community. This will have the effect of taking away Mugabe's
legitimacy.
This new government will constitute a government in-waiting with
a popular
mandate to renegotiate a new Zimbabwe with international
institutions and
hence ensure rapid recovery in a post-Mugabe
regime.
It is foolhardy for the pro-democracy movement to even
contemplate that the
Harare regime will fall in the absence of extra legal
options. The current
government brought the Ian Smith regime to the
negotiating table through
extra legal means, mainly the waging of the armed
struggle and sabotage of
institutions considered to be the pillars of the
regime back then.
The waiting game being played by the opposition groups,
hoping I would
assume, that the main man will drop dead or be rendered
senile will only
serve to draw out this revolution. Never mind the fact that
there are worse
characters waiting by the sidelines, who hope to eventually
take over the
reins possibly with greater venom than the current incumbent.
It is not a
joke to say we might end up being another Somalia or
Uganda.
In the absence of any major policy shift by the pro-democracy
forces on the
ground in Zimbabwe to remain relevant, it seems it might be
worthwhile
considering a third option that will bring salvation to our
beloved country.
A third if not more of Zimbabweans are outside its borders.
Instead of
Zimbabweans in the Diaspora attempting to enter politics by being
satellites
or being fund raisers of the pro-democracy movements on the
ground, it is
not far fetched to consider a political party formed from
abroad.
If recent events in the satellite branches of the pro-democracy
movements in
the Diaspora, are anything to go by, then I would think this is
a viable
idea. This party will have all the advantages that those on the
ground do
not have, which include freedom of expression, freedom to raise
funding for
its activities, information dissemination and so
on.
Whatever the modus operandi of the struggle, sacrificial lambs are
required.
The question that arises then is who amongst us will step up to
the
challenge. Who amongst us will be the radical leader to organise a
formidable challenge with enough 'umpf' to shake Harare? Thus far,
statements have been thrown around by those seeking this office that they
are "prepared to die for the cause" or something to that effect. However
nothing has come to fruition yet. Whatever happens the pro democracy
movement is fast running out of options. Before we know it, we might have a
military government in place. Remember, as they say, TIA (This Is
Africa).
Lloyd Msipa is a lawyer and writes from London in the United
Kingdom. He can
be contacted at lmsipa@virtalukandco.com
The Zimbabwean
(02-03-07)
BY GIFT
PHIRI
HARARE - A delegation of Zimbabwean ministers is set to leave for
Pretoria
tomorrow for talks with their South African counterparts amid
reports the
desperate Zimbabwe government is likely to beg its southern
neighbour for
desperately needed supplies.
The two-day meeting will take
place in South Africa but its venue is being
kept secret. The Zimbabwean
heard the Zimbabwean delegation includes Foreign
Affairs officials and
ministry of Finance and central bank officials
Although the South African
government has not been forthcoming on the
details they will discuss, it is
widely believed that the rule of law, fuel
and possible food shortages will
be on the agenda.
President Robert Mugabe has been criticised over the manner
the Zimbabwean
government has presided over the breakdown in law and order
in crisis torn
Zimbabwe.
On Sunday the Zimbabwean delegation is likely to
press South Africa to
increase its electricity and fuel loan
lifeline.
Reports of an eminent food shortage in Zimbabwe could see South
Africa being
asked to intervene.
Opposition parties in South Africa have
been calling for a more robust and
public condemnation of the Mugabe regime.
They fear an influx of economic
refugees as Zimbabwe slides further into
decay.
But, President Thabo Mbeki has been steadfast with his "quiet
diplomacy",
which until now has resolved nothing. "There is absolutely no
way South
Africa is going to take a position which says: let us contribute
to the
collapse of Zimbabwe," one analyst said.
Some industries like
Dunlop Africa - the tyre manufacturer - are feeling
nervous about the
economic slide in Zimbabwe.
A top executive of Dunlop said: "It's
unpredictable we've had fuel
shortages, power shortages, currency shortages
and to operate in that
environment is not easy."
The company is
considering shutting its manufacturing operation, but it says
closing its
distribution network of 20 branches in Zimbabwe has not been
contemplated.
The Zimbabweans are unlikely to yield on human rights
issues and it is hard
to imagine any positive outcome from the meeting.
Comp-anies sch as Hubert
Davies are either scalng down or considering
closing down altogether.
Comment from The Namibian, 2 March
Many unanswered questions surround the announcement
this week that Namibia's
power utility, NamPower, will pump between US$30
million and US$40 million
into the renovation and expansion of the Hwange
power station in Zimbabwe.
NamPower MD Paulus Shilamba said the money would
come from the N$2 billion
reserves that had built up in the parastatal's
coffers. Namibians are well
aware of the fact that our future power supply
is a burning question, with
the various medium- and long-term options from
nuclear to renewable energy
being vigourously debated. They are also
cognisant of the fact that Eskom's
supplies to Namibia are in jeopardy given
the rising demand in South Africa
itself, and that we need to look at
alternatives. The basis and conditions
of the loan for the refurbishment of
Hwange in order to meet our short- to
medium-term needs until local
alternatives are put in place need to be fully
spelled out to a Namibian
public largely sceptical of the deal. A N$25
million loan to the DRC has
never been repaid in full, and so taxpayers will
want assurances that the
deal with Zimbabwe is a properly managed commercial
one with conditions and
guarantees which show that this is not just a
political solidarity gift to
the Robert Mugabe regime in Zimbabwe, which is
desperate for foreign
currency.
Shilamba did deal with some of the peripheral questions
following the
announcement of the agreement between NamPower and the two
Zimbabwean
parastatals. In terms of this deal, NamPower would advance the
money on a
loan basis and would in turn be supplied with 150 MW of
electricity from the
plant for five years, starting in January 2008. Some of
the questions
include: * While the loan will go a long way to depleting
NamPower's
reserves, will this mean additional price hikes in addition to
the already
fairly steep increases over the past few years? * Will the money
be paid
over in a lump sum, or as and when refurbishment of the plant
commences, and
will this happen by means of approved tenders in that
country? * What
security, if any, is furnished in the event that
complications or delays
will jeopardise the start-up of the Hwange plant? *
Will our loan
essentially be subsidising the provision of electricity within
Zimbabwe
itself, since the plant is capable of generating 480 MW, of which
initially
only 40 MW will be taken up by Namibia? * If the loan is to be
repaid by the
provision of electricity to Namibia, will the pricing be
favourable to us,
and how comparable is this to the Eskom or other
bills?
We are also not completely clear on the terminology as a 'loan
AND power
purchase agreement'. * The agreement would need to be properly
managed from
the outset, and terms and conditions clearly spelled out,
hopefully free of
any political considerations. For instance, we must still
be able to get the
electricity even if President Mugabe leaves office. *
Namibians need to know
that not only will this loan assist us in terms of
our short-term power
problems, but also that it will not result in more
expensive electricity for
the consumers of this country. We believe it is
incumbent on Government
and-or the parastatal in question to properly spell
out all the implications
of the deal to our taxpayers.
New Zimbabwe
By Torby
Chimhashu
Last updated: 03/02/2007 11:19:47
JOURNALISTS at the Zimbabwe
Mirror Newspapers Group (ZMNG) have gone on
strike demanding their February
salaries and improved working conditions.
The ZMNG are the publishers of
The Daily Mirror and the weekly Sunday
Mirror.
Journalists and other
employees from different departments gathered outside
The Charter House
Thursday after management failed to resolve their pay
dispute and other
demands.
"We have resolved to go on a work stoppage because the company
is failing to
pay us. Workers are gathered here outside the company complex
because they
have not been paid their February salaries. Management is
saying the company
is broke and cannot pay us on time," a senior journalist
said.
"This has become a habit. Since November, we have been having
problems here.
No-one cares about our conditions. We work under stress and
intimidation. If
the
company is broke as it says, then they should shut
down the paper and pay us
our benefits," said the journalist.
ZMNG
workers were paid their January salaries in the second week of
February, it
was revealed.
The staff were paid in groups as bosses at the paper ran
around with their
begging bowls.
The ZMNG woes are blamed on
the takeover by Zimbabwe's Central Intelligence
Organisation (CIO) which
booted out founding editor and proprietor, Dr Ibbo
Mandaza, in a move seen
as a government attempt to contain media criticism
of President Robert
Mugabe.
Workers fear the latest round of problems at the Mirror could
lead to its
collapse.
Workers said the flagship Daily Mirror has
suffered significant drops in
advertising revenue and circulation. The Daily
Mirror is now selling 2 500
copies a day, a far cry from the steady sales of
between 12 000 and 18
000 -- recorded during the Mandaza era.
The
Sunday Mirror has not been spared either as it sells between 1000 and 1
500
copies compared to its competitors in a market dominated by the
state-controlled Sunday Mail and the private weekly, The Standard.
As
a result of the persistent problems, the ZMNG lost several key personnel
in
recent weeks such as the former editor Tawanda Majoni and advertising and
marketing manager Wilson Chivaura and his deputy Evans
Sagomba.
Chivaura and Sagomba refused to sign new contracts that the
board had
imposed on them, according to sources. They did not agree with the
contents
of the new contracts which they said set unrealistic
targets.
From a monthly revenue target through advertising of $10m, they
were now
expected to generate $200m a week starting in January. Chivaura,
once Ibbo
Mandaza's deputy, and Sagomba felt that it was a way of getting rid
of them.
Sources say they argued that with a print run of only 2 500,
advertisers
would not do business with them.
Since the CIO took over,
there have been massive resignations in less than a
year with journalists
either forced to leave or suspended.
Journalists who made inglorious
exists from the group include, founder
Mandaza, Sydney Kawadza, Paidamoyo
Chipunza, Majoni, Clemence Manyukwe,
Innocent Chofamba Sithole and cadet
reporters who were banned from the
newsroom during the purge after Mandaza's
messy departure.
No comment could be obtained from chief executive
officer Tichaona Chifamba
who was said to be in a meeting.
The Mercury
Editorial
March 02, 2007 Edition
1
The newspaper cartoon said it all: while President Robert Mugabe
and his
cronies were tucking into his 83rd birthday cake at a $Z300 million
(about
R1 million) bash in Gweru last weekend, the increasingly starving
masses
clamoured for bread. "Let them eat cake," said a haughty Zanu-PF
official,
tossing them some crumbs.
Mugabe's regime has now become
about as Bourbonesque, surely, as it could
be. But inflation, now hovering
at a mere 1 600%, is stampeding towards 4
000% by year's end, says the
International Monetary Fund. The economy is
shrinking at about 10% a year
and millions of Zimbabweans are fleeing across
the borders. Now it has been
reported that 40% of the people are depressed.
Hardly surprising - even from
here it's pretty depressing.
It is becoming impossible to imagine how the
country - and Mugabe - can
survive such surreal numbers. So far, he has done
so by ruthlessly cutting
down his opponents. But there are now signs that
even his inner circle is
losing patience with him. Zanu-PF seems reluctant
to extend his presidency
from next year until 2010 and there are rumblings
of mutiny in the military,
his last defence.
In such circumstances, a
Bourbonesque denouement can't be ruled out. Yet
President Thabo Mbeki and
other regional leaders seem as transfixed as the
rest of us, sitting
petrified as they watch the train smash unfolding in
slow
motion.
This week, though, former president F W de Klerk rather
surprisingly
defended Mbeki's "quiet" (non-existent?) diplomacy on Zimbabwe,
saying there
was little else Mbeki could do. But in the same address, De
Klerk also said
Nepad would never work if African leaders continued to avoid
criticising
countries like Zimbabwe, which were in clear breach of Nepad's
values of
democracy and good governance.
It is surely time that his peers
told Mugabe that his time was up. Maybe he
would tell them to go to hell.
But how will they know unless they try?
And, if they fail, they will at
least have salvaged some of their own
reputations.
New Zimbabwe
LETTER FROM KUTAMA: MTHULISI MATHUTHU
PRESIDENT Robert
Mugabe's political off-spring, Emmerson Mnangagwa, is an
adroit
eye-for-an-eye character who, by manipulation and stealth, has worked
his
way up the greasy pole and permeated every facet of life.
So ubiquitous
is his influence that it is felt almost everywhere; in the
mine shafts,
maize fields, legal and business circles.
Needless to mention the
security services where he built his political
career and sharpened his
administrative skills.
Indeed, no other politician, after Mugabe, is
spoken about on serious
socio-political matters like Mnangagwa. Never mind
VP Joice Mujuru who is
less of a politician and more of a social worker and
a mere chatter box
always as busy as a High School matron.
If the
Zimbabwe Independent's revelations that Mugabe spoke glowingly about
Mnangagwa during his birthday interview is anything to go by, it may not be
wayward to hazard that he is a strong contender for the First Person's
job.
According to the Independent, Mugabe did not only speak glowingly
about his
protégé but appeared to show signs of disappointment with the
Mujuru camp
whom he suspects to have thrown spanners into his 2010
project.
The plan had been intended to achieve a dignified exit for
Mugabe under the
guise of harmonising next year's Presidential elections and
the 2010
parliamentary elections. This was going to see Mugabe emerging as
the
Ceremonial President with immunity from any form of
prosecution.
Mugabe has always been suspicious and perhaps fearful of a
situation where
his immunity would depend on his successor's political
goodwill. This got
worse after the Tsholotsho saga and he went on to work
out a comfortable
exit method outside anybody's patronage to minimise his
vulnerability after
office.
But that has hit a snag and he is back to
the drawing board where it appears
his berth is Mnangagwa.
However,
pertinent questions arise. Why should he feel confident with
Mnangagwa
taking over? What sort of a leader is Mnangagwa likely going to be
if he
ever takes over and what course will Zimbabwe take under his
stewardship?
As is well known Mnangagwa is Mugabe's ex-secretary who
later became his
confidante as the Minister of State Security, in charge of
the Central
Intelligence Organisation which was the the nexus of the 1980's
genocidal
campaign in Matabeleland.
It goes without saying that his
interests in the suppression of the episode
as a decider of Zimbabwe's
political course are intertwined with those of
Mugabe. He will almost
inevitably put a lid on the 1980's murky doings of
the
government.
That will serve a double purpose of self protection and
reciprocation. Under
Mugabe, Mnangagwa got his name linked to several murky
deals and far too
many unhappy rumours which could have easily led to his
political demise but
Mugabe turned a blind eye.
Instead he retained
him in all his cabinets.
Moreover, while Mugabe and Mnangagwa share
skeletons, VP Mujuru's husband,
Rtd General Solomon Mujuru, is seen
distancing himself from the 1980's
atrocities. Besides, since his departure,
Mujuru has very nearly lost touch
with the goings-on in the army as it
drifted into full-scale
unprofessionalism and went to bed with the CIO,
which is Mnangagwa's
project.
Even though he is most likely going to
take a different course from that of
Mugabe, Mnangagwa will do everything in
his power to shield his master from
the arm of the law. He will exploit the
advantage of the slow pace of
international justice delivery system meaning
that by the time it gets to
his master he would either be dead or the world
would have been impressed by
with his democratic deceptions and "good
record' on other fronts.
Already, he is undergoing personal
rehabilitation meant to shackle this
crude hard man image in preference for
that of a benign, cordial and jocose
man. That is why not very along ago he
said, contrary to the public
perception, he was actually "as soft as
wool".
He is, therefore, the wool by which Mugabe will be hanged. Put
simply, he
will provide a soft landing, and wont touch the
master.
But there are signs that he could go about a major
de-Mugabenising agenda
characterised by an ideological shift. Despite their
mutual vulnerability,
Mnangagwa seems to be having a different world from
that of his master.
Never before have we heard him use the archaic
populist and absolutist
language of "anti-imperialism" and "sell-outs".
Occasionally, he gives in to
reason and prefers a legal option as opposed to
Mugabe who is generally
quarrelsome and is largely given to sabre-rattling
noises.
More than once as Minister of Justice, he spoke of a favourable
legal
framework for an improved working environment for the media which
shows that
he is reformist. As a businessman, he is certainly going to mend
fences with
the Western institutions and find a solution to some of
Zimbabwe's political
problems. He will try to project himself as a
level-headed fellow in tandem
with modern conscience and with a fair grasp
of universal economic diktats.
The prospect of him going this route could
be sending shivers down Mugabe's
spine and could be at the center of the
2010 plan. Mugabe is a tiny man with
a gargantuan ego who is as worried
about his legacy as he is about his life.
Any future departure from his
current populist thrust could prove that there
is indeed a link between
economic decline and the hollowness of his
posturing. That will certainly
deal a blow for the legacy he is trying to
nurse.
Be that as it may,
Mnangagwa is already drifting away. While he is a
beneficiary of the Third
Chimurenga project (The supposed empowerment of the
downtrodden black people
through an economic revolution), it is difficult to
link him directly to the
day-to-day hands on dirty activities of the
carnage. He is one person who
will most likely agree with the opposition on
many issues.
And then
there are worrying prospects.
Those who know him talk of wool that can
turn into a razor wire. They talk
of a man who, like a hangman, works in the
shadows with backbone and drive
to swiftly get done with those whom he hates
by whatever means.
Mugabe, who wants to be known as a Zezuru, had this
heavy reliance on people
from "his" tribe, yet Mnangagwa (who want to be
called Karanga) seems to be
having a similar reverse attitude.
It is
said he not only habours but openly declares his pathological hatred
for
certain tribes. In that light, he will work out political deal to bring
close his tribesman, Morgan Tsvangirayi and leave out the Arthur Mutambara
faction to suffer the label of "tribalists".
After all, Mutambara is
Manica, Welshman Ncube an Ndebele while David
Coltart and Trudy Stevenson
are white. These are the groups that have always
been on the receiving end
of Zanu PF ethnic politics.
This will have a double effect of quashing
while at the same time leaving a
semblance of the opposition. But more
worrying are the rumours on certain
horrific things he is said to be capable
of personally executing.
Try as he may to pull Zimbabwe out of the
shadows and to rehabilitate
himself, he will have his sorry history to
contend with.
Mthulisi Mathuthu is a Zimbabwean journalist and
New Zimbabwe.com columnist.
Views expressed here are his own. He can be
contacted at: thuthuma@yahoo.com
zimbabwejournalists.com
By Magugu Nyathi
JOHANNESBURG - Zimbabweans in the Diaspora
have one big wish. They toil
throughout the year and help take care of their
loved ones back home but as
the economic crisis continues to worsen as well
as the politics, they also
feel it. It is only through one way that they can
express their inner
feelings. They all want to vote in the next
election.
It is estimated that over five million Zimbabweans are
scattered all over
the world with over 3 million Zimbabweans estimated to be
in South Africa.
These Zimbabweans have since demanded their right to vote
in the next
presidential elections that they want to be held in 2008 under a
new
Constitution.
In two separate meetings that were held in
Johannesburg and Eastern Cape
respectively, many Zimbabweans expressed their
regret at the worsening
crisis in their country. Some claim they did not run
away from the Zimbabwe
regime but that they crossed the border to "position
themselves in a
strategic position that would see them reclaiming democracy
in the land of
their fore fathers". Others say they left because of the
politics but many
others say it was because of economic reasons as the
economy continues to go
downhill.
The Diaspora says it is high time
Zimbabwe drew a people-centred
Constitution that will cater for the millions
that have been largely ignored
as they live in the chosen communities
abroad.
Prof Daniel Makina, Director of the Mass Public Opinion
Institute, said it
was no secret that most of the Zimbabwe working class,
including artisans
and specialists, was in the Diaspora in exile seeking
greener pastures and
as asylum seekers.
He said while the purpose of
such a move was fleeing from economic collapse
and a deteriorating state of
affairs in the country, there was some good to
be found in it.
"It is
the same people who are somehow removed from the circumstances who
can fight
for the future of our economy and a better tomorrow for
generations to come.
While we are exiled from our country we are on the
other hand, perfectly
positioned to bring about change and to make as much
noise as our voices can
allow us in order for other nations to take note and
listen to our plight,"
said Prof Makina.
Makina urged the Diaspora to carry out their national
duty to strive, thrive
and grow not only for their own personal gains, but
for their country as
well.
"We have the opportunity to learn from the
Constitutional make-up of the
countries we find ourselves in, so that we can
implement the same in our own
country. South Africa is one of the countries
with an excellent
Constitution, whose underlying values include human
dignity, freedom, Ubuntu
and equality. The American Constitution is also one
of the ones looked upon
Constitutions in the world, with their Preamble
stating "In God we trust,"
he said.
"We are the custodians of
Zimbabwe and nothing will ever make us South
Africans no matter how long we
will stay in exile, we therefore call for a
Constitution that will cater for
us as the current one is flawed and has
been amended 17 times since its
inception in 1980," Limkani Dewa, the vice
chairperson of the Progressive
Teachers Union Zimbabwe-South Africa
(PTUZSA).
Daniel Molokela the
chairperson of the Zimbabwe Civic Society Forum told
zimbabwejournalists.com
the previous draft Constitution had not incorporated
the Diaspora, a
situation he says needs to be addressed. He said there was
no ownership of
the 1979 Constitution.
"Zimbabwe does not have a Constitution, the
current one was a transitional
Constitution and since then the government
has never at any point in time
tried to come up with a Constitution hence
they hijacked the NCA initiative
and came up with a document that was
rejected by the Zimbabweans," said
Molokela.
However, Oliver Kubikwa
of ZIPOVA suggests that the NCA should create more
time for people to go
through the draft unlike last time when things
happened so
fast.
"Zimbabweans do not identify with their Constitution hence there is
need for
NCA to carry out a massive awareness campaign among the Diaspora
and
Zimbabwe at large about what the Constitution entails. As it is almost
90
percent of the Zimbabwean populace doesn't know any section of their
constitution except for POSA and AIPPA that are widely used by the present
government to suppress the majority," Kubikwa said.
Immanuel
Hlabangana like Rev Mufaro Hove said maybe it could have benefited
the
country if people had not rejected the draft in 2000. He then suggested
that
the Diaspora should find a vehicle to use to facilitate its role in the
process of making the new a Constitution.
The consensus among the
Zimbabweans here is the need for a new Constitution,
which recognises dual
citizenship and Diaspora to vote.
Meanwhile the MDC in the Eastern Cape
says it will do all it can to push for
those outside the country to vote in
the next elections.
Those who attended the meeting vowed to use all means
possible to ensure
their country saw a return of the rule of law and
prosperity for its people.
Addressing over 200 people, MDC national
treasurer Roy Bennet said
Zimbabweans in the Diaspora are demanding to vote
and his party will see to
it that their wishes are granted.
"The
current situation in Zimbabwe is only conducive to the people outside
Zimbabwe to play a much significant role to bring about change in the
country ravaged by the tyranny rule of the regime," said
Bennet.
Zimbabwean police has imposed an unofficial curfew in some
high-density
suburbs of Harare and banned rallies and political meetings for
three months
a situation that is stoking tensions in the country as the
political and
economic crisis continue to spiral.
Butholezwe Nyathi
and Remember Moyo, youth leaders of the MDC said
Zimbabweans should unite
regardless of their tribes so they can fight
tyranny together as happened
during the liberation struggle in the 1970s and
earlier.
"Time has
come for us to unite, we are Zimbabweans before anything else.
Since the
regime has turned down our plea to dialogue we have no other
choice than to
go the route they took during the liberation struggle. It's
all up to the
regime to avoid the splitting of the blood," said Moyo.
News24
02/03/2007 20:47 -
(SA)
Harare - Doctors at Zimbabwe's main state hospitals have called
off a
two-month strike for better salaries and working conditions after
reaching a
compromise with government, said the health ministry on
Friday.
"The doctors are back at work," said deputy health minister Edwin
Muguti.
"They started coming back to work yesterday (on
Thursday)."
He said the doctors, who had demanded that their salaries be
raised from the
current Z$56 000 (about $224) to Z$5m a month, "are happy
with the package
we have put together for them".
Zimbabwe is in the
throes of a severe economic recession with four-digit
inflation, massive
unemployment and chronic shortages of drugs in state
hospitals and basic
foodstuffs such as sugar and the staple cornmeal.
"Although what we gave
them did not fully meet their demands they appreciate
that we did our best,"
said Muguti, declining to divulge the agreed package.
Fees charged by
private hospitals
Kudakwashe Nyamutukwa, president of the Hospital
Doctors' Association,
confirmed the union had called off the strike
following a pay deal with
government.
The junior doctors began their
strike mid-December initially limiting the
numbers of patients they attended
to before the go-slow evolved into a
full-fledged strike when senior doctors
joined in.
They ignored calls from health minister David Parirenyatwa to
end their
strike after being offered an undisclosed salary package by the
government
in January.
As the strike escalated the health ministry
had to call on army medics to
step in and augment skeleton staff numbers at
some hospitals overwhelmed by
patients.
State hospitals cater for the
majority of the population who cannot afford
fees charged by private
hospitals.
State health institutions have been hit by an exodus of key
staff including
specialist doctors, pharmacists and nurses to countries like
Australia,
Botswana, Britain, New Zealand and neighbouring South
Africa.