Police issue arrest warrant against Zimbabwean editor over abductions story

http://www.apanews.net

APA-Harare (Zimbabwe) Zimbabwean police have issued a warrant of arrest
against the editor of an independent weekly paper and one of his reporters
after the publication carried an article outlining the police's role in the
abductions of political activists last year, sources told APA here on
Saturday.

Sources at the ZimInd Publishers, which publishes the Zimbabwe Independent,
said the police wanted to interview the editor Vincent Kahiya and senior
reporter Constantine Chimakure who authored the article which was based on
court documents.

"They (police) have been to our offices this morning with a warrant of
arrest for Vincent and Constantine. We, however, believe they just wanted to
intimidate the journalists because they surely didn't expect to see the two
here when staff from the Zimbabwe Independent do not work on Saturdays,"
said a source at the Zimbabwe Independent's sister paper, The Standard.

The Standard publishes on Sunday while the Zimbabwe Independent hits the
streets on Fridays.

The sources said the officers from the police's Law and Order Section only
interviewed ZimInd chief executive Raphael Khumalo over the matter on
Saturday.

In the article in question which was published on Friday, Chimakure wrote
that several police officers and members of the Central Intelligence
Organisation were implicated in the abduction of more than 40 activists from
the former opposition Movement for Democratic Change.

It is not clear at the time of writing this report whether Kahiya and
Chimakure had been picked up by the police.

  JN/daj/APA 2009-05-09

Job Sikhala Quits MDC

http://www.radiovop.com

HARARE, May 9 2009 - Controversial former St Mary's Member of
Parliament and MDC-M's secretary for defence Job Sikhala, has quit the party
after a turbulent week, which saw six national executives being suspended
for allegedly bringing the party into disrepute.

In a three-page document titled "Free at Last, Free Last" written in
response to his suspension, Sikhala said he was leaving the party and had no
regrets.

"It was a hard decision which I took notwithstanding the consequences,
because I know such sentiments are shared by the majority of the party
members.

'And I want to publicly apologise to the people of Zimbabwe for my
association with this group of the most retrogressive forces of darkness,
who are worse off than the Abel Muzorewa retrogression," read Sikhala's
statement.

He said he would soon announce his plans for the future.

"I am celebrating the fact that I am free at last. In terms of my
political career at the moment I will leave it in the hands of people. After
my national sensitisation tour I shall announce the political direction I
wish to take," Sikhala said.

Party spokesman Edwin Mushoriwa on Friday announced the suspension of
Abednico Bhebhe, (Nkayi South), Norman Mpofu (Bulilima East and Njabuliso
Mguni (Lupane East).

Also suspended are the party's secretary for defence Job Sikhala,
youth national chairperson Gift Nyandoro and Matabeleland South provincial
treasurer Alex Goosen.

The members were suspended for allegedly bringing the party into
disrepute.

"MDC advises that it has suspended the under listed members from the
party with immediate effect, pending their appearance before the national
disciplinary committee on charges of misconduct," Mushoriwa said in a
statement.

Meanwhile Member of Parliament for Nkayi Abednico Bhebhe, who was also
suspended from the party, has dismissed his suspension as a joke, insisting
that he is still a member of the party.

"Whoever wrote that suspension letter I am sure must have been
dreaming. The whole issue is just a joke. You cannot just wake up in the
morning and announce to the whole world that you have suspended someone
without telling the person his or her crime. This is rubbish and I am not
bothered by the so called suspension," said Bhebhe.

Bhebhe pointed out that the clause, which was cited as the reason for
their suspension in the letter was null and void as the letter is silent on
what charges the suspended are being accused of.

"You see the word indispline is broad. We need to know the actual
offence which we committed rather than hiding behind a finger," he said.

Bhebhe said the "suspension" has given him zeal to work for the party.

Sources privy to the goings on in the Mutambara led faction said
Bhebhe or Mguni are likely to be expelled from the party and that
subsequently one of them would lose his constituency to pave way for the
party's Deputy president Gibson Sibanda, who has to find a constituency
before the end of the month, failure of which would result in him losing his
ministerial post.

According to the Global Political Agreement (GPA), any party which
loses an MP, will appoint a replacement without conducting by- elections.

IMF demands urgent RBZ audit

http://www.zimonline.co.za/

by Nokuthula Sibanda Saturday 09 May 2009

HARARE - The International Monetary Fund (IMF) has demanded an independent
audit of the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ), saying this was necessary to
enhance the credibility of the country's economic turn around programme and
also to help attract key donor support.

Among key concerns Western donor governments want addressed before they can
support Zimbabwe's unity government is reform at the central bank where
governor Gideon Gono is accused of stoking up the country's economic
meltdown through quasi-fiscal activities, including funding President Robert
Mugabe's political programmes.

In a statement released this week, the IMF executive board slammed weak
governance  and lack of transparency at the RBZ, adding that Zimbabwe should
delay reintroducing its suspended currency until a credible realignment of
the central bank's operations was carried out.

The IMF board said "a significant strengthening of governance and
transparency, including through an independent audit, at the Reserve Bank of
Zimbabwe is urgently needed to enhance the credibility and durability of
recent macroeconomic policies".

Key governance weaknesses cited by the IMF included lack of enforcement of
the RBZ Act's accountability requirements and noncompliance with the
International Financial Reporting Standards.

RBZ governor Gideon Gono has come under fire for printing money to fund
activities ordinarily undertaken by government ministries through
allocations from the national budget.

The IMF recommendation comes in the wake of an attempt by finance minister
Tendai Biti to have the central bank chief investigated for overshooting the
statutory limit of US$1 billion that he is allowed to borrow without Cabinet
approval.

Gono has admitted to borrowing more than US$5.25 billion since June 2004 to
finance his activities although there is no tangible evidence that the money
went to good use. - ZimOnline

After Brief Respite, the Cost of Living Is Rising Again for Zimbabweans

http://www.voanews.com

By Patience Rusere
08 May 2009

Consumer prices are on the rise again in Zimbabwe according to the Consumer
Council of Zimbabwe which reported an 8% rise in April in the cost of a a
basket of key goods.

The monthly surge was led by a 28% rise in rents, the Consumer Council said.

An urban family of six now needs US$427 a month to get by - but civil
servants and many private sector employees are earning just US$100 a month,
if that.

Economist Nyasha Muchichwa of the Labor and Economic Development Research
Institute of Zimbabwe told reporter Patience Rusere of VOA's Studio 7 for
Zimbabwe that costs have risen in part due to a tightening in imports from
neighboring South Africa.

Though the rate of inflation implied in the cost increases measured by the
Consumer Council are quite modest compared with the astronomical percent
increases in prices witnessed in the country earlier this year as
hyperinflation raged, they are of concern in absolute terms given the
limited purchasing power of average Zimbabweans. In addition, the country's
Central Statistical Office had been reporting price declines in recent
reporting periods.

General prices eased about 3% in each of the past few months, the CSO said.

Thousands could be denied education

http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=16410

May 9, 2009

By Our Correspondent

HARARE - The United Nations says the unresolved grievances of Zimbabwean
teachers have a potential to deny thousands of children a decent
education.The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian
Affairs (OCHA) in Harare warned onThursday that many Zimbabwean children
might be on the receiving end of the teacher's strike.

"An impending strike by teachers in May threatens to stifle efforts to
revive the education sector," the UN said in a monthly humanitarian report.

The second term of the country's schooling calendar resumed on Tuesday but
on a very slow note. Many teachers did not report for duty despite a call by
the Progressive Teachers Union of Zimbabwe (PTUZ) to return to work.

Teachers had threatened to boycott classes when schools open for the new
term. The United Nations Children Emergency Fund (UNICEF) served the day
after it promised to take care of the teacher's salaries.

"Unless the teacher issue is addressed, the majority of children,
particularly orphan and vulnerable children (OVC), will not access education
which is a basic right," said the UN.

Teachers have been receiving monthly allowances of US$100 since February.
They have of late started pushing for a proper salary. They are pushing for
a monthly salary of US$ 1500.

Educationists attending the Zimbabwe Teachers' Association (Zimta), annual
congress held from 24 to 26 April, resolved not to return to work for the
second term clamouring for a US$1500 salary. Initially teachers were
demanding a monthly salary of a staggering US$2300.

The situation is also made worse by the fact that the inclusive government
has made it blatantly clear that it is "broke" and is struggling to even put
together the US$ 100 allowances that teachers are currently taking home.

At a UN organised Education Working Group (EWG) meeting held on 22 April in
Harare, teachers' unions reported that the situation is ambiguous and it
might not be possible to open schools in May.

The teachers gave a picture of an education sector in paralysis. Issues such
as lack of water, teaching material and continuing fears of attack on
political grounds for teachers in rural areas came up for discussion.

The UN has however pledged to source and distribute teaching and learning
material to some 2 243 primary schools in the country as part of efforts to
ensure the continued revival of the education system.

Zimbabwe had the best education system in Africa in the 1990s. But now the
sector is tottering on the brink of collapse. Apart from the primary and
secondary schools operating without essentials such as functioning toilets
and running water, the country's tertiary institutions are equally
dilapidated. The University of Zimbabwe once the doyen of educational
excellence in the sub region is a shadow of its former self.

It is now characterised by dilapidated buildings, blocked toilets and
malfunctioning water and sewer system. The institution's Vice Chancellor
Levy Nyagura last week told the media that the institution will need in
excess of US$ 4 million to rehabilitate it to functioning status.

Only 68 out of 12 000 students have so far managed to pay the required
tuition fees.

Last month, the Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara said the new
government had extended the country's humanitarian cover to include the
payment of school fees and grants for tertiary students.

The UN has the Zimbabwe Consolidated Appeal in place. It aims to raise funds
to meet the humanitarian requirements of the country.

Under the appeal to cover the humanitarian needs for 2009. The UN requires
US$546 million but has only managed to raise only about 40 percent of that
amount.

The UN said the top five donors to the Zimbabwe Consolidated Appeal 2009
currently are the United States, United Kingdom, Japan, Netherlands and
Australia whose contribution is covering nearly 13 percent of the total
requirements.

Britain warns Zimbabwe of need for further reform

http://www.africasia.com

 LONDON, May 9 (AFP)

Britain welcomed early progress made by the fragile Zimbabwean unity
government on Saturday, but noted that the ailing nation was in need of a
great deal of reform.

Junior foreign minister Mark Malloch-Brown added that talks with Zimbabwean
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and Foreign Minister Simbarashi Mumbengegwi
in Pretoria had been "open and productive" and pledged to maintain a close
dialogue with the fledgling government in Harare.

"My exchanges with both ministers were open and productive," Malloch-Brown
said in a statement after the meeting on the fringe of the inauguration of
South African President Jacob Zuma, the first such talks between a British
government minister and Tsvangirai since the latter became prime minister.

"I welcomed areas of progress made by the inclusive government to date and
assured both Mr Tsvangirai and Mr Mumbengegwi of the UK's continued
willingness to help the Zimbabwean people to rebuild their country. However
I also underlined the need for further reform."

Malloch-Brown said areas of concern for Britain were the continued detention
of political prisoners in Zimbabwe, the continued invasion of commercial
farms and the unilateral appointment of officials.

"Progress is needed in these and other areas before the UK and the
international community as a whole can engage more fully. In the meantime
the UK remains fully committed to helping Zimbabwe with its most pressing
humanitarian and essential needs.

"Prime Minister Tsvangirai, Minister Mumbengegwi and I agreed that our
respective governments would continue to maintain a close dialogue as
Zimbabwe works through this challenging transitional period."

Zimbabwe's Tsvangirai Takes Long View on Power-Sharing Government

http://www.voanews.com



By Benedict Nhlapho
Johannesburg
08 May 2009

Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai on Friday downplayed ongoing divisions in
the national unity government he heads, saying that the principals in
power-sharing are making progress on resolving issues still outstanding
three months after the government was formed.

But Tsvangirai acknowledged in an exclusive interview with correspondent
Benedict Nhlapho of VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that setbacks to unity come
at a cost in confidence.

"We are very satisfied with the performance of this government," Tsvangirai
said, citing what he called "incremental gains" in reopening schools and
hospitals, stabilizing prices, restocking store shelves across the country
through import liberalization. "So Zimbabweans see this as a positive step
and they are cautiously optimistic."

He acknowledged political difficulties. "The challenges are many, mostly
economic, but there are also political challenges," Tsvangirai said. "You
know that we still have outstanding issues which we have been discussing and
(on) which we are making slow progress, but sometimes act as a damper to the
confidence of the people because they see this as a reluctance on (the part
of) some of the core signatories to implement the Global Political Agreement
(signed in September 2008) and that affects the confidence" of Zimbabweans.

Tsvangirai referred only obliquely to the setback dealt to the unity
government this week with the revocation of bail and re-arrest of 18
activists, mostly members of his formation of the Movement for Democratic
Change, after their indictment on charges they conspired to overthrow the
former government of President Robert Mugabe.

A spokesman for Mr. Tsvangirai's MDC grouping described the arrests as a
breach of faith that cast doubt on the longevity of the power-sharing
government. The attorney general and magistrate in question quickly
backpedaled, releasing most of the activists and a spokesman for Mr.
Mugabe's ZANU-PF party said it was committed to the unity government.

Touching on the vexed question of continued takeovers of white commercial
farms, which are undercutting the government's efforts to convince
international donors that the rule of law is back in place in Zimbabwe,
Tsvangirai said the takeovers reflect the strategy of a small group of
individuals who oppose the government - but won't be allowed to block its
program.

Tsvangirai said he anticipates a near-term solution to most, if not all the
outstanding issues he has taken up with President Robert Mugabe in a recent
series of discussions.

The former opposition leader, whose Movement for Democratic Change claimed a
majority in parliament within a decade of its formation, likened the
national unity government to a household in which there will always be
issues - but which serves the nation.

"This is a marriage. In marriage there are ups and downs, and its how you
manage your conflicts, how you manage your disagreements, and I can assure
you that very shortly we will be making an announcement, because we have
been talking," he said, referring to his recent talks with Mr. Mugabe on
settling issues troubling the power-sharing arrangement.

Tsvangirai offered similar reflections in remarks Friday to an audience of
exiled Zimbabweans at South Africa's University of the Witwatersrand.

"Don't be too paranoid about your obsession with Robert Mugabe because he
isn't going to go away, he is there," Tsvangirai declared. "Robert Mugabe
was part of the problem but he is also part of the solution, whether you
like it or not."

Three Months Into Power Sharing, Fault Lines Appear in Zimbabwean Parties

http://www.voanews.com

By Ntungamili Nkomo & Blessing Zulu
Washington
08 May 2009

The Movement for Democratic Change formation of Zimbabwean Deputy Prime
Minister Arthur Mutambara moved Friday to quell a revolt against Mutambara
and other party chiefs by suspending six officials, including three sitting
members of parliament.

Parliamentarians Abednico Bhebhe, Njabuliso Mguni and Norman Mpofu are
accused with three other party officials of organizing illegal rallies and
denouncing the party and its leadership.

The Movement for Democratic Change split in 2006 leaving the main formation
headed by MDC founder Morgan Tsvangirai, now prime minister, and
Bulawayo-centered grouping which eventually recruited Mutambara as its
president.

The politicians suspended from the Mutambara formation are also charged with
gross indiscipline and dismantling party structures around the country.

Their suspension reduces the size of the party's House caucus from 10 to
seven. The party could expel the rogue members - but would risk losing the
seats if all political parties do not respect the Global Political Agreement
of September 2008 setting out the terms of power-sharing, under which
legislative vacancies would be filled by the party holding the seat.

Lyson Mlambo, chairman of the party's disciplinary committee, said that if
the legislators are expelled, the party will simply choose replacements,
telling reporter Ntungamili Nkomo of VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that the
six officials went too far in dissenting.

Lawmaker Bhebhe, among the suspended, dismissed the move as meaningless.

President Robert Mugabe's ZANU-PF party has its own problems, meanwhile.

Sources said divisions in the former ruling party could undermine the unity
government.

They said the ZANU_PF faction led by retired general Solomon Mujuru is
accusing the faction headed by Emmerson Mnangagwa, said to be very close to
Mr. Mugabe and in line to succeed him, of trying to sabotage the so-called
all-inclusive government.

The Mnangagwa faction, backed by hardliners in the top ranks of the security
services, is said to have flexed its muscle by ordering Attorney General
Johannes Tomana to re-arrest rights activist Jestina Mukoko and others this
week, and instigating new farm invasions.

Insiders said the Mnangagwa faction fears the MDC will be credited with any
successes of the unity government, reducing ZANU-PF's chances of regaining
political control.

ZANU-PF insiders predict more strife with a five-year national congress due
in December. Mnangagwa's faction is said to be aiming to remove Vice
President Joyce Mujuru.

Reached for comment, Mnangagwa said talk of factionalism and sabotage was
"nonsense."

Cape Town-based analyst Glen Mpani told reporter Blessing Zulu of VOA's
Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that ZANU_PF does not seem to know how to mend the
divisions - which are not new but have been sharpened by the new and more
fluid political dispensation.

Zimbabwe PM: Get over obsession with Robert Mugabe

Associated Press

By MICHELLE FAUL - 2 hours ago

JOHANNESBURG (AP) - In an impassioned appeal Friday, Zimbabwe's
long-suffering Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai called for people to get
over their obsession with his longtime enemy, President Robert Mugabe.

And he urged the millions who have abandoned the southern African nation to
return to help rebuild its ruined economy.

Tsvangirai, who has been beaten up and tortured by Mugabe's thugs over the
years, said victims of repression and the perpetrators of the crimes should
reconcile.

He addressed white and black exiled Zimbabweans in an audience at South
Africa's University of the Witwatersrand, the first open forum Tsvangirai
has addressed since forming a unity government with Mugabe in February, but
the message also was intended for skeptical Western nations.

"Don't be too paranoid about your obsession with Robert Mugabe because he
isn't going to go away, he is there," Tsvangirai said. "Robert Mugabe was
part of the problem but he is also part of the solution, whether you like it
or not."

He was responding to a white man who declared, to applause, that Mugabe "has
almost single-handedly destroyed the country, lost two elections and yet is
still there ... Why do you have to sleep with the enemy? Is not the simple
solution that Mugabe goes?"

The United States, former colonizer Britain and others have called for
Zimbabwe's leader of 28 years to retire and, suspicious of Mugabe's
commitment, have not offered development aid despite desperate pleas the
unity government could collapse. Neighboring countries and an African bank
have pledged $650 million in credit lines - far from the $2 billion the
government says it needs just this year.

The power-sharing agreement was shaken badly Tuesday when a magistrate
revoked bail for a human rights advocate and 14 others abducted illegally,
and sent them back to the prison where they allege they were tortured. They
are accused of terror charges widely seen as trumped up.

Their re-detention was seen as a move by Mugabe to put pressure on
Tsvangirai after his party set a Monday deadline for resolving outstanding
issues that have dogged the unity government for months.

The magistrate ordered them freed the following day, acting on orders from
Mugabe and Tsvangirai, who said "So far as I am concerned the issue is
resolved."

But he made no mention of a journalist and two of his aides who remain under
police guard in the hospital for treatment from alleged torture.

Tsvangirai said Friday that his and Mugabe's parties have resolved nearly
all the outstanding issues and that an announcement would be made Tuesday.
Zimbabweans, and others, will be looking to see if Mugabe has made major
concessions or if Tsvangirai has again been forced to compromise.

The former trade union leader and longtime opposition veteran admitted
Friday that he had agreed to share power from a position of weakness as tens
of thousands of Zimbabweans were infected with cholera - more than 4,000
died - and schools and hospitals shut down as public services collapsed.
Hundreds of people had been killed and thousands of homes burnt in
state-sponsored violence, he said, while thousands were starving as
inflation topped 500 billion percent.

"We could not be the authors of death," Tsvangirai said, adding that he
keeps at the front of his mind the greater good of the people of Zimbabwe.

While Tsvangirai declared his country open for business and eager for
investment, he said the need to share land and businesses with black
Zimbabweans is not in dispute but that his government realizes it needs to
negotiate how that is accomplished.

The often-violent seizures of white-owned commercial farms was the start of
Zimbabwe's plunge into an economic, political and lawless morass that today
has most people in the former food exporter dependent on foreign handouts.
Mugabe said the farms would go to landless peasants but instead gave them to
generals and cronies who let fields fall fallow.

Tsvangirai said an independent land commission must be set up to
redistribute land.

When Zimbabwe became independent in 1980, after a guerrilla war to end white
supremacist rule, some 4,500 farmers owned two-thirds of the richest land.

"Land is an unfinished national agenda which means that until it is resolved
... it will continue to be an emerging issue every time there is conflict,"
Tsvangirai said.

"Don't continue to be stewing in your own hatred," he urged his people.
"Zimbabweans must never forget that if we do not reconcile and rebuild and
look to the future, this country will be forever trapped in this history of
tribal violence, of political violence."

Breast-feeding court clerk arrested in Zimbabwe

http://www.religiousintelligence.co.uk

 
Saturday, 9th May 2009. 8:47am

By: Kumbirai Mafunda.

HARARE Magistrate Catherine Chimanda on Friday granted bail to
Constance Gambara (26), a Clerk to High Court Judge Justice Chinembiri
Bhunu, who is charged with criminal abuse of duty as a public officer.

Gambara, who is breast-feeding her nine-month old baby, appeared in
court on Friday following her arrest on Wednesday on charges of violating
Section 174 (1) (b) of the Criminal Law Codification and Reform Act.

The State alleges that in April Gambara went to the High Court's
Registry with Justice Charles Hungwe's Order granting bail to three
political prisoners namely Kisimusi Dhlamini, Gandi Mudzingwa and Andrison
Manyere knowing fully the existence of another High Court Order issued by
Justice Bhunu, which had the effect of suspending Justice Hungwe's judgment.

As a result of Gambara's actions, the State alleges, the Registrar of
the High Court processed bail for the political detainees resulting in their
discharge from Chikurubi Maximum Prison, where they have been detained since
December 2008.

Magistrate Chimanda ordered Gambara to pay US$100 in bail money, to
report once a week to a nearest police station and not to interfere with
State witnesses.

But in what is becoming a normal trend, State Prosecutor Public Mpofu
immediately invoked section 121 of the Criminal Procedure and Evidence Act
(CPEA) -- a counter-measure, which government prosecutors often invoke to
effectively defeat the bail order and retain the accused persons in custody
for a further seven days to allow the State the opportunity to file an
appeal against the positive bail ruling.

By noting an intention to appeal, Magistrate Chimanda's order to
release Gambara was immediately suspended, and she was remanded in custody
to Friday May 12, 2009.

AG's office wants to charge Muchadehama

From Radio VOP, 8 May

Harare - The Attorney General's office is reportedly plotting to charge
human rights lawyer Alec Muchadehama for allegedly facilitating the improper
release of political prisoners. The Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZHLR)
said Thursday that the AG's office was trying to lay charges on Muchadehama
linked to the release of the prisoners. "Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights
(ZLHR) is dismayed and deeply saddened to learn about the machinations of
the Attorney General's (AG) Office and some police officers in plotting to
arrest human rights lawyer Alec Muchadehama for allegedly facilitating the
improper release of three political detainees, Andrison Manyere from
Chikurubi Maximum Prison and Gandhi Mudzingwa, Kisimusi Dhlamini," ZLHR said
in a statement. ZLHR said as part of the plot, several law officers and
defence lawyers are also being targeted. "ZLHR is reliably informed that
Justice Bhunu's clerk and the Assistant Registrar, who signed the Warrant of
Liberation for Manyere, Mudzingwa and Dhlamini on 17 April 2009, which
caused their discharge from prison were interrogated for several hours by
Chief Inspector Henry Dowa," said ZHLR.

Dowa was in 2003 withdrawn from the United Nations peacekeeping mission in
Kosovo owing to his past involvement in human rights abuses and torture in
Harare. "ZLHR is also aware that certain law officers in the AG's Office are
being forced to implicate defence lawyers for improperly aiding the
discharge of the three political prisoners from Chikurubi Maximum Prison,"
said ZLHR. Dhlamini, Manyere and Mudzingwa have been held in detention since
November 2008. High Court Judge, Justice Charles Hungwe, granted them bail
on Thursday 9 April 2009. However, the order was suspended for 7 days
following the invocation of Section 121 of the Criminal Procedure and
Evidence Act (CPEA) by the AG's office, preventing the three from regaining
their freedom. The State however failed to comply with the mandatory
provisions of Section 121 of the CPEA, as they did not file their appeal
within the prescribed time limits. The suspension of the Order granting bail
to the three political detainees therefore fell away and the Order of the
High Court became active by operation of the law. The three political
prisoners were released on bail in terms of the Order granted on 09 April
2009 by Justice Hungwe. They were later re-arrested. A bail application for
the three will be heard Friday.

Mbeki to thank for Zimbabwe's political gains, says Tsvangirai

From Business Day (SA), 9 May

Wilson Johwa

Zimbabwean Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai on Friday credited former
president Thabo Mbeki for the formation of the country's unity government,
whose work he described as irreversible. Tsvangirai said although he had had
"personal fights" with Mbeki, he still respected him. Zimbabwe's global
political agreement, which formed the basis for a unity government, was due
to Mbeki's efforts, he said. "All parties owe him a debt for those efforts."
In a candid talk to a mainly business audience in Johannesburg, Tsvangirai
took stock of his time in the inclusive government, now almost 100 days old.
"I'm pleased to report that we've made progress in a range of areas," he
said. Inflation had fallen from a record 500-billion percent to -3% at the
end of March, he said. Income values were being restored, while previously
empty supermarket shelves are now a thing of the past. Tsvangirai
acknowledged the persistence of market distortions, however. He also said
the restoration of the rule of law had been "frustratingly slow". He blamed
this on "residual resistance" by a faction of the ruling Zanu PF accustomed
to a culture of "entitlement and impunity". Tsvangirai said the inclusive
government "is here to stay" and those who could not live with it were
rendering themselves irrelevant. He found it frustrating as the country
could do much more a lot faster if the spirit was that of partnership rather
than opposition.

Yet the small improvements made in people's lives proved the Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) was correct in joining the unity government. "I'm
confident that we will pull this process through until the people of
Zimbabwe can choose their government freely," said Tsvangirai. The MDC
president described the first time he went to dinner with President Robert
Mugabe as the most difficult one-and-a-half hours of his life. "I thought of
running away." However, he had since mustered the courage to face up to what
was required. "Previously I could not countenance a situation where I could
say 'President Mugabe' . but now we can sit down and laugh ... it requires
patience." Although the country needed huge injections of international aid,
this would largely depend on what Zimbabweans themselves do, particularly
with regard the rule of law. There were still massive challenges, especially
in the health and education sectors, he said. Despite being aware of the
odds, Tsvangirai said he was not discouraged. "The will of the people is
stronger than the resistance of the few," he said.

While the first three months were about consolidating the government, the
next step was about setting tangible targets for government departments. He
said economic stabilisation and democracy were mutually dependent.
Tsvangirai, who has executive authority over the security agencies, said he
was not worried about their initial reluctance to accept him. "I'm not going
to waste my time worrying about who salutes me when people have no food and
the country is collapsing," he said. Various commissions were on the cards
to implement the changes that were needed. For instance, next week the
parliament was due to set up a media commission. Another initiative that had
got off the ground was the creation of a mechanism to engage Zimbabweans on
what process they wanted to follow in bringing about national healing.
Tsvangirai said failure to heal would trap Zimbabweans in a history of
hatred and acrimony. But reconciliation could not be achieved without truth
and justice, he said.

Chelsy Davy's father receives major Dubai investment in Zimbabwe game reserve stake

 

A game reserve in Zimbabwe part-owned by the father of Chelsy Davy, Prince Harry's former girlfriend, has a new majority investor, in a deal that demonstrates his closeness to Robert Mugabe's regime.

 

By Peta Thornycroft in Harare and Richard Spencer in Dubai
Last Updated: 12:28AM BST 09 May 2009

Chelsy Davy's father ( Rt) part owns a game reserve in Zimbabwe Photo: AP / Tania Coetzee

Charles Davy, along with the other owners of the Bubye Conservancy in Matabeleland South province, has accepted an investment in the 720,000-acre property by a consortium led by Dubai World, the sovereign investment company of the Arab emirate.

No other white landowner in Zimbabwe is known to have managed to raise such investment for years.

Among locals in the area, about 40 miles north of the South African border, it is said that around £10 million was paid for the stake in Bubye, which teems with game and luxury lodges and remains a favourite haunt of American big game hunters, who can shoot buffalo, leopard, lion, elephant, giraffe and rhino.

Mr Davy, who is in his sixties, has remained on the conservancy to manage its camps. He is listed as a director of at least one safari firm operating there, Mazunga Safaris, which bills the land as "a hunter's paradise".

He is one of only a few hundred white landowners who remain in Zimbabwe. Despite the Movement for Democratic Change's entry into government most are still fighting land invasions and fast-track prosecutions for trespass.

Virtually all white-owned commercial land has been listed in the state press since 2000 as to be acquired by the government and in 2006 a constitutional amendment nationalised land designated for acquisition, depriving the farmers of legal title to their properties.

In the meantime thousands had already been dispossessed, usually violently, in a campaign that began the downward spiral of the economy under Mr Mugabe.

Mr Davy, though, has a long-standing business relationship and friendship with one of Mr Mugabe's cabinet ministers, Webster Shamu, who is now information minister in the inclusive government.

The Bubye deal, agreed last year when Mr Mugabe's party was in sole charge but only publicly confirmed this week, could not have gone ahead without at least tacit approval from the authorities.

Trevor Gifford, president of the Commercial Farmers' Union, sought to contrast Mr Davy's position with that of ordinary white farmers.

"It is extraordinary that white farmers, even those on land covered by bilateral trade protection agreements are not safe from seizure, let alone white Zimbabwean farmers," he said. "Many farmers have operated as companies; none of their companies have been safe, they couldn't sell shares because they were targeted and have been evicted and chased.

"And yet here we see foreigners walk in and buy land and shares. But some whites are protected by Zanu-PF."

Mr Davy, who is not on either the European Union or American lists of Mugabe cronies subject to sanctions, did not respond to questions about how the sale was able to go through. The Daily Telegraph put questions to Mr Davy in January this year and again this week, after it was announced by Dubai World.

Last November he confirmed that he was one of "many shareholders" in the property. "The Bubye Conservancy was never owned by me, I am one of many shareholders. I have not sold and remain a shareholder," he said.

It was not clear whether Dubai World had bought its stake from existing shareholders, or new shares had been issued. The sale was brokered by a Russian financial firm, Renaissance Capital, which also took a stake in Bubye.

A Dubai World company official confirmed that it had bought into Bubye, and its chairman Sultan Ahmed bin Sulayem said: "Africa is a very interesting place.

"It is a place where you can see growth. In Africa, you will see double-digit growth.

"Africa is virgin, Africa has so much charm, nature."

Dubai World is one of the world's most active sovereign investment companies, running businesses from finance to real estate, and even the P&O shipping company.

Its principal shareholder is the ruler of Dubai, Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid al-Maktoum, who is best known in the West as one of the world's leading racehorse owners.

Dutch minister urges Zimbabwe to reform

http://www.radionetherlands.nl/

Published: Saturday 09 May 2009 20:01 UTC
Last updated: Saturday 09 May 2009 20:01 UTC
Dutch Development Minister Bert Koenders has told Zimbabwean Prime Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai that the Netherlands will only give his country funds if
it releases its political prisoners and introduces reforms. On Tuesday Prime
Minister Tsvangirai will name the conditions which will enable Zimbabwe to
cooperate with Europe. Mr Koenders will then discuss the possibility of
European aid for Zimbabwe with other European ministers in the near future.

Zimbabwe has requested billions of euros in aid from Western countries to
get the country back on its feet. There is a huge economic crisis in
Zimbabwe and the country is practically bankrupt. Minister Koenders and
Prime Minister Tsvangirai met during the inauguration of Jacob Zuma as
president of South Africa.

Mr Koenders said President Zuma has to address South Africa's huge
unemployment and poverty. He says the Netherlands will watch developments in
South Africa critically especially with regard to press freedom and
anti-corruption.

Govt yet to calm investor fears

http://www.zimonline.co.za/

by Andrew Moyo Saturday 09 May 2009

HARARE - The operating environment in Zimbabwe remains uncertain despite
"some positive policy changes" by a three months-old power-sharing
government, according to the country's largest platinum producer, Zimplats.

Urging shareholders to exercise caution in share dealings in Zimbabwe, the
platinum miner said a drive by the power-sharing government of President
Robert Mugabe, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and Deputy Prime Minister
Arthur Mutambara to address the country's myriad problems was being hampered
by a lack of funds.

"Shareholders are advised to exercise extreme caution in their share
dealings due to the very uncertain conditions prevailing in Zimbabwe," the
firm said in a report for the quarter ending March 31 2009.

"A coalition government involving all three parties with representation in
the Zimbabwe Parliament took office in February 2009. In the short period of
its existence, the new government has made some positive policy changes.

"However, government operations and therefore its ability to address
Zimbabwe's myriad problems are currently hampered by a lack of funds," the
company said.

Zimplats said in addition to problems related to the difficult and uncertain
operating environment, operations for the company could also affected
negatively "should the current level of metal prices be sustained".

On a positive note, Zimplats, which is majority-owned by neighbouring South
Africa's Implats, said it a US$340 million expansion programme at its Ngezi
operation south west of Harare was on course while it had secured an
additional 300 rand million (about US$35 million) from a South African bank
to see the project through.

The report by Zimplats appears cautious on prospects of doing business in
Zimbabwe but the country has generally seen a surge in interest from
potential investors following formation of the unity government last
February.

Once a model African economy, Zimbabwe is in the grip of an unprecedented
economic and humanitarian crisis marked by acute shortages of hard cash,
deepening poverty and record unemployment.

With formation of the unity government hope has returned that Zimbabwe could
finally end years of decline to regain its former status as a regional
breadbasket.

But failure by the government to attract direct financial support from
Western donor countries coupled with a determined push by hardliners in
Mugabe's Zanu (PF) party to collapse the administration have intensified
doubts about its durability. - ZimOnline

Looking forward to ‘Operation Allow the Police to be Professional Again’

Zimbabwe needs total media revolution

http://www.zimbabwejournalists.com

9th May 2009 14:53 GMT

By Chenjerai Chitsaru

NOT surprisingly, Edwina Spicer's documentary, Dancing Out of Tune, has
never been screened on state television, although it is a vital vehicle for
anyone with a desire to understand the history of the media in Zimbabwe.

ZTV may have screened it in the last eleven months - when some of us in many
high-density suburbs have had no electricity, hence no TV.

In Kariba recently, there was a gathering of journalists and others with a
responsibility for the media to map out the future of freedom of expression
in view of the "new dispensation".
I put the last in quotes because, in many vital respects, what has happened
in the months since last September has not signified any real change in
terms of the media. Four newspapers banned nearly six years ago under AIPPA
remain banned today, the most significant of them The Daily News and its
Sunday sister, The Daily News On Sunday.

Moreover, the ham-fisted attitude of the government towards the independent
media remains as Cold War-like as ever - the slightest criticism of the
government is treated as if it were an act of treason.

Journalists who dare perform their tasks with the requisite sense of
integrity and balance are routinely black-balled, black-listed or hauled off
to the courts or to jail - or six feet under this good earth.

Even within the independent media fraternity, journalists who dare to step
out of line, as far as maintaining cordial relations with the government are
concerned, are victimized, almost routinely too.

Edwina Spicer's documentary concerned itself mostly with the resurgence of
an independent media determined to tell the other side of the story - not
just the government's. A remark by one of those interviewed was a poignant
reminder of that old adage that the more things change, the more they remain
the same.

Before independence, most of the media was owned either by the government or
by a private media hardly distinguishable from the government, in terms of
what it stood for.
This would serve Zanu PF's purposes any time: the papers banned under AIPPA
were all considered so unalterably anti-government, they just had to be
silenced, as far as Zanu PF was concerned. This suggested, logically, that
those not touched by the long arm of censorship were on the government's
side.
The Financial Gazette was singled out.

Gideon Gono, the governor of the central bank, is a major shareholder. If
any proposals for a media revolution don't include the repeal of AIPPA, then
many advocates of a media transformation will be understandably
disappointed, if not outraged. South Africa remains the finest exemplar of
an African country not frightened of a completely free media the way a
vampire of scared of daylight.
The ANC, even under Thabo Mbeki, resisted strenuously any efforts by its
Communist Party and COSATU allies to tamper with the freedom of expression
enshrined in the post-apartheid constitution.

Under Jacob Zuma, things may turn out to be different, but so far, he has
not indicated freedom of expression as one of the early targets of his
ubiquitous machine gun.
For Zimbabwe, all four newspapers banned under AIPPA must be allowed to
return to the streets. If it has to entail a vote in Parliament, so be it.

There is no way in which Zimbabwe can claim to have achieved even a
semblance of change with the undemocratic, anti-people AIPPA still on the
Statute books. To many cynics, of course, that is not likely to happen as
long as Zanu PF and its present leader, Robert Mugabe, have the remotest
chance of determining anything that happens in this country for the
foreseeable future.

One obvious reason is that there are newspapers who will - routinely, it
must be emphasized - want to catalogue the series of events, political and
otherwise, which resulted in the advent of real political change.
In doing so, they will want to be faithful to the truth - to go beyond just
the rhetoric of the liberation struggle and the heroism of those people who
genuinely contributed to independence.

In other words, they will wish to "tell it like it is" - which may choke
some of the people who insist their real role ought to be camouflaged in
flowery language - and not the truth.
In many countries which underwent a transformation such as we are
confronting - Ghana, Nigeria, Liberia, Malawi and Zambia - there were few
residues of the old regime.
Not many of the countries went through the transition without hitches or
hiccups. Yet the people were determined, in most cases, not to tolerate the
excesses of the previous regimes.
In Zimbabwe, we cannot contemplate such a complete transformation without
taking account of the determination of Zanu PF to retain a grip - however
tenuous - on power.

Most of the top leaders of the party realize they will have a lot to answer
for. For instance, the refusal of the uniformed chiefs to salute the Prime
Minister is utterly puerile.
If it is a gesture founded from a last-ditch attempt to display contempt for
the change all Zimbabweans are eager to realize, then it has to be condemned
utterly.

If it has any rationale, then let us hear it rationalized - or the Minister
of Defence, Emmerson Mnangangwa must tell Parliament why the nation has to
be subjected to this massive insult to their choice of leaders.
If it is out of the personal pique of the individuals concerned, then it is
absolutely urgent for Zanu PF itself to spell out to the men why such a
gesture might endanger the future of the inclusive government.

Zanu PF has been doing more than dragging its feet in sticking to the letter
and spirit of the GNU agreement. In some respects, the party has moved two
steps backwards for every one step forward the MDC has taken.

Some people believe the overall plan is to so frustrate the opposition that
it will throw up its arms in despair and call off the whole thing.
Where would that leave Zimbabwe? Perhaps that is what Zanu PF is gunning
for - a return to the chaos, squalor and violence of the days before last
September, when there were killings, accompanied by an economic meltdown
which  was halted only after the MDC and the ruling party agreed to form the
inclusive government.

Today, most of the world has responded positively to the appeals for help.
Tendai Biti's latest announcement of new lines of credit available to the
country can surely not be viewed by Zanu PF as something to be sniffed at,
or to be dismissed as a minor triumph.
Things can be said to be moving forward, but we must all recognize that the
stakes are so high for Zanu PF, the party may prefer failure to success - if
it can postpone its own Day of Judgment.

The role of the Sadc leaders, who must take credit for bringing things as
far as they have gone must continue, with the emphasis to Zanu PF that this
process is more important than the mere survival of one party.

Zanu PF may want to reflect on what has happened to our independence since
1980. For a start, 20 000 people were killed hardly a year after 18 April.
By the mid-1990s, the economy was teetering on the brink of collapse and by
the beginning of the millennium, things had fallen apart completely.

It is excusable, to some extent, for Zanu PF to blame everyone else except
the party, for all this destruction. It is excusable only because people of
goodwill in Zimbabwe can appreciate that a Mea Culpa from Mugabe's lips
would be completely out of character: all of us now know the 85-year-old man
is beyond seeking redemption for his faults.

In the interests of saving Zimbabwe from total collapse, the people have
mostly decided that to forgiver is indeed divine. The least they can expect
from Zanu PF is a reciprocal gesture of conciliation. Any other response
could doom this country to eternal squalor.

Why GNUs always collapse in Africa

http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=16400

May 9, 2009

By George B.N. Ayittey

FED up with gratuitous mayhem and wanton destruction after years of
senseless civil war, the international community may apply maximum pressure
combatants to reach a cease-fire or peace accord.

Such peace accords have a dismal record in Africa.

They are shredded like confetti even before the ink on them is dry. However,
when they hold successfully for some time, the combatants - government and
rebel/opposition forces - are urged to come together and form a "government
of national unity" (GNU). The notion of former enemies sitting down together
to govern a country sounds infinitely appealing but it is fraught with grave
dangers, which explains why the experience with power-sharing in Africa in
recent times has been anything but salutary.

The first major hurdle to clear is how former mortal enemies, who in the
past plotted to kill each other, can bury their intense hatred and work
amicably together. This requires rekindling a heavy dose of trust among
these former enemies. Second, a GNU is essentially a formula for joint
state-sanctioned plunder of the country. GNU is often proposed to "bring
rebels and opposition leaders into government."

A number of ministerial or government positions are reserved for rebel
leaders.

At the 1999 Lome Peace Accord to end the civil war in Sierra Leone, for
example, rebel leader Foday Sankoh got Minister of Lands and Mines. At the
peace accord struck in January 2003 in France to resolve the crisis in Ivory
Coast envisioned a power-sharing deal between the government of President
Laurent Gbagbo, which controlled the southern half of this country, and the
rebel groups, who controlled the north and much of the west. But the formula
seldom works.

Bitter squabbles erupt over the distribution of government posts as nobody
is satisfied with the eventual distribution. Though a peace accord is an
exercise in "give and take," each side feels it is "stronger" and should,
therefore, be awarded more ministerial positions. In the case of the Ivory
Coast, a peace accord was signed in Ghana in January 2003, to establish a
government of national unity. It would include members of the ruling party
of President Laurent Gbagbo, the main rebel group (the Côte d'Ivoire
Patriotic Movement) and other political parties and rebel forces.

"There have been disagreements over the distribution of cabinet posts and
the January peace accord was greeted by a week of anti-French and anti-rebel
demonstrations in parts of the country " (Africa Recovery, Vol. 17, No. 1,
May 2003; p.3).

Government supporters bitterly opposed the allocation of two key ministerial
positions (interior and defense) to the rebel groups. At the March 7, 2003
peace conference in Ghana, the rebel groups said they will drop their claims
to the two pivotal cabinet positions in exchange for "other concessions from
Mr. Gbagbo's government, including an assurance that it would guarantee the
safety of their leaders and cede power to the man both sides have agreed
would lead the unity government as prime minister, a veteran politician
named Seydou Diarra" (The New York Times, March 8, 2003; p.A3).

But Mr. Gbagbo was reluctant to spell out the powers he would hand over to
Mr. Diarra until France exerted massive pressure. On September 23, the
rebels, calling themselves the New Forces, pulled out of the "national
reconciliation government" set up in March, claiming they had been denied
real power. Indeed, out of the 42 ministries, only 11, all run by President
Laurent Gbagbo, had budgets (The Economist, October 4, 2003; p.46).

Fighting resumed on September 25, threatening to re-ignite the civil war.

In most other cases, resentment inevitably builds over allocation of posts
and the composition of the government of national unity or reconciliation.

Squabbling over posts may lead to the resumption of hostilities and conflict
again - Angola in 1992, Congo in 1999, Sierra Leone in 2000, and Ivory Coast
in 2004.

As The New York Times (March 9, 2003) reported, "The ink had not yet dried
on another promise for peace in Ivory Coast as fighting broke out in its
unruly west overnight, with civilians fleeing their ransacked villages and
men firing at French soldiers who were there to enforce a cease-fire"
(p.A10). The French had to send in more troops to enforce the cease-fire.

Third, even a final agreement is reached on the distribution of posts,
African despots never honor power-sharing agreements to which they append
their signatures. Their promises and signatures are just for show as they
lack sincerity or commitment. They may agree to the creation of a post of
prime minister but deprive it of power or a budget to enable him to
function. Or they may try to kill the prime minister. Such was the case with
Ivory Coast's Prime Minister Guillaume Soro. On June 30, 2007, three rockets
hit his plane as it was landing at Bouake, killing four people. Mr. Soro
escaped death but John Garang, the prime minister in Sudan's GNU, was not
lucky.

For these reasons, a GNU seldom lasts. Angola's GNU did not last for more
than six months in 1992. In South Africa, former president de Klerk pulled
out of the GNU after barely one year when apartheid was dismantled in 1994.

Congo's GNU in 2003 created four vice-presidents but did not bring peace to
eastern Congo, especially the Bunia region. Burundi's civil war flared up in
August 2003 again, despite the establishment of a GNU, brokered by former
president Nelson Mandela and Ivory Coast's GNU established in January 2003
collapsed in less than a year.

Sudan's GNU, brokered in Kenya in 2005 barely lasted a year. After battling
the tyrannical regime of President Omar el Bashir of Sudan, the late Dr.
John Garang of the Sudanese People Liberation Army (SPLA), decided to join a
GNU. The agreement was supposed to foster peace by melding SPLM with the
ruling party, the National Congress Party, in a national unity government
that would rule Sudan until multiparty elections in 2009. But within nine
months, he had perished in a mysterious helicopter crash.  Though the
mystery was never solved, his widow blamed the Beshir regime. Six months
later, the rebel movement - now called Sudan People's Liberation Movement
(SPLM) abruptly pulled out of the national unity government on Oct 12, 2007.

The former rebels said "the move was intended to press Sudan's ruling party
to live up to the multifaceted agreement, which has been hobbled by disputes
over borders, troop movements and sharing Sudan's oil profits" (The New York
Times, Oct 12, 2007; p.A8).

Following Kenya's violent December 2007 elections in which 1 300 people
perished, a peace deal was reached and GNU created in February 2008. But
that deal has been floundering. The tribunal to try those suspected of
organizing the violence is yet to be created. Ominously, Prime Minister
Raila Odinga has been complaining bitterly that he has been sidelined and
excluded from major decision-making. He said President Kibaki has the habit
of "embarrassing" him publicly by failing to consult him on important
decisions.

They made an effort to reconcile in Kilaguni in April, 2009 but the fence
mending never got off the ground because the parties couldn't even agree on
an agenda. The bloated government of 44 ministries and 53 assistant
ministers has achieved little in a year. On April 6, 2009, Justice Minister,
Martha Karua, one of Kibaki's staunchest supporters, resigned, claiming that
she could not institute reforms.

Against this backdrop, Zimbabwe's GNU doesn't stand a chance. First, Mugabe's
Zanu-PF shows no interest in living to the letter of the Global Political
Agreement (GPA) reached on Sept 15, 2008. There has already been predictable
squabbling over the distribution of government positions. Article 20 of the
GPA stipulated 31 ministers and 15 deputy ministers, with 15 coming from
Zanu-PF, 13 MDC-T and 3 MDC-M for a total of 46. The most asinine GPA
proposition was the joint control of the Home Affairs ministry by Zanu-PF
and MDC-T.

However, Mugabe's Zanu-PF set out to grab all the key and important
ministries. It was originally allocated 15 but seized 22 anyway.  A furor
erupted and 15 additional ministries were created, bringing the total to 61.

Still, Mugabe is still not satisfied and transferred major portfolio powers
from Communications Minister Nelson Chamisa of MDC-T to Transport Minister
Nicholas Goche of Mugabe's own Zanu-PF party.

Confusion still reigns over who got what and the GPA is not being adhered
to. As soon as Roy Bennett, the deputy Agriculture Minister, returned from
exile to take up his post, he was promptly arrested and charged with
treason, although he has subsequently been released but has not been sworn
in.

Farm invasions are still continuing, as well as violence, abductions and
murders. And it is the police themselves and land officers and senators who
are going around illegally invading farms, looting and beating up farm
workers and farmers.

Second, a Joint Monitoring Implementation Committee or JOMIC was set up with
the mandate to monitor the implementation of the Global Political Agreement
and ensure that that Agreement is implemented to the fullest extent possible
in letter and spirit. But JOMIC started off without any resources nor
funding from the state. It does not even have an office or secretarial
staff. Even then, JOMIC has no power of enforcement; only an authority of
persuasion.

Third, it is unlikely the military generals, who vowed they will never
accept an MDC electoral victory, would support the unity government. Indeed,
hardliners in Zanu-PF, Joint Operations Command (JOC), the military and air
force have formed a clandestine group, the Social Revolutionary Council
(SRC), which operates from the president's office with the aim of sabotaging
the GPA.

Its members include Defense Minister Emmerson Mnangagwa, State Security
Minister Didymus Mutasa, Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe Governor Gideon Gono and
the commanders of the army and air force. The Social Revolutionary Council
is said to be behind the recent wave of invasions of white-owned commercial
farms and the continued detention and harassment of officials and activists
of MDC-T. Making matters even worse, MDC-M has itself split.

The fundamental flaw in Zimbabwe's Global Political Agreement is the fact
that it was brokered by government and opposition forces. Civil society was
excluded, which is "un-African."

(George B.N. Ayittey, Ph.D., Free Africa Foundation, Washington, DC)