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Amnesty International

      10 May 2005


Human rights defenders under siege

1. Introduction
Amnesty International is deeply concerned by the repression of human rights
defenders in Zimbabwe. The government, in an effort to conceal human rights
violations and prevent public protest and criticism of its actions, has
become increasingly intolerant of the work of human rights defenders and is
actively seeking to silence them.

The repression of human rights defenders takes many forms. In recent years
the government has used the law to violate defenders' rights to freedom of
expression, association and assembly, preventing them from freely forming
organizations, meeting together and criticizing government policy.
Individual defenders are arbitrarily arrested and detained, assaulted and
harassed by state agents. Some have been subjected to torture and inhuman or
degrading treatment. Human rights organizations are also subject to
intrusive and unwarranted state surveillance of their operations.

In 2004 the government introduced legislation that, if enforced, would ban
international human rights organizations from operating in Zimbabwe and
could be used to close down or severely restrict the work of national human
rights organizations. Despite criticism from human rights groups worldwide,
the Non-Governmental Organizations (NGO) Bill was passed by Zimbabwe's
Parliament on 9 December 2004. (1) However, it was not signed into law
before Parliamentary elections on 31 March 2005, and its future is now
unclear. Amnesty International believes that the NGO Bill was introduced in
order to intimidate human rights organizations through the threat of

Since the Parliamentary elections Amnesty International has noted, with
growing concern, the government's continuing repression of human rights
defenders, including numerous arbitrary arrests, serious assaults and

This report documents the Zimbabwe government's escalating repression of
civil society, and looks in particular at how organizations and individuals
that are critical of the government's human rights record or that mobilize
peaceful public demonstrations have become key targets of this repression.
The report contains recommendations to the Zimbabwean government for action
to protect human rights defenders. Specifically, Amnesty International is
calling for the repeal of all legislation that violates internationally
recognized human rights and undermines the work of human rights defenders,
and an end to state harassment of human rights defenders.

2. Zimbabwe's human rights obligations under international and national law
Zimbabwe's human rights obligations include both the commitments contained
in the Constitutional Bill of Rights and the international treaties to which
it is a State Party. Zimbabwe is State Party to, amongst others, the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the African
Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights (African Charter).(2)

Under Zimbabwe's legal system, international treaties which have been
acceded to or otherwise ratified are not automatically incorporated into
national legislation. According to Section 111b of the Zimbabwean
Constitution,(3) international conventions, treaties and agreements which
have been acceded to, concluded or executed only form part of Zimbabwean law
once an Act of Parliament has been passed. Neither the ICCPR nor the African
Charter has been incorporated into Zimbabwe's domestic laws.

However, under international law, international treaties must be observed in
good faith by those States which have ratified or acceded to them.
Furthermore, a State Party may not invoke the provisions of its national law
as justification for its failure to implement a treaty.(4) In this sense,
States Parties are obliged to repeal or amend domestic laws to ensure that
they are consistent with international treaties as well as to adopt measures
to ensure the implementation of the obligations contained in the treaties to
which they are party.

Freedom of expression, association and assembly
The rights to freedom of expression, association and assembly are
fundamental to the work of human rights defenders. These rights are
enshrined in the Constitution of Zimbabwe (sections 20 and 21), the ICCPR
(Articles 19, 21 and 22) and the African Charter (Articles 9, 10 and 11).

While the rights to freedom of expression, association and assembly are not
unlimited, international human rights law prevents governments from
arbitrarily restricting these rights. In respect of rights contained in the
ICCPR the UN Human Rights Committee has stated:
    "States Parties must refrain from violation of the rights recognized by
the Covenant and any restrictions on any of those rights must be permissible
under the relevant provisions of the Covenant. Where such restrictions are
made, States must demonstrate their necessity and only take such measures as
are proportionate to the pursuance of legitimate aims in order to ensure
continuous and effective protection of Covenant rights. In no case may the
restrictions be applied or invoked in a manner that would impair the essence
of a Covenant right."(5)

The African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights (African Commission) has
repeatedly affirmed the rights to freedom of expression, association and
assembly. The African Commission's Declaration of Principles on Freedom of
Expression in Africa, adopted at the 32nd Session of the African Commission
held in October 2002 in Gambia, reaffirms the fundamental importance of
freedom of expression as a means of ensuring respect for all human rights,
stating that freedom of expression is a fundamental human right and an
indispensable component of democracy.(6) The declaration makes clear that
any restrictions on freedom of expression should be prescribed by law, serve
a legitimate interest and be necessary and in a democratic society. This
echoes the language of the ICCPR which states:
    "No restrictions may be placed on the exercise of [the right to freedom
of association] other than those which are prescribed by law and which are
necessary in a democratic society in the interests of national security or
public safety, public order (ordre public), the protection of public health
or morals or the protection of the rights and freedoms of others."(7)

The African Commission Resolution on the Right to Freedom of Association
also makes specific reference to the limits of any restriction on the right
to freedom of association:
    1. The competent authorities should not override constitutional
provisions or undermine fundamental rights guaranteed by the constitution
and international standards;
    2. In regulating the use of this right, the competent authorities should
not enact provisions which would limit the exercise of this freedom;
    3. The regulation of the exercise of the right to freedom of association
should be consistent with State's obligations under the African Charter on
Human and Peoples' Rights." (8)

International human rights standards and human rights defenders
In clear recognition of the important work of human rights defenders, the UN
Declaration on the Right and Responsibility of Individuals, Groups and
Organs of Society to Promote and Protect Universally Recognized Human Rights
and Fundamental Freedoms (referred to as the UN Declaration on Human Rights
Defenders) was adopted by the UN General Assembly in 1999.(9) This
Declaration sets down a series of principles and standards aimed at ensuring
that states fully support the efforts of human rights defenders and ensure
that they are free to conduct their activities for the promotion, protection
and effective realization of human rights without hindrance or fear of

Key articles in the Declaration include the right to be informed about
fundamental rights and freedoms, and to meet and assemble peacefully for the
purpose of promoting universally recognized human rights. The Declaration
also confirms the right to criticize government policy and action in
relation to human rights, and the right to adequate protection and an
effective remedy when an individual's rights are violated as a result of
efforts to promote fundamental rights and freedoms.

Articles of the Declaration also deal specifically with the practical work
of human rights defenders, such as funding and resources for their work.
Human rights defenders cannot rely on being paid for the services they
provide; the victims of human rights violations and the other people
represented or assisted by defenders are often poor. The UN Declaration on
Human Rights Defenders guarantees to everyone the right to "solicit, receive
and utilize resources for the express purpose of promoting and protecting
human rights through peaceful means".(10)

The Declaration further states that human rights defenders, whether
individuals or organizations, should be subject only to such limitations as
are in accordance with applicable international obligations.(11)

The African Union (and the Organization of African Unity before it) has
repeatedly affirmed the importance of human rights defenders and the UN
Declaration on Human Rights Defenders. At the first Organization of African
Unity (OAU) Ministerial Conference on Human Rights at Grand Bay, Mauritius
in April 1999, the OAU called "on African governments to take appropriate
steps to implement the Declaration in Africa".(12)

In 2004 the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights appointed a
Special Rapporteur for Human Rights Defenders in Africa. In its resolution,
the African Commission called upon member states:
    "to promote and give full effect to the UN Declaration on Human Rights
Defenders, to take all necessary measures to ensure the protection of human
rights defenders and to include information on measures taken to protect
human rights defenders in their periodic reports". (13)

The African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights: fact-finding mission to
In 2002 the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights sent a
fact-finding mission to Zimbabwe. The mission took place in the context of
Zimbabwe's obligations under the African Charter on Human and Peoples'
Rights. Although the report of the fact-finding mission was adopted by the
African Commission in November 2003, in accordance with the Rules of
Procedure of the African Commission, it was not officially made public until
it had been considered by the African Union in January 2005.(14) In the
report, the African Commission makes a number of findings and
recommendations that are relevant to the work of human rights defenders in

The African Commission found that "the government had failed to chart a path
that signalled a commitment to the rule of law" and in its recommendations
stated that "the independence of the judiciary should be assured and that
court orders should be obeyed".

The Commission found that the government had introduced laws which
undermined freedom of expression and recommended that such laws be amended
to meet international standards for freedom of expression.

The Commission further stated that: "Legislation that prohibits the public
participation of NGOs in public education and human rights counselling must
be reviewed. The Private Voluntary Organizations Act should be repealed."

3. The tools and tactics of repression
Despite these international laws and standards Amnesty International has
found that human rights defenders in Zimbabwe are under siege. Human rights
defenders have played a vital role in exposing the human rights violations
that have taken place in Zimbabwe, particularly over the last five years.
They have also been instrumental in organizing peaceful public displays of
protest about human rights issues. In response, the government has attempted
to undermine and curtail their work by subjecting them to serious violations
of their human rights.

Additionally, because they are critical of the government, human rights
defenders are viewed as political players and supporters of the political
opposition, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). The Government of
Zimbabwe has repeatedly expressed the view that the MDC and certain human
rights organizations are being used by foreign governments to oust the
Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) from power and
effect "regime change".(15) Human rights defenders have been branded as
"subversive", "foreign-controlled" and "racist".

The following sections of this report examine the specific tools and tactics
which the Government of Zimbabwe has used in recent years in its attempt to
silence human rights defenders and thereby prevent exposure of and
accountability for human rights violations.

The law as a tool of repression(16)
Since 2002 the Government of Zimbabwe has introduced or revived several
pieces of legislation which restrict freedom of expression, association and
assembly, rights which - as noted above - are fundamental to the work of
human rights defenders. The authorities have used provisions in such
legislation in a discriminatory manner, applying the restrictive provisions
to critics of the government, but rarely to government supporters.

Laws which have most severely constrained the work of human rights defenders
in Zimbabwe include the Public Order and Security Act, the Access to
Information and Protection of Privacy Act, the Private Voluntary
Organizations Act and the Miscellaneous Offences Act. Many provisions of
these Acts directly contravene international human rights law and standards.

The Public Order and Security Act
In January 2002, the Special Representative of the UN Secretary General on
Human Rights Defenders sent an urgent communication to the Zimbabwean
authorities raising concerns that the Public Order and Security Bill, if
enacted, would restrict the rights to freedom of expression, association and
assembly.(17) The Public Order and Security Act (POSA) became law on 22
January 2002. Amnesty International believes that POSA fails to comply with
international law on the rights to freedom of expression, association and
assembly, in particular because it places unreasonable limitations on the
enjoyment of these freedoms.

Since its introduction POSA has been used by the authorities in Zimbabwe to
arbitrarily arrest hundreds of opposition supporters, independent media
workers and human rights defenders. This targeted use of POSA has resulted
in violations of Zimbabwean's rights to freely assemble, criticize the
government and President, and engage in, advocate or organize acts of
peaceful civil disobedience.

Under POSA the police must be notified four days in advance of any public
meeting or demonstration. In practice the police have interpreted the
requirement to "notify" as meaning that police permission is needed before a
public event can take place. The Act allows the police to prohibit public
events if they believe such events will result in public disorder. Amnesty
International believes this provision has been misused to prevent civic
groups and the political opposition from holding public meetings.
Furthermore, in practice the police have used arbitrary criteria to
distinguish between "private" and "public" gatherings, and have used POSA to
arrest people for meeting in their own homes or places of business.

Many human rights defenders arrested under POSA for allegedly participating
in "illegal" meetings or demonstrations have had the charges against them
dropped or dismissed in court due to lack of evidence.(18) Others have been
arrested under POSA only to have the charges changed to those of "conduct
likely to cause a breach of the peace", an offence under the Miscellaneous
Offences Act (MOA). According to Arnold Tsunga, Director of Zimbabwe Lawyers
for Human Rights, MOA is being used in conjunction with POSA to "create a
minefield for human rights activists", as virtually any conduct can be
deemed to be behavior likely to cause a breach of the peace.

    "Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights' experience has been that in the
majority of cases where human rights activists have been targeted for
persecution, the state initially charges them with violation of POSA and if
they meet with resistance, they normally downgrade the charges to violation
of a section of the MOA."(19)

Amnesty International is also concerned by the way in which the Zimbabwe
Republic Police use MOA to regularize arbitrary arrests. When human rights
defenders are arrested they are frequently offered the option to pay fines
under MOA - effectively an admission of guilt - in order to be released from
custody. Police have reportedly told detainees that if they do not pay a
fine then they will be detained for 48 hours or more and could face more
serious charges.(20) Squalid conditions in police holding cells and fear of
physical harassment force many defenders to pay fines for offences they have
not committed. This practice, which means police avoid a judicial review of
the legal grounds for the arrest, constitutes an abuse of police power and
establishes an environment in which the practice of arbitrary arrest can

The Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act
In many countries the media is a powerful tool for exposing human rights
abuses and holding governments to account. As a consequence media is often
severely restricted in countries where governments seek to commit abuses
with impunity. Over the past three years Zimbabwe's independent media has
come under sustained attack. The government has attempted to legalize this
repression - introducing the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy
Act (AIPPA) in March 2002. Amnesty International believes AIPPA is
inconsistent with international law and standards on freedom of expression.
The African Commission has described AIPPA as likely to have a "'chilling
effect' on freedom of expression and introduce a cloud of fear in media
circles" and has recommended that the law should be amended to meet
international standards for freedom of expression. (21)

Since its enactment AIPPA has been used to close down independent media,
arrest scores of journalists and prevent foreign journalists from working in
Zimbabwe. In 2003 this legislation was used to close down Zimbabwe's only
independent daily newspaper, the Daily News, and the weekly Daily News on
Sunday. It was also used to shut down the Daily Tribune, in 2004, and the
Weekly Times of Bulawayo in February 2005.

The case of the Daily News
The Daily News, Zimbabwe's only independent daily newspaper, was closed on
12 September 2003. Prior to its closure the paper, founded in 1999, was
strongly critical of the government's human rights record and regularly
published information on human rights abuses by state agents. The newspaper
was the target of repeated verbal attacks by government officials.

The Daily News was closed the day after the Supreme Court had ruled that the
newspaper was publishing illegally because it had not registered with the
state-controlled Media and Information Commission (MIC). Registration with
the MIC is a requirement of AIPPA. Amnesty International and other human
rights groups have criticized the MIC as a biased body which has severely
curtailed the independent media in Zimbabwe.

The Daily News had initially refused to apply for registration with the MIC,
considering the requirement to be unconstitutional. However, following the
12 September Supreme Court ruling, the publishers applied for registration.
The MIC refused to register the paper. The Daily News challenged the MIC's
refusal to grant registration and, on 24 October 2003, the Administrative
Court ordered that the Daily News be issued with a certificate of
registration. The MIC appealed this decision.(22) The day after this court
ruling the police took up occupation of the Daily News offices and refused
to allow the staff to resume work. On 19 December the Administrative Court
upheld the 24 October ruling. The authorities again failed to obey this
court order.(23) The two Administrative Court judges, who handed down the
rulings of 24 October and 19 December respectively, were subjected to
unfounded allegations of bias in the state newspaper, The Herald, and
threats to their safety. (24) On Friday 9 January 2004 the High Court
ordered the police to vacate the Daily News premises. The police initially
failed to comply with the court order.(25)

The police finally left the offices of the Daily News on 21 January 2004.
However, in February the paper was forced to close again after the Supreme
Court ruled on a constitutional challenge to sections of AIPPA, brought by
the Independent Journalists Association of Zimbabwe (IJAZ). The Supreme
Court ruling found that sections of AIPPA relating to registration of
journalists, which IJAZ challenged as unconstitutional, were in fact
constitutional. This left unregistered journalists open to prosecution.(26)

Despite the 24 October 2003 Administrative Court ruling, detailed above, the
MIC has consistently refused to register the Daily News or journalists
working for the paper.(27) On 14 March 2005 Zimbabwe's Supreme Court once
again ruled that AIPPA was constitutional, this time in response to a
challenge brought by Associated Newspapers of Zimbabwe, publishers of the
Daily News, but also ordered that the MIC should reconsider the newspaper's
application for registration.(28)

At the time of writing (April 2005) no decision on registration of the Daily
News had been announced. Whether or not the Daily News is finally registered
there remains an urgent need for the repeal or amendment of the law which
was used to close the paper in the first place. Failing this the possibility
remains of future de-registration, as well as further persecution of
independent newspapers and journalists in Zimbabwe.

The Private Voluntary Organizations Act, the NGO Bill and government
repression of human rights organizations
Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) - through which many of Zimbabwe's
human rights defenders work - have become a major target of government
repression in Zimbabwe. While organizations working on human rights,
democracy and governance have often been singled-out as targets, many other
organizations, including those engaged in humanitarian and development work,
have also been subjected to government attempts to curtail their

Once again the government has sought to use the law to legitimize its
attempts to place unreasonable restrictions on the work of human rights
defenders. In 2002 it revived the Private Voluntary Organizations (PVO) Act,
(30) a repressive law introduced under white minority rule. In September
2002, the Ministry of Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare published a
notice in the government newspaper, The Herald, advising NGOs to register
with the Ministry through the High Court in accordance with Section 6 of the
PVO Act. Section 6 reads: "[n]o private voluntary organization shall
commence or continue to carry on its activities; or seek financial
assistance from any source unless it has been registered in respect of the
particular object or objects in furtherance of which it is being conducted."
Section 25 of the PVO Act makes non-registration a criminal offence,
punishable by up to two months in prison. The notice warned that NGOs that
continued to operate without being registered risked prosecution and arrest.
The attempt to enforce this repressive legislation was seen by civic groups
as an attempt to control and silence organizations perceived to be
supporting the political opposition and those investigating and exposing
human rights violations.(31)

The PVO Act has been widely condemned. The African Commission on Human and
Peoples' Rights has recommended that it be repealed.(32) The Special
Representative of the UN Secretary General on Human Rights Defenders
expressed her concern that repressive provisions contained in national
legislation, including the PVO Act, were being used to prevent human rights
defenders and NGOs from carrying out their work. She stated that many NGOs
that had been performing human rights activities for a long time had been
rendered vulnerable by such overly restrictive legislation.(33)

In July 2004, the government introduced the NGO Bill, to replace the PVO
Act. The NGO legislation retains many of the PVO Act's more repressive
provisions, but also includes new provisions which further undermine the
work of human rights defenders. It makes specific reference to organizations
that "promote and protect human rights" and places added restrictions on the
operation and funding of such organizations. International human rights
organizations are barred from operating in Zimbabwe and national human
rights organizations are prohibited from receiving "foreign" funding.(34)
Under the NGO Bill all NGOs must register with a government-appointed NGO
Council, which is given very broad powers to regulate NGO activities. It is
a criminal offence, punishable by up to five months in prison, for any
person to be involved in the management or running of an NGO that is not
registered. Amnesty International believes that the NGO Council - like the
Media Information Commission provided for under AIPPA, does not offer the
necessary guarantees of independence and impartiality and could be used to
prevent the registration of any organization perceived to be critical of the
government, or to interfere unduly with the activities of such
organizations.(35) As with POSA, AIPPA and the PVO Act, the NGO Bill is the
subject of widespread criticism, from both inside and outside Zimbabwe.

For example, in November 2004 Zimbabwe's Parliamentary Legal Committee,
which comprises members of both main political parties, ZANU-PF and MDC,
submitted an adverse report on the NGO Bill to Parliament which stated:
    "the Bill, when read as a whole constitutes a determined and pervasive
attempt to curtail and extinguish the fundamental freedoms of the people of
Zimbabwe enshrined in the constitution.this bill is a cynical and
comprehensive attack on the rights of the people to organise themselves in
the promotion, protection, defense and advancement of their freedoms and
liberties.rather than seek to address the human rights situation as recorded
and reported by these NGOs, the government has, instead, chosen to kill the
messenger by seeking to control and close down NGOs."(36)

Amnesty International believes the NGO law is inconsistent with
international law and standards on, inter alia, the rights to freedom of
expression, association, assembly. Amnesty International's concerns about
the Bill's implications for human rights and human rights defenders were
conveyed to the Government of Zimbabwe by members of the movement in late

Despite such criticism, on 9 December 2004 the Parliament of Zimbabwe passed
the NGO Act. However, President Mugabe did not sign the Act into law before
the dissolution of Parliament on 30 March 2005 ahead of the Parliamentary
elections.(37) The future of the legislation is now unclear, but it may be
revived by the new Parliament. Amnesty International believes that if the
NGO legislation is revived it could be selectively implemented to target
critics of the government.

However, even as a Bill, the NGO legislation has had a significant negative
impact on NGOs in Zimbabwe, and particularly on human rights organizations.
Since its introduction in July 2004 directors and staff of NGOs have been
forced to divert time and resources away from core human rights work and
into challenging the proposed law and trying to predict and manage its
possible impacts on their work. NGOs have engaged in counter-advocacy and
contingency planning, and participated in NGO and government-run
consultations on the legislation. Despite the government's consultation
process, almost none of the recommendations made by NGOs were incorporated
into the legislation that was finally passed by Parliament on 9 December
2004.(38) Moreover, the uncertainty surrounding the future of the
legislation and the possibility that it could be revived by Parliament,
without any attempt to address human rights concerns, is in itself a source
of considerable concern and contributes to a highly insecure and tense
working environment for NGOs.

The insecurity surrounding the future of human rights NGOs has affected
funding for their work with some funders unwilling to disburse funds until
the situation becomes clearer. This has obvious knock-on impacts on NGO work
and programmes. Several NGOs have reported to Amnesty International that
they have suspended or restricted some aspects of their human rights work in
the last six months.

Many human rights organizations believe that the timing of the introduction
of the NGO legislation - in the months leading up to the 31 March
elections - may have been a deliberate attempt to restrict monitoring and
documentation human rights abuses and limit criticism of the government at
election time.

Since the elections the government has reverted to using the PVO Act. Under
its provisions the Minister of Public Service Labour and Social Welfare is
reported to have established a team of investigating officers, which has
been investigating NGOs in respect of various aspects of their
operations.(39) The government "probe team", as it is known, reportedly
includes intelligence officers. Zimbabwe's National Association of
Non-Governmental Organizations (NANGO) has stated that the probe team has
been paying unannounced visits to NGOs, and demanding to see documents
relating to activities and funding. NANGO has expressed concern that these
"raids" may be carried out for political rather than regulatory
purposes.(40) The investigation process is reported to be intimidating and
intrusive. The Zimbabwe Human Rights Association, one of the organizations
reportedly subjected to investigation, has described the process as
compounding "the climate of fear and harassment of human rights defenders"
in Zimbabwe.(41)

The UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders states that human rights
defenders, whether individuals or organizations, "shall be subject only to
such limitations as are in accordance with applicable international
obligations and are determined by law solely for the purpose of securing due
recognition and respect for the rights and freedoms of others and of meeting
the just requirements of morality, public order and the general welfare in a
democratic society".(42) Amnesty International believes that the PVO Act and
the NGO Bill are wholly inconsistent with this provision and are being used
by the Government of Zimbabwe as tools to intimidate and harass those
organizations that are critical of government.

Amnesty International strongly supports the recommendation of the African
Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights that the PVO Act be repealed.
Amnesty International further believes that any law governing the operations
of NGO and the work of human rights defenders must be fully in line with
Zimbabwe's human rights obligations. The NGO Bill and the PVO Act both limit
basic freedoms in a way that is unnecessary and unlawful under international
human rights law and impose unacceptable restrictions on the activities of
human rights defenders.

Violating the human rights of individual defenders
Individual human rights defenders in Zimbabwe have increasingly become the
victims of human rights violations. Since 2000 hundreds of human rights
defenders, including media workers, lawyers, judges and NGO staff, have been
subjected to intimidation, arbitrary arrest, assault and torture, targeted
because of their work to uphold and defend human rights. Many of these
abuses are carried out by state agents; in the majority of cases those
responsible have acted with impunity.

Arrest of Dr Frances Lovemore and harassment of Amani Trust
Amani Trust is a Zimbabwean human rights organization dedicated to assisting
victims of torture and organized violence. Many of the staff of Amani Trust
are medical professionals. The organization has consistently produced
detailed reports of human rights violations in Zimbabwe. Since 2002 Amani
Trust has been subject to a continuous campaign of harassment by the
authorities, which Amnesty International believes is directly related to the
organization's exposition of human rights violations. In August 2002, Dr
Frances Lovemore, Medical Director of Amani Trust, was arrested and charged
with "publishing or communicating false statements prejudicial to the
state". The charges against Dr Lovemore apparently stemmed from press
reports which referred to Amani Trust's work with victims of torture and
politically-motivated rape in Zimbabwe. The offices of Amani Trust were
raided and searched by police. Dr Lovemore was released the day after her
arrest and all charges against her were dropped due to insufficient


Torture of Gabriel Shumba and four others
On 15 January 2003 police arrested Gabriel Shumba, then a lawyer with the
Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum, together with an MDC Member of Parliament,
Job Sikhala, and MDC supporters Bishop Shumba, Taurai Magaya and Charles
Mutama. All five men were reportedly tortured in police custody. Medical
examinations later revealed that Job Sikhala and Gabriel Shumba had injuries
consistent with electric shocks to their genitals, mouth and feet. Both had
reportedly been forced to drink urine. In February, charges of treason
against the five men were dismissed by the Harare High Court for lack of
evidence.(44) No investigation into the alleged torture of Gabriel Shumba,
Job Sikala and those arrested with them is known to have taken place. No-one
has ever been charged in connection with the alleged torture. Gabriel Shumba's
case is now before the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights.


Serious assault on Dr Lovemore Madhuku, Chairman of the National
Constitutional Assembly
On 4 February 2004 Dr Lovemore Madhuku, Chairman of the National
Constitutional Assembly (NCA), an organization campaigning for
constitutional reform in Zimbabwe, was severely beaten when police officers
broke up a peaceful NCA demonstration outside Parliament. More than 100 NCA
demonstrators were arrested by police who reportedly used tear gas, dogs and
batons against them. Many sustained injuries. They were all released the
same day, on payment of fines under MOA. Dr Madhuku was taken from the site
of the demonstration to another location in Harare where police severely
beat him before dumping him on the outskirts of the city. (45) Dr Madhuku
was hospitalized for several days. As far as Amnesty International is aware
no investigation into the assault was ever conducted, nor has anyone been
charged in connection with the assault on Dr Madhuku.


Brutal assault on youth activist, Tinashe Chimedza
On 22 April 2004 police in Harare brutally assaulted youth activist Tinashe
Chimedza when he arrived to speak at an education forum. The police
reportedly detained him at the venue and assaulted him with batons, booted
feet and open palms. The police subsequently arrested him, charged him with
assaulting a police officer, and took him to Marlborough Police Station. At
the police station lawyers representing Tinashe Chimedza were verbally
abused by the police and one lawyer was briefly detained, without charge.
Tinashe Chimedza was later taken to hospital for treatment. He remained in
hospital for almost a week. (46) No investigation is known to have been
conducted into the assault on Tinashe Chimedza and no-one has ever been
charged in connection with the incident. This was not the first time Tinashe
Chimedza had been assaulted by the police. In 2002 Amnesty International
reported on the assault of Tinashe Chimedza by police at Harare Central
Police Station. Since 2001, Tinashe Chimedza has been arrested at least
eight times in his capacity as a student and youth activist.

Arrest of defenders Obert Chinhamo and Masawuko Maruwacha
On 2 September 2004 Obert Chinhamo of Amnesty International's Zimbabwe
section and Masawuko Maruwacha, then an employee with human rights
organization Non-violent Action and Strategies for Social Change, went to
investigate reports that police were forcibly evicting people from Porta
Farm - an informal settlement on the outskirts of Harare - in defiance of a
court order. When they arrived on the scene they were immediately arrested.
Although both men requested to know the grounds for their arrest police
refused to tell them. They were held overnight and charged the following day
with "inciting public violence", an offence under POSA. Following more than
five months on remand and repeated court appearances, in February 2005,
their lawyer applied to the court for a refusal of further remand on the
basis that the prosecutor had failed to try the two human rights defenders
within a reasonable period of time as required by the Constitution. The
prosecutor was apparently unable to produce witnesses in support of the
charge of inciting public violence. The court granted the application and on
21 February Obert Chinhamo and Masawuko Maruwacha were taken off remand and
no further action has been taken against them.(47) The pattern of repeated
court appearances but failure by the state to mount a prosecution has become
commonplace in Zimbabwe, and is a significant drain on the time and
resources of human rights defenders.


A combination of politicization of the police force, repressive legislation
and subversion of the rule of law has encouraged widespread abuse of the
power of arrest in Zimbabwe, with human rights defenders a major target.
Arbitrary arrest and detention, sometimes followed by the misuse of the law
to prosecute human rights defenders, is one of the most frequently reported
violations instigated against defenders to deter them from carrying out
human rights work. The use of the law or legal procedures as instruments to
harass defenders rather than to protect them was recently highlighted by the
UN Special Representative on Human Rights Defenders in her report of October
2004 to the UN General Assembly.(48) Such abuse is exemplified in the case
of the group Women of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA).

Case study: the repeated arrest, detention and physical abuse of Women of
Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA)(49)
Since February 2003 WOZA activists have repeatedly been arrested by the
Zimbabwe police while taking part in peaceful demonstrations to protest the
worsening social, economic and human rights situation in the country. The
treatment of WOZA illustrates the government's increasing intolerance of
peaceful public demonstrations expressing criticism of government policies.
It also highlights the way in which the law, particularly the combination of
POSA and MOA, is being used to effect arbitrary arrest and detention and
facilitate a range of other human rights violations by the police.

WOZA activists have been verbally and physically abused in police custody
and denied access to lawyers, food and water. Babies and young children have
been detained with their mothers, sometimes overnight in police cells.

The repeated pattern of arrest and detention (invariably in poor conditions)
has not deterred WOZA from organizing peaceful protests. WOZA activists know
and accept the risks attached to their activism. Between February 2003 and
March 2005 hundreds of WOZA members were arrested and dozens assaulted by
police officers.

For example, on 16 June 2004, 43 WOZA activists were arbitrarily arrested
while attending a private meeting in Bulawayo. Seven of the women had small
babies or children who were taken into custody with them. At Western
Commonage Police Station, a number of the activists were reportedly verbally
abused and assaulted by the police. Winnie Muzhanje was forced to kneel and
was hit with a sjambok (whip) on the soles of her feet while another
policeman slapped her. Nancy Malabwe and Patricia Mahole were also hit on
the soles of their feet and verbally abused by police officers. The officers
allegedly told the detainees that if they asked for a lawyer, they would be
held for several days. A human rights lawyer was initially denied access to
the activists. After further intervention by the lawyer, 39 of the activists
were released without charge on the same day. The four remaining activists
were charged under Section 24 of POSA, with failing to notify the
authorities of a public meeting, and detained overnight. However, when they
went to court the following day the prosecutor refused to press charges.

Arrested for participating in a sponsored walk and for "praying in public".
On 19 September 2004 more than 30 WOZA activists began a 440 km sponsored
walk from Bulawayo to the capital, Harare, to protest the NGO Bill and to
raise funds for women's rights work. Other activists joined the walk at
different stages. On 28 September police arrested 48 WOZA activists,
together with 4 men who were assisting them on the walk, some 60 km from
Harare. The police claimed the walkers had contravened POSA. Another woman,
Siphiwe Maseko, was arbitrarily detained the same day when she attempted to
deliver food to those in custody; she was released the following day without
charge. The rest of the group was held in custody until 1 October, when a
magistrate ruled that they had no case to answer. All were released.

On 29 September WOZA activists who had not been arrested the previous day
finished the walk, gathered at Africa Unity Square in Harare and held a
brief prayer service for those in detention. As they began to disperse, nine
activists were arrested by police, who reportedly claimed that they had
contravened Section 19 of POSA by "praying in public". Section 19 of POSA
refers to "gatherings conducing to riot, disorder or intolerance". The group
was detained at Harare Central Police Station where three of the women were
allegedly assaulted by a plain-clothes officer during interrogation. All of
the activists were released on bail on 1 October. When they appeared in
court on 13 October, no charge sheets were presented and all were released.

Arrests in 2005
In the first three months of 2005 when Amnesty International was researching
this report no less than 300 WOZA activists were arrested or detained by
police on four separate occasions.

On 17 January 2005 more than 20 women were arbitrarily arrested in Harare
after a WOZA demonstration to protest falling education standards. The WOZA
activists had dispersed when police officers arrived and began forcing women
they believed to be WOZA into police trucks. Several women were assaulted by
police with baton sticks while getting into trucks and inside the trucks. A
child being carried on her mother's back was hit by a police officer who was
assaulting the women. At the police station the assaults continued. A
57-year-old woman was reportedly kicked in the lower back. Several older
women were taken to a room where they saw what appeared to be blood on the
floor and were reportedly told that "people die here - you will die here".
The women were subsequently released on payment of fines under MOA.

On 12 February 2005 some 53 women were arrested after a WOZA demonstration
in Bulawayo to mark Valentine's Day. The activists marched with banners
proclaiming "The Power of Love can conquer the Love of Power" and handed out
roses to the public. At least three of the women arrested were reported to
be bystanders, not involved in the WOZA action. None of the women were taken
to court to face any charges. The prosecutor reportedly refused to take
court action under POSA. The activists were released over the following
three days on payment of "admission of guilt" fines under MOA.

On 8 March 2005 approximately 24 WOZA activists were detained by police in
Bulawayo when they attempted to stage a demonstration to mark International
Women's Day. Several of the women reported that they were taken to their
homes which police officers then searched. The police officers did not
produce search warrants. All of the activists were released later the same
day without charge.

On the evening of 31 March, the day of Zimbabwe's Parliamentary elections,
police arrested approximately 260 women, some carrying babies, when WOZA
attempted to hold a peaceful post-election prayer vigil at Africa Unity
Square in Harare.(50) During and after the arrests, several of the WOZA
activists were badly beaten. Some were forced to lie on the ground and were
beaten on the buttocks by police officers. Amongst those beaten by police
was a 74 year-old woman, who reports that she was told to "pray because you
are going to die". Others were beaten while trying to get out of police
vehicles. Several of the women were seriously injured and subsequently
hospitalized. None were given access to adequate medical treatment during
their detention.

The women and children were detained overnight in an open-air courtyard,
under armed guard. The detainees were initially denied access to lawyers.
Police reportedly told the women that they could pay a fine if they pleaded
guilty to minor offences under MOA, and would be released.(51) However if
they did not pay the fine, they were told they would remain in detention
over the weekend until 4 April when the courts re-opened, to face charges
under POSA. Over the course of 1 April all of the women - several of whom
were elderly, injured or with their children - elected to pay fines rather
than spend the weekend in the cells, during which time they could be
subjected to further harassment, threats and poor conditions. Once again MOA
was used to elicit "admissions" of guilt. Amnesty International believes
that in this case the "admissions" of guilt were elicited under duress and
constitute an abuse of due process and the rule of law. Human rights lawyers
acting for WOZA now plan to challenge the forced payment of fines in this

Undermining the justice system
A well-functioning justice system is vital to virtually all efforts to
improve respect for human rights. Zimbabwe's human rights defenders have
worked for truth, justice and reparation on behalf of the victims of human
rights violations and have consistently insisted on the independence and
impartiality of the judiciary as the cornerstone of human rights protection.

The Zimbabwean judiciary has members who have rigorously handed down
decisions that reflect their impartiality and independence. However, since
2000 several of these judges have been subjected to harassment and threats
by state agents and state-sponsored agents - targeted precisely because of
their neutrality and independence.(52)

For example, in November 2003 Justice Michael Majuru, the Administrative
Court judge who presided over the Daily News appeal against the MIC's
refusal to register the paper (see page 8, above) and who ordered that the
paper be registered, was forced to step down from the case after he was
accused of bias by the government-controlled newspaper, The Herald. While
hearing the Daily News case Justice Majuru was reportedly put under severe
pressure by senior ZANU-PF political figures not to allow the Daily News to
resume publishing. Justice Majuru subsequently left Zimbabwe, following
repeated threats to his safety.(53)

Undermining the effectiveness and independence of the judiciary has
contributed to a culture of impunity for politically-motivated human rights
violations in Zimbabwe.

The legal profession has also come under attack in Zimbabwe. Lawyers,
particularly human rights lawyers and those who represent members of the
political opposition, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), have been
subject to intimidation, arrest and physical abuse.(54)

    a.. On 18 March 2003 human rights defender and lawyer Gugulethu Moyo was
assaulted by the wife of an army commander when she went to a police station
to represent a detained photographer from the independent newspaper, the
Daily News. The woman apparently attacked Ms Moyo when she discovered she
worked for the Daily News. When another lawyer, Alec Muchadehama, tried to
come to her aid, he too was assaulted. Reports indicate that up to 60 police
officers witnessed the assault on Ms Moyo, but made no effort to intervene.
Both Gugulethu Moyo and Alec Muchadehama were then taken to Harare Central
Police Station. In the truck used to transport them Gugulethu Moyo was again
assaulted, this time by police officers reportedly acting on the orders of
the wife of the army commander.(55) She was beaten with baton sticks and
kicked with booted feet. Gugulethu Moyo was kept in police custody, without
charge, until 20 March. (56) No-one has ever been charged in connection with
the assault on Gugulethu Moyo, and indeed police subsequently charged Ms
Moyo with 'inciting public violence', based on allegations made by the wife
of the army commander.(57)
    b.. On 12 October 2003 human rights lawyer Beatrice Mtetwa was severely
beaten by a police officer when she called for assistance after thieves
tried to break into her car. She was reportedly punched and kicked all over
her body, sustaining severe bruising and cuts to her face, throat, arms and
legs. Other police officers reportedly witnessed the assault but did not
intervene. Beatrice Mtetwa has represented fellow human rights defenders,
opposition politicians and the Daily News.(58)
    c.. Lawyers are also frequently frustrated in their work - denied access
to clients and even to court buildings. Lawyers working with Zimbabwe
Lawyers for Human Rights, an organization that, amongst other things,
provides legal assistance to other human rights defenders who are arrested,
report that they are regularly prevent from accessing clients in police
custody and verbally abused by police officers.
    d.. The UN Special Rapporteur on the Independence of Judges and Lawyers,
Mr Param Cumaraswamy(59), has repeatedly expressed very grave concerns over
the deterioration of the rule of law in Zimbabwe, and what he has described
as "systematic attacks on the independence of judges and lawyers by the
Government and its agencies".(60)

State media as a tool of repression
Zimbabwe's government-controlled media has become a powerful tool for
intimidating human rights defenders. State newspapers, television and radio
have been used to vilify both human rights organizations and individual
human rights defenders. These attacks attempt to portray human rights
defenders as involved in criminal or subversive activities, or as
unpatriotic and undermining the image of the nation. The Special
Representative of the UN Secretary General on the situation of human rights
defenders has repeatedly expressed concern that defenders in Zimbabwe have
been subjected to defamation campaigns in government-run media.(61)

For example in January 2002 the government-controlled newspaper, The Herald,
alleged that Amani Trust had been ''funding covert operations against
Zimbabwe African National Union - Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF)''.(62) On 9 May
2002 the Chronicle newspaper named Amnesty International, ZimRights, the
Legal Resources Foundation as "three organizations known to be on an
anti-Zimbabwe and anti-government crusade".(63) In a series of articles in
July and August 2003 the Sunday Mail accused the Zimbabwe Association of
Doctors for Human Rights of "having a political agenda to demonize the
Zimbabwe government" and of being a creation of Britain that "was allegedly
formed to prepare a dossier meant to document false accusations of human
rights abuses".(64) On 29 November 2003 The Herald newspaper described
Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights as "a phoney non governmental organization
which in fact does the bidding of foreign governments, and sees rights of
all those that are not white farmers or members of the MDC as non-human

In mid-2004 several human rights organizations were subjected to attacks in
the government-controlled media in connection with a report on Zimbabwe
produced by the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights. Although
the report was not officially made public until 2005, the content, which is
critical of the human rights situation in Zimbabwe, was widely leaked at the
time of the African Union Assembly of Heads of State and Government in July

The state-controlled media printed several stories naming and vilifying
human rights organizations, and individuals who work for those
organizations, claiming that they "wrote" the African Commission report or
gave misleading or false information to the fact-finding mission. Amongst
those subjected to written or verbal attacks, including by government
ministers, were Amani Trust and the Zimbabwe Association of Doctors for
Human Rights.(66)

For example The Herald, a state-controlled newspaper, wrote on 6 July 2004:
    "According to the sources, the (African Commission) report was similar
to reports produced by the British-funded Amani Trust, which is well-known
for its anti-Zimbabwe stance and falsifying the situation in the country".

On 11 July 2004 an article in the state-controlled Sunday Mail accused the
Zimbabwe Association of Doctors for Human Rights of being a political group
and a vehicle through which "forces are trying to spread malicious reports
about the human rights situation in the country".

An editorial in the Sunday Mail on 11 July stated:
    "Reading through the [African Commission's] report one detects the hand
of a known Zimbabwean lawyer and the Amani racists."(67)

Rather than engage with the findings and recommendations of the African
Commission, the Government has sought to discredit its report and further
undermine national human rights organizations.

Amnesty International believes that such unsubstantiated accusations are
intended to divert attention away from the abuses that human rights
defenders report and create a climate of fear within the human rights
community in Zimbabwe. They can also be seen as the state condoning attacks
on human rights defenders.

4. Conclusions and Recommendations
Amnesty International has repeatedly expressed serious concern about
government harassment and intimidation of human rights defenders and the
misuse of national legislation to suppress freedoms of expression,
association and assembly and silence dissent in Zimbabwe. Amnesty
International believes that this campaign of repression is aimed at
curtailing the activities of human rights defenders and preventing the
investigation, documentation and reporting of human rights violations.
Amnesty International has noted with concern the unrelenting nature of the
government's repression of human rights defenders, including numerous recent
incidents arbitrary arrests, serious assaults and intimidation.

Human rights defenders are entitled to enjoy the rights and freedoms
recognized in the Universal Declaration on Human Rights, the ICCPR and the
African Charter, and the protection of the national law. They should be free
to carry out their human rights activities, without interference. Their work
must be protected and supported, rather than restricted, because of the
vital contribution they make to any community, at any stage of social or
political development.

The organization therefore makes the following recommendations to the
Government of Zimbabwe.

Recommendations to the Government of Zimbabwe:

1. Repeal or amend all national legislation which is incompatible with
international human rights law and standards including the International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the African Charter on Human and
Peoples' Rights.
In particular, the government must amend or repeal repressive provisions of
the Public Order and Security Act, the Access to Information and Protection
of Privacy Act and the Private Voluntary Organizations Act. Any law that
replaces the Private Voluntary Organizations Act should be fully in line
with Zimbabwe's human rights obligations and international standards in
respect of human rights defenders.
2. Ensure that the principles contained in the Declaration on the Right and
Responsibility of Individuals, Groups and Organs of Society to Promote and
Protect Universally Recognized Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms are
incorporated into national law and fully implemented.
Authorities at all levels of government should explicitly commit themselves
to promoting respect, protection and fulfilment for human rights, and to the
protection of human rights defenders.
3. Fully implement the recommendations contained in the report of the
African Commission fact-finding mission to Zimbabwe.
Amnesty International urges the Government of Zimbabwe not to undermine the
African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights in its efforts to discharge
its mandate under the African Charter, to which Zimbabwe is a state party.
4. Incorporate international human rights law and standards into national
law and ensure all provisions are fully implemented.
As Zimbabwe has ratified, inter alia, the International Covenant on Civil
and Political Rights and the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights,
national legislation must be brought into line with the fundamental rights
and freedoms contained in these legal standards, recognizing and impartially
enforcing them.
5. Issue invitations to the following: the UN Special Rapporteurs on torture
and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, the promotion
and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression, the
independence of judges and lawyers and the Special Representative of the UN
Secretary General on the situation of human rights defenders and the African
Commission Special Rapporteur on Human Rights Defenders.
6. End the human rights violations by the police and other law enforcement
officials and ensure that police officers abide by the highest standards of
professionalism and respect for human rights.
The Government of Zimbabwe must cease to use the police and other law
enforcement officials for political purposes, including for the suppression
of peaceful public assemblies and the persecution of opposition parties,
independent media workers and human rights defenders.
7. Protect the right of all Zimbabweans to an effective remedy, including
access to justice, restitution, compensation and rehabilitation, by
respecting the judgments of the courts of Zimbabwe (without prejudice to the
right of appeal) and enforcing judicial remedies.
8. Protect the independence and impartiality of the judiciary as the
cornerstone of a State committed to upholding its human rights obligations.
Measures should be put in place to ensure that the independence of the
judiciary is safeguarded in line with the UN Basic Principles on the
Independence of the Judiciary.
9. Investigate all cases of torture, ill-treatment, unlawful arrest and
detention and, if sufficient evidence is gathered, prosecute the suspected
Ensure that prompt, thorough and impartial investigations are conducted into
all human rights violations, including those committed against human rights
defenders. If sufficient evidence is gathered, the suspected perpetrators
should be prosecuted and the victims or their relatives provided with full
reparation. The results of such investigations should be made public.
10. Ensure that human rights defenders have equal access to the law and that
judicial investigations and proceedings against them are conducted in
accordance with international law and standards for fair trial.

Recommendations to the international community

Recommendations to all members of the African Union:
1. Publicly state that human rights violations in Zimbabwe are unacceptable.
2. Publicly call on the Government of Zimbabwe to fully implement the
recommendations made by the African Commission in the report of its 2002
fact-finding mission to Zimbabwe.
African Union (AU) members should provide assistance to Zimbabwe -
consistent with the mandate of the AU - to implement these recommendations.

Annex 1: An analysis of human rights concerns in Zimbabwe's NGO Bill
In the NGO Bill the definition of an NGO has been broadened, now covering
almost every category of civic organization. All NGOs must register with a
government-appointed Non-Governmental Organizations Council and NGOs must
reapply for registration under the legislation each year. It is a criminal
offence, punishable by up to five months in prison, for any person to be
involved in the management or running of an NGO that is not registered.

The NGO Council provided for in the Bill consists of six representatives of
NGOs and nine representatives of the government. The government's
representatives must hold at least the rank of under-secretary, and will be
drawn from various government ministries. All members of the Council will be
appointed by the Minister for Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare.
While NGOs can nominate their NGO representatives, the Minister has the
power to accept or reject any nominee, and to appoint an alternative
representative who does not have the backing of the NGO community. Quorum
for the Council is eight - which means that the Council can carry out its
activities with only government representatives present.

The Council will have very broad powers to regulate all activities of NGOs.
For example, the Council can reject an application for registration "if it
appears to the Council that the organization is not operating bona fide in
furtherance of the objectives stated in its application for registration".
The Council can also issue a certificate of registration subject to "such
conditions as the Council may impose", and can cancel certificates of
registration at any time. Zimbabwe's Parliamentary Legal Committee described
the registration process prescribed in the NGO Bill as "inconsistent with
sections 17, 19, 20 and 21 of the Constitution"(68), which respectively
uphold the rights to privacy, conscience, freedom of expression, association
and assembly.

The Council is empowered to investigate any NGO if "maladministration" is
discovered. "Maladministration" is very broadly defined and includes "any
contravention of any provision of a code of conduct as may be prescribed".
The Code of Conduct does not exist and will be formulated by the Council.
Given the composition and rules of the Council, the Code of Conduct will
need to be scrutinized in respect of human rights protection.

Amnesty International believes that the NGO Council - like the Media and
Information Commission provided for under AIPPA, which has overseen the
severe repression of independent media in Zimbabwe - does not offer
necessary guarantees of independence and impartiality and it is likely to
prevent the registration of any organization perceived to be critical of the
government, or to interfere unduly with the activities of such
organizations. In its analysis of the NGO Bill the International Bar
Association described the NGO Council as having "virtually open-ended powers
to control the fate and activities of NGOs when compared to [the PVO

An issue of particular concern for human rights is that the NGO Bill
contains specific references to NGOs that work on human rights, stating that
"no foreign non-governmental organization shall be registered if its sole or
principle objectives involve or include issues of governance." The Bill
defines "issues of governance" as including "the promotion and protection of
human rights". A "foreign" NGO is defined as any NGO that "does not consist
exclusively of permanent residents or citizens of Zimbabwe".

Such provisions mean that several human rights organizations will no longer
be able to legally operate in Zimbabwe. Amnesty International views these
restrictions on NGO operations as a violation of the right to freedom of
association and contrary to the UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders,
which affirms the right of everyone to, individually and in association with
others, promote and strive for the protection and realization of human
rights at the national and international levels.

The legislation prohibits national NGOs from receiving "foreign funding or
donations to carry out activities involved in or including issues of
governance" (again activities defined as including the promotion and
protection of human rights). This provision has several grave implications
for human rights defenders and for victims of human rights violations in
Zimbabwe. The funding which NGOs need to operate legal and medical programs
cannot be found in Zimbabwe, particularly in the current economic climate
which is characterized by severe contraction of the economy, unemployment
and high inflation.(70) Several human rights organizations are heavily
dependent upon "foreign" donations. Amnesty International believes that this
provision of the proposed legislation is inconsistent with Article 13 of the
UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders which guarantees everyone the right
to solicit, receive and utilize resources for the express purpose of
promoting and protecting human rights through peaceful means. This provision
is also detrimental to victims of human rights violations, who are often


(1) For a human rights critique of the proposed NGO Act see, amongst others:
Amnesty International, "NGO Act is a gross violation of human rights", 10
December 2004, AI Index: AFR 46/039/2004; International Bar Association,
"Analysis of the Zimbabwe Non-governmental Organizations Bill, 2004", 24
August 2004; Human Rights Watch, "Proposed law on NGOs would violate basic
rights", 4 September 2004; Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights, "Zim NGO Bill:
Dangerous for human rights defenders", July 2004; Parliament of Zimbabwe,
"Parliamentary Legal Committee adverse report on the NGO Bill [H.B. 13,
2004]", 9 November 2004.

(2) Zimbabwe acceded to the ICCPR in 1991 and ratified the African Charter
in 1986.

(3) The Constitution of Zimbabwe (As amended to No.16 of 20 April 2000).

(4) See articles 26 and 27 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties
(1969). Although Zimbabwe is not a party to the Vienna Convention on the Law
of Treaties, Article 26, which refers to the principle of pacta sunt
servanda stating that "Every treaty in force is binding upon the parties to
it and must be performed by them in good faith", is recognized as a rule of
customary international law. Further to Zimbabwe's accession to the ICCPR in
1991, Article 49.2 of the ICCPR states that "[f]or each State ratifying the
present Covenant or acceding to it . the present Covenant shall enter into
force three months after the date of the deposit of its own instrument of
ratification or instrument of accession."

(5) General Comment No. 31, Nature of the General Legal Obligation Imposed
on States Parties to the Covenant, 26 May 2004, CCPR/C/21/Rev.1/Add.1, para.

(6) African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights, Declaration of
Principles on Freedom of Expression in Africa, I(1), October 2002, Gambia.

(7) ICCPR, Article 22 (2).

(8) African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights, Resolution on the Right
to Freedom of Association, Tunis, March, 1992.

(9) A/RES/53/144, 8 March 1999.

(10) UN Declaration on the Right and Responsibility of Individuals, Groups
and Organs of Society to Promote and Protect Universally Recognized Human
Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, Article 13.

(11) Ibid., Article 17.

(12) Organization of African Unity, Grand Bay (Mauritius) Declaration and
Plan Of Action, adopted at Grand Bay, Mauritius on 16 April 1999, para 19.

(13) African Commission, Resolution on Protection of Human Rights Defenders
in Africa, 35th Ordinary Session, Banjul, the Gambia, June 2004. See also,
Amnesty International, "Towards the Promotion and Protection of the Rights
of Human Rights Defenders in Africa. Amnesty International's recommendations
to the Focal Point on Human Rights Defenders of the African Commission on
Human and Peoples' Rights", 19 March 2004, AI Index: IOR 63/004/2004.

(14) The report of the mission, containing its findings and recommendations
to the government, was adopted by the African Commission at its 34th
Ordinary Session in November 2003. See: Final Communiqué of the 34th
Ordinary Session of the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights,
para 16, Gambia, 20 November 2003; In accordance with its Rules of Procedure
the African Commission forwards its final mission reports to the governments
concerned for comments. The report and the government's comments - if any -
are then submitted to the African Union (AU) Assembly of Heads of State and
Government. The African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights (African
Charter) provides that all measures taken within the provisions of the
Charter remain confidential until the AU Assembly decides otherwise.
Following consideration by the AU Assembly, the Commission's Annual Activity
Reports, which include reports on missions and other activities, shall be
made public. See: Article 59 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples'

(15) See for example: Comments by the Government of Zimbabwe on the Report
of the Fact Finding Mission of the African Commission on Human and Peoples'
Rights; Response by the delegation of the Government of Zimbabwe to
statements by Non-governmental organizations. The Herald (Zimbabwe) "NGOs
have failed to effect regime change", 30 July 2004

(16) This section draws on Amnesty International's research on repressive
legislation presented in "Zimbabwe: Rights under siege", May 2003, AI Index
AFR 46/012/2003

(17) Special Representative of the Secretary General on Human Rights
Defenders, Report to the 59th Session of the UN Commission on Human Rights,
February 2003, E/CN.4/2003/104/Add.1, para. 513

(18) See Amnesty International, "Zimbabwe: Rights under siege", May 2003, AI
Index AFR 46/012/2003; Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights, "Human Rights
Defenders Emergency Fund, Programmatic Report", 2004.

(19) Tsunga, A., "An overview of the human rights situation in Zimbabwe,
with specific reference to repressive legislation, impunity, the state of
the administration of justice and selective application of the law", 20
February, 2004.

(20) See for example the case study on Women of Zimbabwe Arise, page 16 of
this report.

(21) African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights, 17th Annual Activity
Report, Annex II, Executive summary of the report of the fact-finding
mission to Zimbabwe 24th to 28th June 2002.

(22) The MIC appealed to the Supreme Court. The appeal was noted on 31
October 2003, case No. SC-320-03.

(23) In a Supreme Court ruling in March 2005 the court held that the noting
of the appeal by the MIC by the Supreme Court suspended the order of the
Administrative Court. See: Judgement No. SC. 111/04.

(24) Tsunga, A., "The legal profession and the judiciary as human rights
defenders in Zimbabwe in 2003. Separation or consolidation of powers on
behalf of the state?", July 2004.

(25) Amnesty International press release, "Zimbabwe: Unlawful suppression of
independent media", 13 January 2004, AI Index: AFR 46/001/2004.

(26) SC 136/02

(27) Media Institute of Southern Africa Media Alert, "No Accreditation for
ANZ journalists", 10 February 2004

(28) Judgement No. SC. 111/04

(29) Amnesty International, "Zimbabwe: Power and hunger - violations of the
right to food", October 2004, AI Index 46/026/2004, section 6.2

(30) The PVO was enacted in 1967. For an analysis of the PVO see Amnesty
International, "Zimbabwe: Rights under siege", May 2003, AI Index AFR

(31) Kagoro, B. Legal opinion on the notice to all PVOs not registered with
the Ministry of Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare in terms of
section 9 of the PVO Act [Chapter 12:04], 24 September 2002.

(32) African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights, 17th Annual Activity
Report, Annex II, Executive summary of the report of the fact-finding
mission to Zimbabwe 24th to 28th June 2002.

(33) Promotion and protection of human rights defenders, Report submitted by
Hina Jilani, Special Representative of the Secretary-General on the
situation of human rights defenders, E/CN.4/2004/94/Add.3.

(34) In the draft Bill the definition of "foreign funding" is any funding or
donation made by a person who is not a permanent resident of citizen of
Zimbabwe domiciled in Zimbabwe, any company that is not incorporated and
operational in Zimbabwe or any group or association of people that does not
consist exclusively of persons who permanent residents of citizens of
Zimbabwe domiciled in Zimbabwe.

(35) For a full analysis of the implications of the NGO Bill for human
rights defenders see Annex 1 of this report.

(36) Report of the Parliamentary Legal Committee in the Non-Governmental
Organizations Bill, [H.B. 13, 2004].

(37) The President has 21 days after receipt of legislation passed by
Parliament to sign such legislation into law. It is unclear when the NGO
Bill was sent to the President's office. Amnesty International has been
informed that the legislation was delivered to the President's office in
late January. According to Section 51 (3a) of Zimbabwe's Constitution "Where
the President withholds his assent to a Bill, the Bill shall be returned to
Parliament, and subject to the provisions of subsection (3b), the Bill shall
not again be presented for assent. Subsection (3b) reads "If within six
months after a Bill has been returned to Parliament in terms of subsection
(3a), Parliament resolves upon a motion supported by the votes of not less
that two-thirds of all members of Parliament that the Bill should again be
presented to the President for assent, the Bill shall be so presented and,
on such presentation, the President shall assent to the Bill within
twenty-one days of the presentation, unless he sooner dissolves Parliament."

(38) National Association of Non-Governmental Organisations, "The NGO Bill
process, as a matter of record", 16 December, 2004.

(39) IRIN, "Govt. confirms probe into NGO activities, funding",
Johannesburg, 2 May 2005.

(40) National Association of Non-Governmental Organizations, April 2005.

(41) Zimbabwe Human Rights Association, "Situation of Human Rights in
Africa. Statement by ZimRights at the 37th Ordinary Session of the ACHPR",
April 2005.

(42) Article 17 of the UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders.

(43) Amnesty International, "Zimbabwe: Government authorities intensify
their campaign to silence dissent", 2 September 2002, AI Index: AFR

(44) Amnesty International Report 2004, AI Index: POL 10/004/2004.

(45) Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights, Human Rights Defenders Emergency
Fund Programmatic Report 2004.

(46) Amnesty International interview with Tinashe Chimedza, May 2004.

(47) Amnesty International interviews with Obert Chinhamo and Masawuko
Maruwacha in January and February 2005 and with human rights lawyer Alec
Muchadehama in April 2005.

(48) UN doc. A/59/401Report by the Special Representative of the Secretary
General on Human Rights Defenders, 1 October 2004.

(49) The information contained in this case study is based on Amnesty
International interviews with individual WOZA members who have been arrested
and with interviews with human rights lawyers who have acted for WOZA.

(50) Some activists were arrested after they began to gather in Africa Unity
Square. However, police also arrested women in the vicinity of the Square
and women at a railway station believed to be members of WOZA.

(51) Initially the women were reportedly told they could plead guilt to road
traffic offences, although there is no traffic in Africa Unity Square. The
police subsequently referred to MOA.

(52) Amnesty International reports 2001, 2002, 2003 and 2004.

(53) See: Amnesty International Report 2004, AI Index: POL/004/2004.

(54) Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights have reported on numerous incidents
of lawyers being denied access to clients, detained and assaulted by police.
See for example, "Arrest and detention of Bulawayo lawyers and civic
leaders", 6 June 2003; "ZLHR laments the brutal attack on a leading human
rights lawyer", 16 October 2003.

(55) Amnesty International believes that the serious assault on Ms Moyo
underlines the deeply compromised nature of the police in Zimbabwe - not
only did police officers fail to prevent the assault, they allegedly acted
on the instructions of the wife of an army commander - a person with no
authority within the Zimbabwe Republic Police command structures.

(56) Tsunga, A., "The legal profession and the judiciary as human rights
defenders in Zimbabwe in 2003. Separation or consolidation of powers on
behalf of the state?", July 2004.

(57) On 30 June 2003, the police charged Gugulethu Moyo with 'inciting
public violence' an offence under section 19 of POSA. This alleged crime was
supposed to have taken place at the time on 18 March 2003, when she alleges
she was being assaulted by the police. According to police officials in
Zimbabwe's Law and Order Department, the alleged crime had been reported to
them by wife of the army commander - the person Ms Moyo alleges assaulted
her. This charge has not been pursued in the courts.

(58) Amnesty International report 2004, AI Index: POL 10/004/2004.

(59) Mr Cumaraswany finished his term as Special Rapporteur in July 2003 and
was succeeded by Mr Leandro Despouy.

(60) Report of the Special Rapporteur on the independence of judges and
lawyers, Dato' Param Cumaraswamy, submitted in accordance with Commission on
Human Rights resolution 2001/39, E/CN.4/2002/72, 11 February 2002 and Report
of the Special Rapporteur on the independence of judges and lawyers, Dato'
Param Cumaraswamy, submitted in accordance with Commission on Human Rights
Resolution 2002/43*, E/CN.4/2003/65 10 January 2003.

(61) Report submitted by Hina Jilani, the Special Representative of the UN
Secretary General on the situation of human rights defenders,
E/CN.4/2004/94, 15 January 2004.

(62) Amnesty International press release, "Zimbabwe: Baseless allegations
against civil society are an open invitation to attack them", 21 January
2002, AI Index AFR 46/003/2002. See also: Statement by Mashonaland Trustees
of Amani, 28 January, 2002.

(63) The Chronicle, "Crusade to demonize Zimbabwe", 9 May 2002 quoted from,
Zimbabwe Human Right Association (ZimRights), "Onslaught against Human
Rights Defenders in Zimbabwe - 2002 Report", 31 December 2002

(64) Quoted from Media Monitoring Project Zimbabwe, Monday August 18th -
Sunday August 24th 2003, Media weekly update 2003-33. See also: Sunday Mail,
"Doctors implicated in human rights scam", 20 July 2003; Sunday Mail,
"Uproar over attempts by UK to politicize doctors' association", Sunday Mail
17 August and "Suspicious doctors' group pushed out", 24 August 2003

(65) See: Tsunga, A., "The legal profession and the judiciary as human
rights defenders in Zimbabwe in 2003. Separation or consolidation of powers
on behalf of the state?", July 2004.

(66) The Herald, "AU rejects damning report on Zimbabwe", 6 July 2004;
Sunday Mail, 'Obscure political doctors group renews efforts to join Zima',
11 July 2004.

(67) Quoted from Tsunga, A. and Mugabe,T., Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights
"Zim NGO Bill: dangerous for human rights defenders - Betrays High Degree of
Gvt Paranoia and Contempt For the Regional and International Community",
July 28, 2004.

(68) Report of the Parliamentary Legal Committee in the Non-Governmental
Organizations Bill, [H.B. 13, 2004].

(69) International Bar Association, An analysis of the Zimbabwean
Non-governmental Organizations Bill, 2004, 24 August 2004.

(70) Zimbabwe's economy has contracted by 30% over the past five years.
Poverty has doubled since 1995 (source: IMF, 2004).
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Houston Chronicle

Confidence all but disappears
Zimbabwe's turnaround effort leaves nation short of food and fuel
Reuters News Service

HARARE, ZIMBABWE - Zimbabwe's business confidence has plumbed new lows as
the government's efforts to turn around the embattled economy have sparked a
fresh wave of food, fuel and foreign currency shortages, analysts said

"The latest shortages and the government's response have knocked down
business confidence to such a low level, maybe the lowest level we have seen
in the past year," private economic consultant John Robertson said.

"It's extremely difficult to have a positive outlook when things look so
depressing and when the responsible authorities spend most of their time
blaming everyone else."

A six-year recession
The economy has been in recession for the last six years, a decline critics
blame on President Robert Mugabe's fiscal policies, including the seizure of
white-owned farms, which has disrupted the country's commercial agricultural

In the past year, the economy seemed to be headed for recovery under a
turnaround program driven by central bank governor Gideon Gono, which saw
inflation slowing to 130 percent in January from over 620 percent the year

But analysts say in the last two months, the southern African country -
whose economy has contracted by 30 percent in the last five years - has
suffered severe fuel and power supply shortages blamed on a lack of foreign
currency for imports.

The central bank has said the latest round of fuel and electricity
shortages, which have crippled public transport and industrial operations,
resulted from state spending in the run-up to general parliamentary
elections on March 31.

Those polls were won by the ruling ZANU-PF amid charges of vote-rigging.

Mugabe, 81 and in power since independence from Britain in 1980, denies he
has rigged the last two major parliamentary polls and the 2002 presidential
election to stay in office against an opposition challenge fueled by the
economic crisis.

Mugabe's government accuses its domestic and foreign opponents of a "vicious
economic sabotage" campaign to undermine national confidence.

Media get blame
Last week his government accused "some sections of the media" of
spearheading a crusade against its economic turnaround program after reports
that Gono was facing resistance from Mugabe's Cabinet over plans for a big
devaluation of the Zimbabwe dollar against the U.S. dollar.

A Ministry of Information statement said Gono "enjoys the full and unstinted
support" of the government, and negative reporting on Zimbabwe's economic
revival program "is meant to dampen, dishearten and divide through gossip."

Political and economic analysts say Mugabe will struggle to turn around the
economy without massive external support from Western powers, which cut aid
and imposed sanctions on his government over Zimbabwe's election issues and
land seizures.

Mugabe said he has adopted a "Look East" policy and added that his
once-prosperous nation is poised for an economic rebound with assistance
from countries such as China, Iran, Malaysia, Indonesia and Thailand.

Food shortage widespread
For now, Zimbabwe is struggling with food shortages, affecting about a
quarter of its 12 million population, caused by drought and problems in its
agricultural sector, and has seen a resurgence of a black market in foreign
currency and fuel.

Local media reports say the U.S. dollar is trading at about Z$20,000,
compared with Z$6,200 on the official market.

Zimbabwe's main business bodies, wary of the government's sensitivity to
criticism, have over the last two months been calling on "the authorities"
to step in to stop the slide.

"Both the Confederation of Zimbabwe Industries and the Zimbabwe National
Chamber of Commerce know the political problems and cannot speak too loudly
and openly ... but they will tell you privately that business confidence in
the turnaround program has collapsed," one Confederation of Zimbabwe
Industries member said.
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Zim uncovers visa scam
09/05/2005 23:33  - (SA)

Harare - Authorities discovered a false visa racket operating through
Harare's international airport, leading Zimbabwe police to arrest two
immigration officials, the government daily reported on Monday.

Five other immigration officials were fired, after investigators discovered
at least 26 false visas had been issued to Nigerian, Lebanese and Pakistani
nations, the Herald Newspaper reported.

Chief immigration officer Elasto-Marvellous Mugwadi told the paper that
clerks at Harare's airport and at a remote post on the border with Botswana
and Zambia were suspected of illegally selling documents to foreigners.

He said the clerks had tampered with the system for issuing residence and
temporary work permits, giving false receipts and pocketing the money.
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Zim Online

Zimbabwe vice-president to seek treatment in South Africa
Tue 10 May 2005
  HARARE - President Robert Mugabe's first Vice-President Joseph Msika is
reportedly ill and sources said he might be travelling to South Africa
"soon" for treatment.

      According to sources, who work in the health industry, Msika, who has
been out of the public eye since last month, is suffering from a respiratory
infection and has been receiving treatment from the state-owned Parirenyatwa

      Last night, a visibly pale Msika was shown at his Harare home on
state-owned television in what observers said might have been an attempt by
the government to dispel rumours that he was ill. Mugabe's health and those
of his senior government officials is kept a closely guarded secret in

      At the weekend Mugabe's spokesman George Charamba also told the Press
that the 82-year old Msika was not ill and that his absence from the
public - until his
      reappearance on television last night - was because he was busy
attending to private family matters.

      But sources said Msika, who was promoted vice-president after the
death in 1999 of founder of Zimbabwean nationalism and former vice president
Joshua Nkomo, was admitted to Parirenyatwa on Tuesday last week. He was
discharged from the hospital two days later, they said.

      "He is on the mend now but he still has to get some specialist medical
attention in South Africa," said one medical official in Harare, who
insisted on not being named for professional reasons. He added: "He (Msika)
was attended to by two specialist physicians last week. He looked much
better after the treatment,
      but he needs some more attention which can only be available outside
the country."

      The same sources said Msika's wife, Maria, had also been to the
privately-owned Avenues Clinic in Harare for treatment for a similar disease
as the one afflicting her husband. It was not clear whether she will also
travel to South Africa for treatment.

      A pioneer of the bitter struggle that brought Zimbabwe's independence
from Britain in 1980, Msika was deputy president of Nkomo's PF ZAPU party
that fought for independence together with Mugabe's ZANU PF.

      He is expected to step down together with Mugabe in 2008 and in the
event that Msika is unable to continue in office because of illness, his
earlier departure would add a new twist to the unresolved and divisive
question of Mugabe's succession.

      At present, second Vice-President Joyce Mujuru is regarded as the
leading candidate to succeed Mugabe and anyone appointed to replace Msika
would certainly be well positioned to rival Mujuru for the top job.

      Mugabe may however opt not to name a replacement for Msika, which
could be seen as virtual confirmation he does not wish to have anyone
challenging Mujuru for the presidency. -ZimOnline

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The Herald

CSC battles to settle US$20 million debt

Business Reporter
THE Cold Storage Company (CSC), Zimbabwe's largest beef processor, is still
battling to settle its debt amounting to over US$20 million comprising both
local and foreign creditors.

The Government took over $10 billion debt from the parastatal, which has
been facing serious financial constraints for several years, but despite the
State's generosity the CSC has been unable to clear the balance.

Among the local creditors owed is another State entity, National Oil Company
of Zimbabwe (Noczim), and various beef industry service providers.

However, this paper could not ascertain the external creditors by the time
of going to print.

"We are not in a position to repay our debt as a result of foreign currency
problems that are emanating from the depressed export markets," confirmed a
senior company official who requested anonymity.

The company suspended beef exports to the lucrative European Union (EU) in
1999, following the outbreak of foot-and-mouth disease resulting in beef
earnings declining from US$48,2 million in 1998 to US$1,5 million in 2003.

Arrangements had been put in place to service the debt as the company has
"engaged the Government and the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe to service the
debt", said the official.

"The central bank and the Government are now looking at ways to resolve the
debt issue and transform the parastatal from loss-making entity into a
viable one.

"The company is also looking at ways of establishing new foreign markets to
broaden its foreign currency streams as well as to consolidate the existing
ones," said the official, stressing that it was the parastatal's aim to
resume beef exports to EU by the beginning of 2006.

"Obviously, if we broaden our foreign market base it means we will be in a
better position to enhance our foreign currency inflows," he said.

CSC has on several occasions mooted several strategies to transform the
company without success. Last year, the Government turned down the company's
request for $117 billion in the 2005 National Budget.

Since the company has been failing to access funding from the market, part
of the bid ($100 billion) was meant for rebuilding the national herd,
especially in the commercial sector, which experienced a decline from 1,7
million to 300 000 due to successive droughts.

The company is also set to receive $350 billion from the Reserve Bank of
Zimbabwe under the Parastatals and Local Authorities Re-orientation
Programme (PLARP), which is meant to breathe new life into local authorities
and parastatals, described by the central bank as the "missing link" in the
country's turnaround efforts.
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The Herald

Six Zanu-PF supporters appear in court

Herald reporter
SIX Zanu-PF supporters, who allegedly went to Domboshava Training College
and demanded the immediate dismissal of suspected MDC supporters employed at
the centre, appeared before a Harare magistrate yesterday.

Siphelile Zhakata (48), Petros Derera (45), Mary Manziyatunya (49), Letwin
Sefast (49), Francisca Makanza (42) and William Hondu (40) were not asked to
plead to the charges of contravening the Public Order and Security Act when
they appeared before magistrate Ms Marehwanazvo Gofa.

Ms Gofa remanded the six out of custody to May 23 this year on $20 000 bail

The State alleges that the accused, who are residents of Pote Ward under
Chief Chinamhora, allegedly led a group of Zanu-PF youths and went to the
Domboshava Training College singing revolutionary songs and chanting ruling
party slogans.

It is alleged that the six demanded to see the college executive officer, Mr
Steven Macheza, and the deputy principal, Mr Martin Matsenhura.

When they saw the two, they allegedly demanded to know why they had employed
MDC youths as general hands at the centre instead of Zanu-PF youths who
stirred the ruling party to victory in the just-ended parliamentary

They allegedly demanded to see the workers at the centre whom they later
forced to remove their overalls before telling them that they were no longer
employees of the institute.

The State alleges that they handed the overalls to the caretaker and then
submitted a list of their youths whom they said should be employed by the
training institute.

Lessons at the centre were also disrupted as a result of the incident, the
court also heard.

The court also heard that before leaving, the six allegedly threatened Mr
Matsenhura with bodily harm if he failed to take heed of their demands. A
report was made to the police leading to the arrest of the six.

Mr Archie Wochiwunga of the Attorney General's appeared for the State.
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The Herald

40t maize crop burnt

Herald Reporters
ABOUT 40 tonnes of maize went up in smoke at Musonzowa Farm in Banket,
Mashonaland West Province, yesterday after farm workers from an adjacent
plot started a fire while clearing a patch of land they wanted to act as a

The farm belongs to A2 farmer Mr Aiden Mutasa who is the Grain Marketing
Board (GMB) Banket depot manager.

Mr Mutasa said he was still trying to come to terms with the loss after
investing a lot of money to produce the crop.

"My neighbour's workers started the fire without any means of controlling it
and all hell broke loose. The maize in the field caught the fire and
everything in the field was destroyed," he said.

He said this was not the first time that neighbours around his farm had
started fires that went on to destroy crops.

"Year after year, fires have been caused in this area and crops are
destroyed. This is not the form of agriculture we want because it's a
typically poor form of farming," said Mr Mutasa.

He was resettled at the 120-hectare farm in 2002 and this year he was
expecting to deliver about 100 tonnes of maize to the GMB.

Mr Mutasa said last year he managed to produce 120 tonnes of maize and the
loss came as a huge drawback in his endeavours.

"I have electricity bills to pay and now I don't just know where to start
from. Where is the money going to come from?" he lamented.

Some parts of the country this year experienced reduced yields of the maize
crop because of unreliable rainfall.

Over the past few years, the country has suffered perennial droughts and
cyclone-induced floods that destroyed crops and infrastructure such as roads
and bridges in most parts of the country.

In Harare, a stack of wheat screening was smouldered on Sunday afternoon at
the National Foods Aspindale depot in Workington industrial area.

The smouldering, which was due to normal build-up within stacks was
discovered by the company's personnel during a routine process.

The fire brigade was promptly called and arrived at the scene within 15

"The smouldering was put under control to the wheat screening area, which is
situated far away from the factory and, hence, no damage was caused to the
factory," said a company official.

Wheat chaff is sometimes used in low-value ruminant feeds.

Being chaff, the company said, the monetary loss was minimal and salvaging
efforts were in progress.

When The Herald visited the factory yesterday, company officials were still
assessing the monetary loss.

National Foods agri-business director Dr Remi Chihora said there had been
some exaggerations with respect to the damage the fire had caused.

"Right now the factory is operating normally and no customer has been
prejudiced as all orders would be delivered according to schedule," said Dr
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The Herald

Bakeries unilaterally hike bread price

Herald Reporter
SOME retailers and bakeries in Harare and surrounding rural areas have
unilaterally increased the price of bread by about 60 percent with some of
them selling a loaf of bread at $5 000 instead of the gazetted price of $3

A survey by The Herald yesterday in Harare and surrounding areas such as
Domboshava and Musana communal lands showed that some shops had illegally
hiked the price of bread.

In Harare some shops in the city centre and outlying suburbs of Mbare,
Mabvuku and Tafara were selling a loaf of bread at prices ranging between $4
000 and 5 000.

Some bakeries were even selling a loaf of bread for as much as $5 500.

An official with one of the small bakeries in the city centre said they had
no option but to increase the price of bread without Government approval
because of rising operational costs.

"Everything is going up including the price of flour and it is no longer
viable to sell a loaf of bread at $3 500," he said.

A businessman at Muchapondwa Business Centre in Musana communal lands, who
said the profit they derived from selling bread was very minimal, echoed the
same sentiments.

"Imagine I am buying bread on a wholesale price of about $4 000 a loaf from
an indigenous bakery in Bindura and if you factor in transport costs we are
left with no option but to sell the bread for at least $5 000 per loaf," he

Efforts to get a comment yesterday from the National Bakers' Association
were fruitless as the association's chairman Mr Armitage Chikwavira's mobile
phone was unreachable.

There has been a shortage of bread during the past few weeks and bakeries
have attributed this shortage to increased demand of the commodity.

Zimbabwe requires about 7 500 tonnes of wheat a week to produce 6 000 tonnes
of flour to feed the nation.

Of this amount, more than 5 000 tonnes are supplied to the baking industry
while the remainder is channelled to other purposes.

The price of bread was last increased officially last December by about 10

In June last year, some retailers and bakeries were forced to reduce the
price of bread from $2 900 to between $2 500 and $2 800 per loaf following
consumer resistance.
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National Review

May 10, 2005, 8:04 a.m.
China's Zombie Countries
Bringing dictators back to life.

By Dana Dillon

In Haitian folklore, zombies are people reanimated from near death and
enslaved to the witch doctor that revived them. Could it be that China's
leaders are taking their cues from Haiti?

From Burma to Nepal to Zimbabwe, China is providing political, diplomatic,
and security support to failing dictatorships. Beijing gives just enough
help for the dictator to survive sanctions and domestic popular revolts,
while the PRC gains a dependent state.

The faux-Communist witch doctors of Beijing are not propping up these
unsuccessful governments for ideological reasons - quite the opposite. Nepal
is an absolute monarchy, Burma is a military dictatorship, and Zimbabwe is
governed by a once democratically chosen leader gone bad. In repayment for
reanimating these near-dead regimes, the PRC is demanding - and getting -
obedience to its nationalistic policies of creating strategic space around
China, isolating Taiwan, securing critical resources, and guaranteeing
markets for Chinese products.

The partial enslavement of the zombie countries is clearly demonstrated in
China's newest acquisition, Nepal. Nepal is struggling through a bloody
civil war with Maoist rebels. The Maoists have managed to gain the upper
hand in a large part of the country and can, on occasion, isolate Katmandu.
King Gyanendra's response to his failing counter-insurgency strategy was to
dissolve the government and declare his monarchy absolute. He then ordered
the Nepalese security forces to suppress all opposition. Consequently,
India, the United States and Britain all condemned the king's actions and
cut off military aid to Nepal. China stepped up with a zombie-making potion
of political acceptance and security assistance.

China's Foreign Minister, Li Zaoxing, visited Nepal and declared that the
King's seizure of power was "an internal matter for Nepal." For his part,
King Gyanendra announced that "China is a reliable friend of Nepal." On
April 22-24, Gyanendra will visit China for an economic conference, his
first visit abroad since he seized power.

In exchange for Beijing's diplomatic support, Nepal is turning on its
defenseless Tibetan refugees. China's ambassador declared that "Nepal is
very important to the stability and prosperity of Tibet." King Gynandera
replied to the Foreign Minister that "Nepal firmly supports the one-China
policy of your government and will never allow any anti-China activities in
Nepal's territory." Gyanendra subsequently shut down offices representing
the Tibetan government-in-exile that had operated in Nepal since 1960 and
began a pogrom of persecution of Tibetan refugees that included forced

Furthermore, China is enslaving Nepal's economy as well. China is among the
top-five donor countries to Nepal, but Chinese aid is largely aimed at
supporting Chinese businesses and tapping Nepal's natural resources to the
exclusion of Nepalese businesses. Nepal had been pushing for more equal
trade terms to counteract its enormous trade imbalance with China, but since
Gyanendra took over the country concrete remedies have failed to

Zimbabwe's descent to zombie status is no more mysterious than Gyanendra's
near-death experience. Zimbabwe is a resource-rich southern African nation,
suffering a major economic crisis, with inflation at 400 percent and
unemployment at about 70 percent. Zimbabwe's per-capita income has nosedived
over the past eight years from $682 in 1998 to $521 in 2002. President
Robert Mugabe abused his office to suppress opposition parties and maintain
his grip on power. His ruling party won an overwhelming victory in March
2005 in elections not believed to be free or fair by most Western countries.

Amid sanctions imposed by the European Union and the United States, China
delivered $240 million in military goods to Zimbabwe including thousands of
AK-47 assault rifles, riot gear, and mobile water cannons. Mugabe's security
forces used the weapons to break up opposition political rallies and
demonstrations. Beijing also provided radio-jamming equipment to Harare,
thwarting pro-democracy broadcasts during the last "election" campaign.

In return for China's military equipment, President Mugabe is said to have
promised China land and access to mineral resources. In November 2004, Wu
Bangguo, chairman of the standing committee of China's National People's
Congress, paid a visit to Zimbabwe and signed six economic agreements.
Emmerson Mnangagwa, speaker of the Zimbabwean national assembly said the
national assembly would lay down laws to ensure that high priority be given
to the Chinese enterprises.

Although there are no Tibetan refugees to persecute in Zimbabwe, Mugabe does
his best to please his new master by helping to isolate Taiwan. The ministry
of foreign affairs of Zimbabwe said in March 2005 that Zimbabwe firmly
supports China's anti-secession law, which authorizes the use of military
force to prevent Taiwanese independence.

Burma and North Korea have been zombies so long that they may now be in
permanent vegetative states, but the persistence of these two regimes beyond
their long-expected demise is a clear demonstration of the efficacy of
China's policy. Burma has been under strict international sanctions since it
violently suppressed a popular revolt in 1988, but there is no sign of the
junta's imminent collapse. North Korea's economy completely failed in the
1990s, starving to death an estimated 1.5 million people, but Kim Jong Il
blithely clings to power and is grooming his son as a successor.

Forced to compete with the American model of representative democracy, the
government of the People's Republic of China offers the third world a
non-ideological choice - liberty or tyranny. Of course, Beijing does not
offer this option to the third world's people, who no doubt yearn for
freedom and prosperity. Instead, the Chinese vision appeals only to failed
despots whose regimes can survive only with Chinese resuscitation - the

- Dana Dillon is a policy analyst at the Heritage Foundation.
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Clergy defy sceptics - urge talks between govt and MDC

[ This report does not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations]

JOHANNESBURG, 10 May 2005 (IRIN) - Human rights groups in Zimbabwe are
sceptical that renewed efforts by the clergy will break the current
political impasse between the ruling ZANU-PF party and the opposition
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).

Albert Musarurwa, chairman of the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum, said on
Tuesday that despite their "good intentions", it was unlikely that the
clergy would be able to broker a deal between the two main political

Last week Anglican Bishop Sebastian Bakare, head of the Protestant Zimbabwe
Council of Churches, confirmed plans to ask both parties to return to the
negotiating table. As a first step, Bakare told the Financial Gazette, an
independent local weekly newspaper, efforts were being made to secure an
appointment with Nathan Shamuyarira, ZANU-PF's secretary for information.

In July 2003 Bakare and two other prominent religious leaders met with
President Robert Mugabe and opposition leaders in attempt to thaw relations
between the two parties, but the effort was reportedly aborted when both
sides took intransigent positions.

Unofficial talks between the two parties have been on and off since the 2002
presidential election, which many poll observers rejected as flawed and
marred by political violence.

Human rights activists said religious leaders might find it difficult to
convince ZANU-PF to re-engage with the MDC, after the ruling party scored a
two-thirds majority in parliament in legislative elections on 31 March.

"Despite their good intentions, attempts by the church to get both parties
to engage in meaningful discussions have so far failed. Now, with ZANU-PF
having won an overwhelming majority in the elections, it is going to be even
more trying to get them [ZANU-PF] to the negotiating table. We would all
like to see some kind of breakthrough, but past experiences have proved
otherwise," Musarurwa told IRIN.

However, just days after the legislative, Mugabe said he would be willing to
work with the opposition inside and outside parliament, so long as the MDC
did not resort to mass political action.

MDC spokesman Paul Themba Nyati last week also seemed to encourage efforts
towards negotiations.

"As MDC we remain devoted and determined to engage in dialogue with anyone
who approaches us for engagement - that has always been our position," he
was quoted as saying.

Neighbouring South Africa said it was still optimistic that the parties
would find ways of working together and would assist if asked.

Addressing journalists last week in Pretoria, Deputy Foreign Affairs
Minister Aziz Pahad said South Africa would wait for emotions in Zimbabwe to
settle before attempting to find solutions to the political and economic

However, the MDC broke ties with South Africa soon after the March poll,
accusing President Thabo Mbeki's government of not having done enough to
ensure free and fair elections.

Zimbabwean analysts have suggested that Mugabe's government would do well to
at least appear to be engaging with the opposition and civil society, if
only to arrest economic decline.

Harare-based economist Denis Nikisi said: "Despite its loss at the polls,
the MDC still enjoys the sympathy of the international community, especially
major western countries, such as Britain and the United States.

"It would be a wise move if the government opens itself up to some kind of
cordial discussion with the MDC. This could possibly lead to the
international community softening its stance on the country, and we could
see some foreign business interest in the economy."

Amid the calls for renewed dialogue between the opposition and the
government, concerns remained over allegations of human rights abuses.
Amnesty International (AI) on Tuesday called on the Zimbabwean authorities
to stop harassing human rights campaigners, which AI claimed had been under
"sustained attack" in recent years.

In a new report, 'Zimbabwe: Human rights defenders under siege', the
London-based rights group said those campaigning against rights abuses were
particular targets, and catalogued actions against them, such as the
arbitrary arrest of hundreds of activists.

AI also noted that rights campaigners had been discredited in the
state-controlled media, while the independence of judges and lawyers was
being undermined by repeated harassment and assault.
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Zimbabwe Cuts Debt to Eskom to $2,4m

Business Day (Johannesburg)

May 10, 2005
Posted to the web May 10, 2005

Dumisani Muleyaand Khulu Phasiwe

THE Zimbabwe Electricity Supply Authority (Zesa) says it has reduced its
debt to SA's power utility, Eskom, from US$66m to US$2,4m.

Zesa corporate affairs manager Obert Nyatanga said that the power utility
had been able to reduce the debt, which had earlier resulted in Zimbabwe
being classified an "interruptible customer" by Eskom, because of financial
support from the central bank.

Zimbabwe imports 35% of its power needs from Eskom, Mozambique's
Hydroelectrica Cahora Bassa and the Democratic Republic of Congo's Snel.

The three utilities in the past cut supplies to Zimbabwe because of

Nyatanga said Zesa had already cleared its debt with HCB, and Snel.
Zimbabwe, mired in a deep political and economic crisis, was currently
paying for its power imports in advance due to its poor credit rating.

Eskom spokesman Fani Zulu confirmed yesterday that Zesa had been servicing
its debt, and said: "We anticipate that they will liquidate the debt in a
month or two."

The country needs $17m every month for electricity imports - but it has been
unable to raise the money due an acute foreign-currency shortage.

As a result of the forex crisis, there are also shortages of fuel, food, and

There is also a scarcity of basic commodities like maize meal, bread, milk,
cooking oil and soft drinks.

The shortages, caused largely by diminished production and damaging price
controls, resurfaced after the disputed parliamentary election in March, won
by President Robert Mugabe's ruling Zanu (PF).

Last week 28 supermarkets in Harare were fined Z$31 million by police for
allegedly hoarding basic commodities.

More than 400 vendors were arrested on allegations of overpricing goods in
the black market.

As the foreign currency crisis deepens, the government has resorted to
raiding hotels to get hard currency.

A government task force has of late been going around searching hotels for
foreign currency.

Zimbabwe is failing to repay a mere $306m International Monetary Fund debt
which has resulted in its voting rights being suspended. In February, Harare
was given a second six-month grace period to repay or face expulsion.

Zimbabwe's foreign debt is more than US$5bn, while the domestic debt is
topping Z$10-trillion.

The foreign-currency crisis is set to worsen as exporters face worsening
viability problems due to the widening gap between the official and parallel
market exchange rates.

The official exchange rate is US$1:Z$6 500, while the black market rate is
US$1: Z$21 500.
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Tirade lands Zimbabwean man in hot water
          May 10 2005 at 03:01PM

      Harare - A Zimbabwean arrested last month for shouting "abusive words"
against President Robert Mugabe has been granted bail ahead of his trial on
May 26, a court official said on Tuesday.

      Clifford Ruhukwa, 32, was waiting at a bus stop in Harare's satellite
town of Chitungwiza on April 18, when he was allegedly heard shouting
insults against Mugabe.

      "He is out on bail," said an official at the Chitungwiza magistrate's
court, who spoke on condition of anonymity, adding that his trial that was
due to begin on Tuesday was postponed until May 26.

      Ruhukwa appeared in court on charges of denigrating the president, an
offence under Zimbabwe's tough security laws that is usually punishable with
a light jail sentence, fine or community service.

       The prosecution maintains that Ruhukwa used offensive language in his
tirage at the bus stop against Mugabe, 81, who has ruled Zimbabwe since
independence in 1980.

      Ruhukwa was immediately arrested and taken to Chitungwiza police

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Mail and Guardian

      'Mercenaries' may be out on Wednesday

      Johannesburg, South Africa

      10 May 2005 05:32

            The 62 South African alleged mercenaries in Zimbabwe may now be
released only on Wednesday, their lawyer, Alwyn Griebenow, said on Tuesday.

            He said he has been told by prison officials the group might be
released on Wednesday, "but nobody is prepared to commit to this".

            The officials told Griebenow that once the men are released,
they will be handed over to immigration officials to be deported.

            According to Zimbabwean law, if foreigners are fined more than
Z$200, they have to be deported once the fine is paid and the sentence

            "So, obviously they are been seen as prohibitant immigrants."

            Griebenow said he has been told that the chief officer of
immigration is personally handling the matter, but he was not available on

            "I'm hoping to see him tomorrow [Wednesday] so I can find out
what his plans are," he said.

            The men were supposed to be released on Tuesday, as their
sentences have expired. They were convicted of breaching Zimbabwe's
aviation, immigration, firearms and security laws.

            Asked how the men are doing, Griebenow said he has only managed
to see four of them, as prison officials only allow him to meet two of them
at a time.

            "I don't know why they decided this. It's never been like this

            "They are physically and mentally drained. The lack of
assurances and guarantees is really getting to them," he said.

            The group has spent more than 12 months in prison. They are
still awaiting the outcome of an appeal lodged by Zimbabwe's Attorney
General, Sobuza Gula-Ndebele, against a reduction of their sentences, which
would have seen the men released in early March.

            Zimbabwean court officials confirmed on March 2 that the men
were scheduled for immediate release after a successful appeal to the high
court for a reduction of their sentences.

            A week later, with all the paperwork completed, their lawyer and
families waited in vain for their return which was delayed when Gula-Ndebele
filed an application to appeal against the court's decision.

            He argued that early release only applied to Zimbabweans.

            Griebenow said the appeal would now only be of value to two
pilots who had received 16-month sentences for aviation and
immigration-related offences.

            Two of the men due for release on Tuesday -- Francisco Marcus
and Melane Moyodue -- are ill with tuberculosis, believed to have been
picked up in prison.

            The group was arrested at Harare International airport when they
apparently landed to refuel and pick up military equipment.

            Zimbabwean authorities said they were on their way to join 15
other alleged mercenaries -- including eight South Africans -- arrested in
Equatorial Guinea around the same time.

            The group in Equatorial Guinea were convicted and given long
prison sentences, in what has been called a flawed trial, for attempting to
overthrow the country's long-time dictator Teodoro Obiang Nguema. -- Sapa

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      Southern African journalists still operating under oppressive media
laws: report 2005-05-11 00:30:14

          LUSAKA, May 10 (Xinhuanet) -- Countries in the southern African
region still have not granted journalists a conducive environment to operate
in as they have to operate under oppressive media laws,the Media Institute
of Southern Africa (MISA) said here Tuesday.

          "The media environment is still infested with a labyrinth of laws
that impede the full realization of press freedom and freedomof expression,"
Kellys Kaunda, chairperson of MISA Zambia chapter said during the launch of
a report on the 2004's state of media freedom in the region.

          Kaunda said though some countries have made progress in
establishing conducive environments for the media, the general outlook still
remains "oppressive" to journalists.

          According to the report, a total of 169 incidences of violations
against the media were recorded last year in the region,a drop of 19 from
the 2003 figure of 188.

          For the second year, Zimbabwe reported the highest number of
violations with 47 incidences followed by Zambia with 33, Swaziland with 29
while Malawi had 20. Angola and Tanzania recorded the lowest incidences.

          Kaunda said the reduction in incidences of media violations should
not be the cause for celebrations because a number of mediaviolations go

          "We would like all media practitioners to develop a habit of
reporting media violations immediately when they occur. Our failure to
report violations is leading violators to regard their actions as acceptable
or an admission on our part that we may be in the wrong," he said.

          MISA has offices in 11 countries in the region which includes
Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa,
Swaziland, Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe.

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Daily Mirror, Zimbabwe

Power cuts set to continue

Munyaradzi Ushehwekunze
issue date :2005-May-11

ZIMBABWE is to experience electricity cuts beyond June this year as a result
of Zesa's poor power generating capacity due to lack of spares, Zesa
Holdings has said.
The power cuts started early last month following simultaneous power
failures at Zesa's Hwange and Kariba power stations.
Ben Moyo, the managing director of the Zimbabwe Electricity Distribution
Company (ZEDC), a subsidiary of Zesa Holdings, said the break-down of power
generators was further compounded by a technical fault that hit the
electricity transmission system between Zimbabwe and the Democratic Republic
of Congo (DRC).
Moyo, however said the rehabilitation of the two local power stations would
do little to mitigate the present power crisis, which is expected to
continue beyond next month due to growing electricity demand.
Said Moyo: "Our Kariba and Hwange machines, which had broken down last month
are now back on stream. However, power shortages may be with us until the
end of June."
"But, we're working closely with the RBZ to help us to obtain foreign
currency to acquire spares to improve our power generation capacity.
Meanwhile, the power supply gap will have to be plugged by imports," he
The power crisis alarm was first sounded by David Murangari, the chief
executive officer of the Zimbabwe Chamber of Mines (ZCM) in June last year
when he predicted that electricity shortages, would persist beyond 2008
unless the power sector received priority in foreign currency allocation.
The central bank governor, Gideon Gono, has been battling to stabilise the
power and energy sectors since taking office in December 2003, in a bid to
cushion industry from the pinch.
But Wozani Moyo, a socio-economic analysts told the Daily Mirror that the
foreign currency shortages bedevilling the power sector have been aggravated
by the government's rural electrification project that has increased the
power demand load, without increasing ZESA's load-bearing capacity.
Said Moyo: "The government failed to realise that electrifying the rural
areas would overburden ZESA. The project is noble, but the government should
also have remembered to invest in ZESA to boost its electricity generating
capacity. It is not wise to try and electrify rural areas through imported
electricity when you do not even have the foreign currency to import both
the electricity and the electrical equipment. It is the same as budgeting,
expecting to borrow against income from a loan application. It's simply not
Zimbabwe, which imports about 100 mega watts from the DRC on credit basis,
also owes ESKOM, a South African power corporation, about US$11,16 million
incurred through a concessionary credit facility.
The chain credit facilities were sealed to bail the country from another
grave power crisis that hit the country less than three years ago.
ZEDC boss also said Zesa had successfully negotiated a partnership deal with
two unnamed foreign investors and the investment project is expected to
churn an additional 900-mega watts.
Sources at Zesa said one of the investors is a Chinese company to which the
local parastatal has ceded extensive operational rights over its Hwange and
Kariba power stations.
Zesa board stirred a hornet's nest last year when it tried to increase
electricity levies by more than 300 percent to break even and was ordered to
either reverse the tariff hike or resign if it insisted it could not make do
with the pegged price level.
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Daily Mirror, Zimbabwe

Government in financial crisis

Business Reporter
issue date :2005-May-11

THE government faces a critical financial crisis following its repeated
failure to borrow from local credit markets to finance its vast
expenditures, compounded last month by the expanded Cabinet and buoyant
The government had in the running year, pegged its budget deficit at 5
percent of the gross domestic product (GDP), which in the absence of
offshore capital injections from multi-lateral aid agencies such as the
International Monetary Fund (IMF), it hoped to borrow from local credit
But this deficit component of public finances - about  $4.5 trillion in
nominal terms - is likely to be driven up by the upswing in inflation and
expanded public expenditures following the extension of the Cabinet by eight
Local money market dealers told the Business Mirror that the government is
increasingly failing to entice local lenders to buy its long-term bonds
through which it traditionally raises money for deficit spending.
They argued that the government would remain enmeshed in this financial web
unless it briskly revised the coupon rates that it is offering on long-term
time deposits.
The rates, they argue, do not adequately cushion lenders from the inflation
rate, which started rising at high and unpredictable rates in January this
year after a promising downward start in the comparable period last year.
Rational investors would not lock up their monies in long-life securities
for fear that inflation might catch up with and overtake the interest income
accruing to the instruments over their life, up to maturity.
Economist John Robertson said of late
the government has found itself unable
to meet its borrowing requirements from
the money market to support its expenditures.
"The government is increasingly failing to borrow money from the money
market because it is offering low coupon rates on long-term securities. Yet,
the inflation rate is going up at a high and unpredictable rate," said
The poor performance of the long-term government bonds has effectively left
the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) with fingers burning, amid growing
anxieties over its little progress with regards mopping up excess liquidity
from the market.
This means that monetary authorities will have to either revise upwards
deposit rates on long-life securities, or drift back to the short-term
paper, an option that only provides temporal reprieve given the accompanying
risk of more rapid maturities.
When trading opened this week, the 91-day treasury bill was trading at about
70 percent, the 90-day negotiable certificate of deposit (NCD) at 60
percent, while the call rate plunged to 16 percent.
The one-year to two-year treasury bond continues to get a cold shoulder from
disinterested investors, particularly insurance companies and pension fund
In the financial period to December 31 last year, NicozDiamond Limited and
other insurance companies, the conventional bidders for government bonds
offloaded all their government bonds from their ambit of money market
investments and ended the year with zero bond-holding.
This is a premonition of unfriendly monetary policy shocks threatening to
depose monetary authorities from a zone of policy comfort.
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Daily Mirror, Zimbabwe

Mudede summons missionaries over food handouts

The Daily Mirror Reporter
issue date :2005-May-11

THE Registrar-General, Tobaiwa Mudede, yesterday summoned two missionaries
from their home along Herbert Chitepo Avenue in Harare following reports the
pair was providing food to people who queue at the Passport Office and later
sell their places to passport seekers.
The missionaries, Marth Joan Trevelyan and her son Craig Victor Howard
Trevelyan, work for the Central Church of Africa Presbyterian (CCAP) and
operate from a house opposite the Passport Offices in the capital.
Riot police were also called in to flush out the queue holders, while Mudede
warned the Trevelyan family to stop feeding them.
Said Mudede: "I am not happy with this family. We are not declaring peace
with them. We cannot have a situation where people are being fed and have
energy to come and steal from our people, painting a very bad picture on the
state of affairs here." He said most of the queue holders who were briefly
detained by the police were street kids who also engaged in criminal
Speaking to The Daily Mirror, Marth Joan Trevelyan argued they were
Christians who had come to Zimbabwe specifically to assist less privileged
people. "But God said you should feed the hungry despite who they are and
where they are coming from," she said, almost in tears. She said they were
also assisting the Department of Social Welfare, which seemed to have many
children to look after.
The Daily Mirror caught up with Shackie Phiri, who was among the group
netted by the police during the operation.
Phiri admitted that he would take a place in the queue and later sell it for
$20 000 to passport seekers who came late.
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