Jan Raath in Harare
Hospitals are ordered not to treat opposition supporters as a human rights group reports more than 900 incidents and dozens of deaths
Dennis, a Movement for Democratic Change worker, lies in hospital in Harare, Zimbabwe. He was taken from his housed, which was burned to the ground, and beaten with iron bars.
| ||
ZANU PF party militias . . . terrorising and murdering opposition supporters |
BULAWAYO – Zimbabwe prisons chief
Paradzai Zimondi is funding and feeding ruling ZANU PF party militias
terrorising and murdering opposition supporters in Mashonaland East province, a
human rights group has said.
The Zimbabwe Peace Project (ZPP)
said Zimondi sheltered and fed the ZANU PF terror gangs at his piggery farm in
Uzumba district in the province from where they unleashed violence against
suspected members of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party.
The group’s director Jestina
Mukoko said: “We are aware of a high ranking officer Paradzai Zimondi who runs a
piggery in Chidondo in Uzumba in Mashonaland East province who is feeding and
funding the youths who are perpetrating the violence and are terrorising and
beating villagers.”
Zimondi – who is among top
security commanders loyal to President Robert Mugabe’s rule and who have
publicly threatened to stage a military coup if the veteran leader was defeated
in elections – was not immediately available for comment on the
matter.
The ZPP and other human rights
groups have long accused the army and other state security agencies of
spearheading and directing a campaign of violence and murder by ZANU PF youths
and war veterans that the MDC says has killed at least 24 of its members and
displaced another 5 000, while 800 homesteads have been burnt down.
But this is the first time that a
senior government security officer is being directly linked to political
violence.
Mukoko, who was speaking at a
workshop for journalists that ended in Bulawayo on Saturday, said her
organisation had begun a campaign to name and shame all those involved in
perpetrating violence against defenceless civilians.
“The masters of violence are ZANU
PF, its supporters and state security agents and it is worrying and very sad for
people to go to the extent of burning livestock and plucking out eyes of goats
because the owner voted for the opposition, it is very sad,” said Mukoko.
Political violence broke out in
many parts of Zimbabwe almost immediately it became clear that the MDC and its
leader Morgan Tsvangirai had defeated Mugabe and his ZANU PF party in the March
polls.
The MDC, Western governments and
human rights groups have accused Mugabe of unleashing ZANU PF militias and the
army to beat and torture Zimbabweans into backing him in a second round
presidential ballot.
The run-off presidential election
is due to be held at a yet unknown date after the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission
said Tsvangirai defeated Mugabe but failed to garner more than 50 percent of the
vote needed to take power under the country's electoral laws.
United Nations chief Ban Ki-Moon,
the United States and Zimbabwe’s former colonial power Britain have urged
African leaders to do more to pressure Mugabe to end violence in Zimbabwe which
is also battling unprecedented economic recession and food
shortages.
The Zimbabwe government denies authorising violence and instead says it is the MDC that has carried out political violence to tarnish Mugabe’s name. – ZimOnline.
Santa Barbara News Press
ANGUS SHAW, Associated
Press Writer
May 11, 2008 10:29 AM
HARARE, Zimbabwe (AP) -
The presidential runoff pitting President Robert
Mugabe against opposition
leader Morgan Tsvangirai will not be held in the
next few weeks as required
by law, the head of the electoral commission said
in an interview published
Sunday.
Tsvangirai had announced over the weekend that he would
participate in a
runoff against Mugabe - but insisted the vote be held, as
law requires,
within 21 days of the May 2 announcement of results from the
first vote.
However, electoral commission chief George Chiweshe said
government
officials need more time to prepare for the runoff.
''It
was ambitious for the legislature to think 21 days would be enough,''
Chiweshe was quoted by the state-run Sunday Mail as saying.
Chiweshe
confirmed the 21-day electoral law, but said there are legal
provisions to
extend the period before the election is held. Government
officials have
said the electoral commission has up to a year to hold the
second
round.
''We want to make it clear we intend to hold the runoff at the
earliest date
because the period set by the legislature shows that it should
be held as
soon as possible,'' he was quoted as saying in the
paper.
It took the commission more than a month to announce results from
the
disputed March 29 presidential election. Tsvangirai, leader of the
opposition Movement for Democratic Change, maintains that he won the first
round outright and claims the official figures were
fraudulent.
But the opposition leader, who has remained abroad
since the vote because of
threats to his life, said Saturday in South Africa
that he will take the
risk of returning to Zimbabwe to contest a runoff,
despite the danger.
Mugabe has been accused of orchestrating violence
against the opposition
since the first round, raising questions about
whether a runoff would be
free or fair.
Twenty-two people have died
and 900 have been tortured in postelection
violence, according to the
Zimbabwe Association of Doctors for Human Rights.
The group said 40,000
farmworkers have been displaced in an effort to
prevent them from voting in
the runoff.
Fifty-six opposition activists were arrested in Shamva, north
of Harare,
opposition lawyer Alec Muchadehama said Sunday.
The
opposition accused the electoral commission of being biased toward
Mugabe,
and predicted that more opposition supporters would come under
attack to
prevent them from voting during any further delay.
Tendai Biti,
secretary-general of the MDC, raised concerns about the
''deepening
humanitarian crisis'' in Zimbabwe.
He disputed the electoral commission's
claim that there were legal grounds
for delaying the runoff. ''They don't
have the discretion to move the
date,'' he said.
Mugabe's ruling
ZANU-PF, meanwhile, already has launched its runoff
campaign.
On
Sunday, presidential spokesman Patrick Chinamasa said the party will not
allow an opposition victory.
''Mugabe, at 84, do you believe he is
fighting for himself? That's what the
people of Zimbabwe should
understand,'' he told reporters in Harare. ''He is
fighting blatant attempts
at recolonizing Zimbabwe.''
Chinamasa said the party's campaign would be
based on ''land, empowerment,
freedom and sovereignty.''
Mugabe has
ruled Zimbabwe since the country gained independence from Britain
in 1980
and once was hailed for promoting racial reconciliation, and
bringing
education and health care to the black majority.
But in recent years he
has been accused of holding onto power through
elections that independent
observers say were marred by fraud, intimidation
and rigging, and of
overseeing his country's economic collapse.
Tsvangirai assured regional
leaders that if he were to win the presidency,
he would respect Mugabe's
place in Zimbabwe's history. Tsvangirai told
reporters in the Angolan
capital Saturday that Mugabe would be treated as
the ''father of the
nation'' in the interest of building peace and stability
in
Zimbabwe.
That appeared to indicate a softening of his stance. Tsvangirai
had told The
Associated Press in an interview last month that he believed
the Zimbabwean
people would press for Mugabe to stand trial for crimes
against humanity.
---
Associated Press writer Casimiro Siona in
Luanda, Angola, contributed to
this report.
The Telegraph
By Charlotte
Wilkins
Last Updated: 7:29PM BST 11/05/2008
Police in Zimbabwe have
arrested 58 opposition activists in a farming town
northeast of the capital
Harare, as the country awaits run-off presidential
elections.
The
activists were held on Thursday on suspicion of torching homes of
members of
the governing Zanu-PF in Shamva, the police said.
Seven people have
reportedly been injured in the violence and four houses
and a tractor have
been burnt.
An opposition lawyer had earlier revealed the arrests took
place on Thursday
and the activists were still in police
custody.
Violence has flared in Zimbabwe since parliamentary and
presidential
elections on March 29.
Zimbabwean doctors, trade unions
and teachers have described beatings and
intimidation of MDC supporters by
government-backed militias and the
authorities have rounded up a number of
high-profile opponents.
The government has in turn accused MDC activists
of fomenting violence and
carrying out arson attacks.
News of the
arrests comes amid expectation of the return of MDC leader
Morgan Tsvangirai
for the campaign.
Mr Tsvangirai has been in South Africa since the first
round because of
alleged threats to his life.
Reuters
Sun 11 May
2008, 15:34 GMT
By MacDonald Dzirutwe
HARARE, May 11
(Reuters) - Zimbabwe's main opposition group said on Sunday
it had stepped
up efforts to secure regional peacekeepers for a run-off
presidential
election against Robert Mugabe after weeks of violence that
intimidated
voters.
Movement for Democratic Change leader Morgan Tsvangirai held
talks late on
Saturday with Angola's President Jose Eduardo dos Santos to
encourage
regional group SADC to send the peacekeepers, MDC spokesman George
Sibotshiwe told Reuters.
"He received a warm reception, and ... they
discussed the way forward,"
Sibotshiwe said, but declined to give
details.
Tsvangirai said on Saturday he would return home within two days
to deal
Mugabe a "final knock-out" after almost three decades in power. He
said he
wanted SADC peacekeepers to instil public confidence in the ballot
and bring
an end to the crisis that followed Zimbabwe's disputed March 29
poll.
Santos heads SADC's security committee.
Angola's Angop news
agency said Tsvangirai had told reporters that "should
he win the election
... the outgoing president would be granted an
honourable exit as ... Robert
Mugabe was the father of the nation".
A former guerrilla leader, Mugabe
has ruled Zimbabwe since independence from
Britain in 1980. The West and
rights groups accuse him of human rights
violations and wrecking the
economy, but he is viewed as an independence
hero by many in
Africa.
After weeks of equivocation, Tsvangirai said he would contest the
run-off
even though he believes he won outright in the first round and
accuses the
ruling ZANU-PF of vote-rigging. Official results show Tsvangirai
won more
votes than Mugabe, but not enough to avoid a
run-off.
Tsvangirai said he would only stand if international observers
and media
were given full access to ensure the vote is fair. Zimbabwe's
government
rejected any conditions for the run-off, but has previously
allowed in SADC
election monitors.
The Zimbabwe Electoral Commission
(ZEC), which has the power to extend the
21-day period within which a
run-off should legally be held, said it might
do so.
"It is very
likely that we will extend the period. It was ambitious for the
legislature
to think that 21 days would be enough," ZEC chairman George
Chiweshe told
the state-owned Sunday Mail. The earliest possible date was
still the goal,
he added.
HOPE FOR CHANGE
Voters had hoped the ballot might
help end an economic meltdown that has
triggered chronic food and fuel
shortages, 80 percent unemployment and
inflation of 165,000
percent.
The MDC, rights groups and Western nations have accused ZANU-PF
of launching
a campaign of arrests and violence to ensure Mugabe wins a
run-off. Sibotshe
said 32 MDC supporters had been killed since the polls.
ZANU-PF denies the
charge and accuses the MDC of carrying out
attacks.
State television said on Sunday police had arrested 58 MDC
activists on
suspicion of torching homes of ruling party
supporters.
Western powers have called on African states to do more to
end the turmoil.
A flood of refugees and concerns about instability and
violence have taken
their toll on the region.
South Africa's ruling
ANC and its main allies on Sunday expressed "grave
concern at the worsening
situation" in Zimbabwe. The ANC has taken a much
tougher stand on Zimbabwe
than South African President Thabo Mbeki, who was
unseated as ANC president
by Jacob Zuma last year.
At the close of a weekend summit in
Johannesburg, the ANC alliance called
"for an end to all violence and
harassment of the civilian population. We
urge the leadership and the people
of Zimbabwe assisted by SADC to work
together to find a lasting solution to
this crisis." (Writing by Caroline
Drees; Editing by Charles Dick)
SABC
May 11, 2008,
17:15
In a development set to compound Zimbabwe's political stalemate,
the ruling
Zanu-PF says conditions demanded by Movement for Democratic
Change leader
(MDC) leader Morgan Tsvangirai for the run-off presidential
election, will
not be considered. This comes as the ruling party launched a
direct attack
on Zambian President Levy Mwanawasa for his apparent failure
to criticise
western enforced sanctions on the country's
leadership.
Tsvangirai said he would only stand if international
observers and media
were given full access to ensure the vote is fair.
Zimbabwe's government
rejected any conditions for the run-off, but has
previously allowed in SADC
election monitors.
Tsvangirai said
yesterday he would return home within two days to deal
Mugabe a "final
knock-out" after almost three decades in power. He said he
wanted SADC
peacekeepers to instil public confidence in the ballot and bring
an end to
the crisis that followed Zimbabwe's disputed March 29 poll.
State
television said today police had arrested 58 MDC activists on
suspicion of
torching homes of ruling party supporters.
ANC very concerned at Zimbabwe
situation
The ANC and its main allies today expressed "grave concern at the
worsening
situation" in Zimbabwe. The ANC has taken a much tougher stand on
Zimbabwe
than South African President Thabo Mbeki, who was unseated as ANC
president
by Jacob Zuma last year.
At a weekend meeting between the
ANC and its alliance partners, Cosatu and
the SACP, the Tripartite Alliance
described Tsvangirai's decision to take
part in his country's presidential
run-off election as a positive move. The
post-election impasse in Zimbabwe
featured high on the agenda of the
weekend's meeting between the ANC and its
alliance partners, Cosatu and the
SACP.
The alliance also called "for
an end to all violence and harassment of the
civilian population. We urge
the leadership and the people of Zimbabwe
assisted by SADC to work together
to find a lasting solution to this
crisis."
Yesterday, Tsvangirai
said in Pretoria that he would return to Zimbabwe to
contest the poll.
However, SACP leader, Blade Nzimande, says they're still
concerned about the
escalating violence in Zimbabwe. He says it's likely to
affect the
conditions for a free and fair poll. - additional reporting by
Reuters
Yahoo News
by Godfrey
Marawanyika 29 minutes ago
HARARE (AFP) - Zimbabwe braced Sunday for the
return home of the country's
opposition leader, who has vowed to face
veteran president Robert Mugabe in
a runoff election despite the risk of
further violence.
Morgan Tsvangirai, who beat Mugabe in a first round
of voting in March, is
expected in Harare in the next few days after leaving
the country in early
April amid spiralling post-election violence directed
at his party.
Zimbabwean doctors, trade unions and teachers have reported
beatings and
intimidation by government-backed militias since the first
ballot on March
29 and the authorities have rounded up a number of
high-profile opponents.
Sunday brought news that 58 opposition activists
in a farming town northeast
of Harare had been arrested on charges of public
violence, according to
local police.
Tsvangirai, who is threatened by
treason accusations in his homeland, will
seek security assurances from the
14-member regional body, the Southern
African Development Community (SADC),
before flying back, his spokesman
said.
"We cannot anticipate what
the regime is going to do, but we are going back
to Zimbabwe," spokesman
George Sibotshiwe told AFP.
Before Saturday, Tsvangirai had refused to
say whether he would take part in
the runoff -- even though failure to do so
would have handed victory to
Mugabe.
He warned that his decision to
take on Mugabe, who has been in power since
the country's independence from
Britain in 1980, risked provoking "more
violence, more gloom, more
betrayal."
He set a series of conditions for his participation in the
poll, including
the presence of international peacekeepers, election
monitors, free media
and an end to violence to ensure a fair
vote.
Sibotshiwe said that the opposition had met with Angola's president
on
Saturday to urge him to send regional SADC peacekeepers for the as yet
unscheduled second round.
President Jose Eduardo dos Santos, believed
to be close to Mugabe, is the
head of the security committee of the
14-member Southern African Development
Community (SADC) which has the
ability to deploy peacekeepers in the region.
The White House gave strong
backing to the idea of election and UN human
rights monitors in Zimbabwe for
the poll, which Tsvangirai wants before May
23 in accordance with Zimbabwean
law.
"If this is going to be a successful runoff, obviously that's the
first
thing that has to happen: opposition leaders and their supporters must
be
able to freely campaign free of violence," White House spokesman Gordon
Johndroe said Saturday.
The ruling government was quick to dismiss
the idea of outside interference
in the election on Saturday and few
observers believe the conditions will or
could be be met.
No Western
monitors were allowed to oversee the first ballot and a team from
the SADC
was widely criticised for giving it a largely clean bill of
health.
Tsvangirai also had strong criticism for Zimbabwe's electoral
commission
(ZEC) and said that failure to hold the second round of voting by
May 23, as
required under Zimbabwean law, risked rendering the election
process
illegitimate.
Results from the first round were delayed by
the ZEC for five weeks and no
date has been given for the second-round
runoff despite the legal
requirement for it to take place within 21 days of
the first-round results
being announced.
Zimbabwe's top electoral
official told a state newspaper Sunday that it was
"very likely" the runoff
poll would be delayed.
First-round results were published on May 2 --
showing Tsvangirai beat
Mugabe by 47.9 to 43.2 percent -- but ZEC officials
have hinted that a
second round could take up to a year to
organise.
Once seen as a post-colonial success story, Zimbabwe has been
in economic
meltdown since 2000 when Mugabe embarked on a programme of land
reforms
which saw thousands of white-owned farms
expropriated.
Violence has spiralled since the first round of polls,
leading Tsvangirai's
Movement for Democratic Change party to accuse Mugabe
of orchestrating a
campaign of terror to ensure his reelection through
intimidation.
The MDC's Sibotshiwe reported Sunday that 32 activists had
been killed and
another 30 were unaccounted for.
The government has
in turn accused MDC activists of fomenting violence and
carrying out arson
attacks.
Institute for War and Peace Reporting (IWPR)
Date: 09 May
2008
Relief workers,
struggling to reach areas hit by ZANU-PF violence, say
conditions rapidly
deteriorating.
By Yamikani Mwando in Bulawayo (ZCR No. 145,
09-May-08)
Humanitarian agencies in crisis-torn Zimbabwe have been forced
to scale down
operations in the areas where the need is greatest because of
post-election
violence triggered by the electoral defeat of
ZANU-PF.
Frontline workers say they are failing to access areas affected
by the
violence. Although thousands of Zimbabweans have fled from their
rural
homes, those who have stayed behind are in dire need of aid, including
food,
but relief workers cannot reach them.
Veterans of the 1970s war
of liberation and ruling party militias have been
accused of placing
roadblocks and imposing curfews in rural areas that were
previously seen as
ZANU-PF strongholds but where residents voted for the
opposition Movement
for Democratic Change, MDC, in the country’s
parliamentary and presidential
elections in March.
Faith-based groups that have been at the forefront of
relief work, feeding
hungry families in rural areas since independence in
1980, complain their
efforts are being hampered by marauding vigilantes. The
violence grew worse
after it emerged, even before the official announcement
of the presidential
election result, that President Robert Mugabe had lost
the poll to his
long-time rival, the MDC’s Morgan Tsvangirai.
Last
month, a joint statement by the Evangelical Fellowship of Zimbabwe, the
Zimbabwe Council of Churches and the Zimbabwe Catholic Bishops’ Conference
warned that the continued violence was placing the country on the verge of
genocide.
They said that ‘if nothing is done to help the people of
Zimbabwe from their
predicament, we shall soon be witnessing genocide
similar to that
experienced in Kenya, Rwanda, Burundi and other hot spots in
Africa and
elsewhere’.
The concerns continued this month with the
Catholic International
Cooperation for Development and Solidarity, CIDSE,
and the Ecumenical
Zimbabwe Network, EZN, reporting in a joint statement
that efforts to reach
impoverished rural areas that have been hard hit by
the violence were
proving to be near-impossible.
‘Our partners cannot
carry out food security assessments in the post-harvest
season and are
unable to plan properly the appropriate support to the most
vulnerable
sectors of the population in this coming year,’ read the
statement.
CIDSE brings together Catholic relief agencies from across
the world and has
a wide presence in developing countries and those in
transition, while EZN
groups local faith-based organisations involved in
humanitarian assistance
across the country.
In the border town of
Plumtree, where Zimbabwe shares a frontier with
Botswana, there are reports
of huge masses of villagers illegally crossing
the border to seek refuge as
they flee political violence. In the rural
areas of Zimbabwe, homes have
been burnt down and fathers beaten up in front
of their children by ruling
party supporters and war veterans.
‘Hundreds of people are fleeing the
violence,’ a priest working with rural
communities in Plumtree told IWPR,
‘and though we have tried to assist, it
is becoming increasingly difficult.’
He said that faith-based organisations
were being accused by ZANU-PF
officials and supporters of harbouring
opposition activists.
Ever
since the emergence of a powerful political opposition that threatened
Mugabe's decades-old stranglehold on power, ZANU-PF has accused aid groups
of working in cahoots with the opposition in efforts to topple the
president, an accusation they deny.
Last Sunday, May 4, the Catholic
Commission for Justice and Peace, CCJP,
long accused by the authorities of
being an arm of the opposition, raised
concerns about the situation in the
rural areas and the continuing
politically-motivated violence, saying this
made it impossible to hold a
presidential run-off.
The CCJP said the
people had been ‘traumatised’ by post-election violence
and were therefore
not ready for another ballot.
‘It is possible people who voted and fled
the rural violence will not be too
keen to cast their vote this time
around,’ a CCJP official in Bulawayo told
IWPR.
‘They are likely to
stay home because of their experiences after the March
29 elections. And
this will obviously be a victory for ZANU-PF.’
Bright Matonga, deputy
minister of information and publicity, recently told
the media that ZANU-PF
would not give in to conditions set by the MDC for
its participation in the
presidential run-off. The MDC's conditions for
participation would include
the presence of observers from the Southern
African Development Community,
the United Nations and other international
organisations.
Amid such a
hard-line stance from ZANU-PF, rural voters could well be
subjected to more
violence, analysts say. This would also compound efforts
by aid agencies to
assess food security in the affected areas, leaving rural
communities facing
widespread starvation.
The worsening humanitarian crisis in the rural
areas appears to be happening
outside international media scrutiny after the
bulk of foreign journalists
who had been accredited to cover the March 29
elections left the country
soon after the polls, when their temporary work
permits expired.
The Zimbabwean authorities are accused of deliberately
limiting the number
of days foreign journalists can stay in the country as
part of its concerted
efforts to make sure that international media coverage
of the post-election
period is limited.
Yamikani Mwando is the
pseudonym of an IWPR journalist in Zimbabwe.
From The Sunday Tribune (SA), 11 May
Harare - It feels as if this story will never end. That we
will never sleep
again, that the tension will never ease, that the cruelty
will know no
bounds. That evil will prevail. The communication problems are
so bad that
it feels as if we will never get the story out and never get it
right
either. In communal areas telecommunications are as they were in the
former
Southern Rhodesia. And that is where most of the violence is
happening. So
how do we get information? With the utmost difficulty. Are we
exaggerating?
No we are not. That is, those of us who are accountable and
write for
mainstream media. Do we get information wrong? Yes, sometimes. The
police
won't speak to us, except, occasionally if they answer the landlines
at
Police General Headquarters in Harare. Then they deny everything, or say
they don't have any information, but mostly they are unavailable. Their
cellphones? Occasionally we might get through if we hit redial 25 times and
the call stays live for longer than 10 seconds. Police won't, or can't,
confirm or deny anything on their cellphones or landlines. Hospital phones
go unanswered, too, or staff won't say anything, or there is no one
available, or if there is, they certainly don't want to speak to
journalists. The informal network of information between the rural areas and
towns is largely broken, as there are so few buses travelling and because it
is too expensive for people to go "kumusha" (home).
Rather like
the Stasi in the old German Democratic Republic, there is an
enormous
network of informers countrywide. Many are not evil, just doing
something,
anything, to earn a little. So we have to be careful when we look
for the
evidence we need, and we ask questions carefully, nonchalantly, as
if we are
not really interested. We will stop at a roadside shop, looking
for a cold
drink. Stupid, really, since there is nothing in any of these
shops. Nothing
to sell. Nothing to buy. Mostly the roadblocks are just that,
a time-wasting
stop, where the police couldn't care less who we are or what
we are doing
and wave us through. But just in case, we have to be ready with
a bunch of
half-truths. We get caught because we are at the wrong place at
the wrong
time, not because the CIO are smart. If they wanted to, they could
catch all
of us all the time. Somebody at the top decides it is time to
catch the
journalists, so there is a spurt. Like last Monday, when they went
around
from lodge to lodge looking for journalists. They had two names.
Derek Watts
(Carte Blanche) and Kate Adie, (BBC). Both had been in Harare
about 2002 or
2003 as we recall. Sometimes journalists get caught because
they relax,
lulled into forgetting that Zimbabwe is, more or less a police
state. At
first glance it looks okay. Nice, even. Orderly. Not nearly as
dirty as
Johannesburg. Polite people, not starving. Well-spoken. Police
quite smart.
Army, too, although a lot are hitch-hiking these days. No guns
going off, no
bombs, no sharp shooters, no military parades, no military
aircraft and the
only choppers are those flying President Robert Mugabe
around, or the
smaller one carrying super-rich Billy Rautenbach. So no
frightening overhead
noise.
No one is having fun. Not even the people in the restaurants.
Not even
children at birthday parties. There is an agonising limbo. And we
reporters
are struggling to tell this story when the action happens so far
from town.
We also depend on unnamed heroes and heroines. Every night we
know that
people are being assaulted, or tortured or beaten. We don't really
expect
many fatalities, because Zanu PF learned the hard way that body
counts are
bad for business. We more or less know who is doing the violence,
as the
victims we visit can usually name their assailants. We know the
weapons -
logs, poles, metal from dismantled windmills, planks, rope,
bicycle chains,
nails, everyday objects. Huts are burned down. I interviewed
someone who was
in his house and 35 of his neighbours' houses were also
burned during a few
hours before midnight 10 days ago in one village
north-east of Harare. On
Tuesday I got an SMS about what sounded like a
massacre. Eleven dead. At
first I sigh. Oh God. What to do? Who to call?
They won't all be lying in
some field waiting for me to inspect their bodies
and pick over their wounds
to discover how they died. They will be
scattered. Maybe picked up by cops.
Maybe picked up by relatives. Maybe
under a tree, a small heap hidden by
tall grass. So far I can only name six
and that is thanks to contacts and
heroic sources and some hearsay which, on
examination, I now know was true
all the time. There won't be political
funerals. Most will be buried quickly
and quietly among the huts in the
bush, because people are poor and fearful.
So what should I say about the 11
dead? Say six dead, but reports of five
more?
The tension will
get worse, so will shopping, finding stuff to keep one
going, fuel, the
internet, electricity and water cuts and enough batteries
to keep everything
else going. Colleagues come in from London, Los Angeles,
Brussels, Toronto
and Melbourne. Some have been coming in and out for years
without
accreditation. They get the story going again as they report
Zimbabwe with
fresh eyes. Where are South African journalists? What happened
since the end
of apartheid? Did all the heroes become managing directors?
Thanks e.TV for
trying. Thanks to the the few who did come. Is this
generation of South
African journalists flaky or leaderless? Or worried
about legality when it
never bothered them during the apartheid era? Never
worried them when
foreign journalists sneaked in to South Africa to make
documentaries about
Steve Biko. Actually, folks, you don't need
accreditation any longer, as of
January 11, its not a crime to be a
journalist, even if you are foreign. So
why don't you come up north and tell
the story? Please.
africasia
HARARE, May 11 (AFP)
With a trembling voice and seeking frequent reassurances her
identity will
be kept secret, the female Zimbabwean teacher recalls the
moment she
realised that her name was on a wanted list.
"I was in
class when I was told that an MP (from President Robert Mugabe's
ruling
ZANU-PF party) had come to the school, gone to the headmaster's
office and
asked for me by my married name," said the teacher who uses her
maiden name
at work.
"The headmaster convinced him there was no one by that name at
the school
and he went away. But when I was told afterwards, I decided I had
to flee.
"I am so scared to go back, I don't know what to do right now,"
says the
married mother-of-one from Harare, where she is in now
hiding.
Zimbabwean teachers have been on the frontline of violence since
elections
in the country in March, causing many to flee or go into hiding
and casting
the country's education system into chaos.
"There are
many of us running away," she added.
Teachers stand accused of having
helped to turn the tide against Mugabe, the
veteran president who lost the
first-round of presidential voting and whose
ZANU-PF party was defeated in
simultaneous parliamentary elections.
After its formation nearly a decade
ago, the opposition Movement for
Democratic Change identified teachers as
the perfect messengers for the
party, not least because of their work with
voter education programmes.
Furthermore, many served as polling and
returning officers for the March 29
elections when Mugabe suffered his first
electoral reverse since
independence from Britain in 1980.
Some have
since been arrested and fined for electoral fraud while others
have been the
target of physical assaults.
"The situation has gotten out of hand," said
Peter Mabande, chief executive
officer of the country's largest union of
teachers, the Zimbabwe Teachers
Association (ZIMTA).
"It's bad in
several rural areas in terms of threats to teachers, verbal
abuse, and some
are being physically molested."
Takavafira Zhou, head of the Progressive
Teachers Union of Zimbabwe said:
"What is happening is that you have
systematic targeting of teachers, and as
result three-quarters of teachers
have not gone back to their places of
work" since the school term started on
April 29.
-- 'You get beaten by childen you taught a few years
ago' --
Since schools reopened for the mid-year trimester last
week, little learning
has been taking place in several rural districts and
some schools are being
used as bases for local government-backed militias,
unions and opposition
members say.
Another teacher, a 35-year-old man
who also asked to remain anonymous, told
AFP he had fled the eastern
province of Manicaland last weekend after being
hunted by armed
men.
"I am so terrified. Wherever I am, I am not feeling safe at all," he
said.
"I need to go far away, perhaps out of this country is where I
think I will
feel safe."
A nephew who was mistaken for him during a
tussle with his assailants is in
a "serious" condition in hospital, he
said.
Mabande of ZIMTA underlined that "beatings are so common that a
number of
teachers have decided to withdraw from rural areas."
"You
get beaten by children you taught a few years ago. You can't get more
humiliated than that," he said of the school leavers who have been drafted
into militias which are terrorising villagers.
Education Minister
Aeneas Chigwedere admitted there had been violence which
he said "has been
over-exaggerated here and there" but said the situation
was coming under
control.
"There are unruly elements who took the law into their own
hands. It's been
perpetrated by both sides -- the MDC and ZANU-PF -- its
happening," he said.
"We are taking measures and things seem to be
falling under control," said
Chigwedere, adding that his ministry had been
addressing problems in
affected communities.
"Some members of the
communities are joining these agitators and we are
making them aware that
they have everything to lose."
As polling officers, teachers are
suspected to have deliberately overstated
or understated figures in favour
of or against one of the two main
contenders.
"Teachers are perceived
to have given voter education which ran contrary to
the information
residents had -- that you are to vote freely and for a
candidate of your
choice," said Mabande.
He urged the government to "act fast to restore
order and a normal learning
environment".
"The total impact is that
the quality of education and even the numbers of
children going to school is
going to be affected," he said, adding that the
violence was exacerbating
the problem of teachers leaving Zimbabwe.
With a literacy rate of about
97 percent two years ago, Zimbabwe has been
rated one of the most literate
nations in Africa.
"What we are seeing is a complete paralysis of the
education system," said
Zhou.
"This is going to affect literacy
rates."
Sydney Morning Herald
Morgan
Tsvangirai
May 6, 2008
The world's democracies have dragged their
feet, but there is still time to
thwart Robert Mugabe's
despotism.
Lest history fail to record the dismal response of the
international
community on Zimbabwe, let us reprise the signposts of a
descent into
darkness. Firstly, just days after the March 29 poll, the
Southern African
Development Community observed, ridiculously, that the
elections had been
free and fair, with some caveats. The United States and
the European Union
then began voicing some concerns over delays in
announcing vote returns.
Yet the world failed to move.
After these
first volleys, weeks of continued global indifference were taken
to new
highs as the Zimbabwe High Court refused to properly consider a
petition by
the Movement for Democratic Change and failed to order the
release of the
still-embargoed results.
Again, the world said nothing.
By the
third week of April, South African President Thabo Mbeki was
surmising that
all parties must keep talking. This was despite the fact that
the ruling
Zanu-PF, by all independent counts the loser in the elections,
still held
all government offices and infrastructure, and had begun
intimidating
Zimbabweans considered to be against them.
Still, the world nodded and
remained unmoved.
By now the silence from global governments and bodies
like the SADC and the
United Nations had become unbearable. Admonitions and
threats from many
governments, and even the most liberal-minded communities
in the US and the
EU, ring hollow. Words have not been followed by
action.
Now we have discussion of multilateral sanctions. But where is
the movement?
So far we have had circular motion trying to disguise
itself as forward
progress from the international community. It's a downward
spiral that takes
us further from the light of democracy.
The MDC has
professed a non-violent approach to healing Zimbabwe since our
foundation in
1999. Despite the intimidation and the violence dished out to
our members
and supporters, including me personally, we see no solution in
simply
finding bigger sticks. That is fighting the wrong fight.
The MDC, in
something of a rarity among African opposition groups, has no
army. While
Robert Mugabe and his thugs trash the country and trample on
justice, we
cannot play the same brutish game and call ourselves democrats.
We have
relied on and trusted the democratic process and invested our belief
in the
international community being there to uphold those same values. Yet
this
has not happened.
While gaining plaudits is not on our agenda, we might
justifiably have
expected the international community of liberal and
democratic nations to
act on their professed values and support a colleague
in need of assistance.
The MDC and the many democrats in Zimbabwe have
understood there is an
obligation to liberty that would be acted on by those
in possession of it.
We appear to be wrong.
For Zimbabwe to be the
proud and successful country it can be, and has been
before, we need the
world community. As a country, even a democratic one, we
will stand only by
propping against those who can help us re-establish a
free
Zimbabwe.
Today, we look out at our peers and hear the frustration, the
anger they
feel. They are emotions we feel too. But we see their reluctance
to act and
we bear the consequences.
And we are not alone. The
implications of a failure to act in Zimbabwe are
that despots everywhere
will be encouraged and democrats will be
disillusioned. While it is true
that liberty is its own reward, those
fighting at the coalface of democracy
should expect more return on their
investment. They should be able to
hope.
What we call for is a means to remove the defeated Mugabe. But,
more than
this, we need to find the way to break down his corrupted regime
and banish
those who have benefited from it and now close ranks about their
leader.
This is a job for the UN, above all. The UN has the wherewithal
and the
legitimacy of multilateral compulsion to effect forward movement in
Zimbabwe
today.
President Mugabe and his minions must be isolated,
physically if need be,
and a new Zimbabwe defended as it emerges from the
ruins.
This means freezing the assets of the regime, blocking
transactions, closing
down networks, putting a spanner in the machinery of
coercion, protecting
the innocent, and in every way marginalising the rotten
infrastructure of
the formerly ruling Zanu-PF until it can no longer
survive.
It may seem odd that we are calling for what sounds like a
peacekeeping
operation in Zimbabwe, but this is in effect what we seek. For
Zimbabwe is
under attack from within. It is being eaten away by the forces
of the former
government, and what peace there is needs to be nurtured and
developed.
There is no hope for Zimbabwe otherwise.
There are
implications for the international community, too, should Zimbabwe
fall. The
international community is today being beaten by the wily old
master of
lies, Robert Mugabe. So far, democracy's finely balanced gains in
Zimbabwe
are only highlighting the defeatism of the international community.
That is
a situation that needs to be reversed immediately.
Morgan Tsvangirai is
the leader of Zimbabwe's Movement for Democratic
Change. He wrote this
comment exclusively for Fairfax Media.
nasdaq
JOHANNESBURG (AFP)--South Africa's ruling ANC and
its alliance parties
Sunday called for an end to all violence and harassment
of civilians in
Zimbabwe in the aftermath of March 29 elections.
"We
call for an end to all violence and harassment of the civilian
population, "
the alliance said in a statement after their two-day meeting
in Midrand,
outside Johannesburg.
"We urge the leadership and the people of Zimbabwe
assisted by SADC
(Southern African Development Community) to work together
to find a lasting
solution to this crisis," it added
The meeting,
attended by senior members of the African National Congress
(ANC) , the
South African Communist Party and labour federation COSATU, was
organised to
forge a better working relationship between the partners.
The meeting
also "expressed grave concern at the worsening situation in that
country,
including the arrest of the president and secretary general of the
Zimbabwe
Congress of Trade Unions," it said.
Participants pleged to "mobilise
solidarity for the Zimbabwean people in our
country and the
region."
They also pledged to tackle the rising cost of food and fuel, as
well as
unemployment, poverty and inequality, crime, and the country's
electricity
crisis. They said they would work together for the 2009
elections in South
Africa.
The meeting reaffirmed its support for the
president of the ANC, Jacob Zuma,
a presidential hopeful who is facing
corruption charges.
"We will not only be accompanying him to court but to
the Union Buildings as
the next president of South Africa," the text
said.
Zuma goes on trial in August on 16 counts of fraud, corruption,
money
laundering and racketeering.
(END) Dow Jones Newswires
05-11-080749ET
11:01 GMT, Saturday, 10 May 2008 12:01
UK
|
As Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe
fights to maintain his grip on power, there are fears of a new wave of violence
against his opponents. Orla Guerin reports from Zimbabwe, despite a ban on the
BBC.
The man wearing them had served me lunch. He was friendly and polite. His shirt and trousers were spotlessly clean and freshly pressed. But when he brought my bill, his footwear gave him away. I could see his toes poking out through a large hole between the sole and the top of the shoe. The bill came to $20 (£10) - in Zimbabwe dollars that is more than four billion.
For the waiter, that probably would have been about three months' take-home pay. Wondering how many billions it would take to buy new shoes, I left a large tip. When he saw the amount, he raised his hand to his heart in thanks. The Zimbabwean currency has become so worthless, that you can find it littering the streets. Five-hundred-thousand-dollar notes lie in the dirt. Nobody bothers to pick them up. A friend in Zimbabwe went shopping for a few gifts this week. When she selected them, in the morning, the bill came to Z$17bn. Three hours later, when she came back to pick them up, the price had risen to Z$21bn. Dying regime? During my stay I met a tour guide, who had worked abroad for years. He came home in 2005, when the economy was already in freefall. "Why come back then?" I asked. "To help bring about change," he said. He told me, as did many Zimbabweans, that the Mugabe era was coming to an end, though he was not sure how. "Our old man is on the way out," he said. "It's the last kick of a dying horse."
He spoke firmly but quietly, with a quick glance over his shoulder to see who was about. We talked over dinner, a three-course meal - soup, chicken and dessert. He ate slowly and carefully. "An ordinary man could spend a year without eating a meal like this," he said. The same man told me the churches are a lot fuller these days, not because a suffering nation is finding consolation in religion, but because church groups can sometimes help people find food, or arrange decent burial. Many in Zimbabwe cannot afford the cost of dying. At a small cemetery, where the grasses grew higher than the tombstones, we met a group of young men digging a grave. They were not gravediggers, this was a do-it-yourself funeral. "We are burying our sister," one told me. "She had been sick for a while." The deceased was 37 years old. Dying in your 30s is typical these days. Life expectancy in Zimbabwe is among the lowest in the world. Police checkpoints Travelling through the country can be an eerie experience. We had the open road all to ourselves for hours. The only distraction along the way was the occasional roadblock, usually manned by relaxed police.
With BBC News banned in Zimbabwe, we were running the risk of arrest. But we managed to pass unnoticed, and many ordinary Zimbabweans ran the much greater risk of agreeing to speak to us and tell us their stories. They could expect harsh treatment from the authorities if they were caught. At a remote rural homestead, we were welcomed by a village elder who was no stranger to President Mugabe's wrath. In the past, supporting the opposition MDC had cost him dearly. His home was burned down and his wife was beaten. The fields around the homestead were full of withered corn and the grain stores were empty, but our host wanted to kill a chicken and prepare a meal for us. We thanked him, but said we could not accept. Later that night we found the dead chicken in the back of our truck. Some of those we met were putting their hope in the international community. "They won't let this continue," one man said. "They'll send in the UN." Poll fears But Robert Mugabe knows there will be no-one coming to stop the beatings and the killings by his henchmen. If a second round of voting comes, many may be too afraid to go back to the polls.
"Sadly it won't be possible to vote again," one opposition supporter told me, sounding weary. Others may be unable to risk coming out of hiding. I met an MDC activist who was on the run, following a brutal beating. We spoke for just a few minutes. He was too afraid to stay longer. He had had no contact with family or friends for more than six weeks. "If they hear my voice on the radio," he said, "they'll know I'm alive." I asked what he thought would happen, if he was caught again. "It won't be torture then," he said. "It will definitely be death. "But if needs be, we are ready to sacrifice our lives to make things better for our children. I have no regrets." |
Zim Online
by Sebastian Nyamhangambiri and Tendai Maronga Monday 12
May
2008
HARARE – Zimbabwe police have arrested more than
50 opposition activists for
allegedly burning down a farm belonging to
Police Commissioner General
Augustine Chihuri.
Police in Mashonaland
Central province where the farm is located confirmed
arresting the
opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party
activists over the
past week following the arson case last Monday.
“We have arrested 56 MDC
supporters for violence and arson in Shamva. They
will appear in court
soon,” said a police official, who spoke to ZimOnline
by phone from the
provincial capital, Bindura.
Harare lawyer Alec Muchadehama, who
represents the MDC, confirmed the
arrests, adding that the opposition
supporters were being held in police
custody.
Muchadehama said: “We
were told that the magistrate for the area is on leave
so a relief will come
either on Tuesday or Thursday next week.”
Scores of opposition activists
have been arrested in the aftermath of
Zimbabwe's March 29 general elections
in which President Robert Mugabe’s
ruling ZANU PF party lost its
parliamentary majority for the first time in
28 years when it garnered 97
seats compared to 110 won by the MDC and other
minor opposition
candidates.
The MDC accuses the police of applying the law selectively
targeting
opposition supporters for arrest while turning a blind eye on ZANU
PF
activists who according to the MDC have committed the most violence since
the elections.
The MDC says at least 24 of its supporters have been
murdered while another
5 000 have been displaced in politically motivated
violence, which the
opposition party has described as a war being waged by
state security forces
and ZANU PF militants against Zimbabweans. –
ZimOnline
Free Palestine, Free Burma, Free
Tibet . . . .. Free Zimbabwe. It was a
crowded agenda facing the passing
public in London on a sunny Saturday.
With Palestinian supporters
flocking to a rally in Trafalgar Square, it was
the drumming, singing and
dancing which drew attention to us. Some people
question whether the
singing and dancing is appropriate and we explain it is
part of our
culture. Just because we are singing doesn't mean we are happy
at the awful
situation at home.
The anger of the Palestinians, the determination of
the Tibetans and the
anxiety of the Burmese are shared by our anger,
determination and anxiety.
We are increasingly contacted by people in
other troubled parts of the
world. Two Congolese exiles dropped by the
Vigil and were keen to work with
us. More support from the DRC came by
email: "We are Congolese people. We
support you against Mugabe. Africa is
suffering with men like Mugabe,
Kabila". We are also in regular contact
with Dr Tayeb, an activist for the
suffering people in Cabinda. We met him
during our protest in Lisbon last
December.
We were pleased to have
with us the musician John Law, a stalwart of the
Zimbabwean rock scene of
the 1980s and 1990s. His latest CD features
tributes to Zimbabwe.
A
welcome feature this week was the sadza and stew brought by supporters of
our partner organisation, Restoration of Human Rights in Zimbabwe. Last
Sunday, ROHR activists held a protest outside the Catholic Cathedral in
Birmingham and were given an audience with Archbishop Nichols who expressed
his support. They are planning another protest in Slough, we will keep you
informed as plans firm up.
Patson Muzuwa addressed the Vigil about
the work of our coalition partner,
the Zimbabwe Association (ZA), a support
group for Zimbabwean refugees and
asylum seekers. ZA has opened a women's
weekly drop-in centre in Finsbury
Park, North London on Fridays (see 'For
Your Diary' below for details).
Vigil supporters Sue and Francesca Toft
have interceded with the TUC over
the detention of the President and
Secretary General of the Zimbabwean
Congress of Trade Unions, Lovemore
Matambo and Wellington Chibhebhe.
Lovemore's niece, Mercy Mwakipesile, is a
regular attender at the Vigil.
The TUC has written to the Zimbabwean
Ambassador in London expressing its
deep concern.
For this week's
Vigil pictures: http://www.flickr.com/photos/zimbabwevigil/.
FOR
THE RECORD: 165 signed the register.
FOR YOUR DIARY:
· Fridays,
10.30 am - 4 pm. Zimbabwe Association's Women's Weekly
Drop-in Centre at
The Fire Station Community and ICT Centre, 84 Mayton
Street, London N7 6QT,
Tel: 020 7607 9764. Come and share a traditional
lunch of sadza, nyama and
relish. Nearest underground: Finsbury Park. For
more information, contact
the Zimbabwe Association 020 7549 0355 (open
Tuesdays and
Thursdays).
· Saturday, 24th May 2008, 2 - 6 pm. Next Glasgow Vigil.
Venue:
Argyle Street Precinct. For more information contact: Ancilla
Chifamba,
07770 291 150 and Patrick Dzimba, 07990 724 137.
Vigil
Co-ordinators
The Vigil, outside the Zimbabwe Embassy, 429 Strand,
London, takes place
every Saturday from 14.00 to 18.00 to protest against
gross violations of
human rights by the current regime in Zimbabwe. The
Vigil which started in
October 2002 will continue until
internationally-monitored, free and fair
elections are held in Zimbabwe. http://www.zimvigil.co.uk.
Mail and Guardian
Maya
Fisher-French
11 May 2008 06:00
Want
to buy property or shares in Zimbabwe? Just bring along a
bag of fertiliser
or some cooking oil.
Maybe it's not quite that easy. But
liberalisation of the
economy has started and, as a country on its knees
desperate for food and
"strategic" goods, Zimbabwe has introduced a barter
system in return for
assets.
Last week the Zimbabwean
reserve bank governor issued a monetary
policy statement introducing a
barter system for essential "strategic
imports", by means of which items can
be imported in exchange for domestic
assets, such as shares and real estate.
Strategic imports include
fertilisers, water treatment chemicals, grain,
agricultural equipment, fuel,
cement, cooking oil, salt, yeast, animal feed
and drugs.
It is a neat solution for a country that does not
have the
foreign exchange to pay for goods it needs. The mechanics of the
system have
not been revealed yet, but it will probably be managed by the
state.
But will anyone want Zimbabwean assets as opposed to
cold,
hard-currency cash? Some clever investors might jump at the
opportunity.
John Legat, portfolio manager of Imara's Zimbawbe fund, says
that if Mugabe
is ousted, Zimbabwe will turn around -- and
fast.
"The turnaround will be very quick. You can't wait for
changes
to happen ... [If you do] you won't miss the first 10%, you will
lose the
first 100% return," says Legat.
In the past few
years the Zimbabwean stock market has not done
badly considering the
country's political and economic meltdown. Roelfe
Horne of Investec Asset
Management says the reason for this is that shares
are the only asset that
will keep up with the hyperinflation in the country.
Legat
says the stock market has not lost value in US-dollar
terms -- quite an
accomplishment considering that GDP has halved. But
returns are very erratic
for foreigners because the Zimbabwean dollar is
extremely
volatile.
However, if you don't have any fertiliser lying
around, how do
you get a piece of the action, considering the exchange
controls both in
South Africa and Zimbabwe? The trick is first to buy shares
in companies
listed in both Zimbabwe and South Africa -- for example, Old
Mutual or PPC.
You can buy the shares locally and send them to a broker in
Zimbabwe who
will sell them and buy a portfolio of local
shares.
Low risk
There are low-risk
Zimbabwean shares to be bought: many major
Zimbabwean companies have
interests across several different sectors,
because exchange controls have
prevented them from expanding abroad. A
similar situation existed in South
Africa in the 1990s, when Anglo American
owned a bank and other companies
not related to its core business. So buying
shares in a few of these major
companies will give you a diversified
exposure to the Zimbabwean
economy.
"You don't have to be very clever: just buy some of
the larger
companies and buy on weakness rather than chase in this
environment," says
Legat. If you have a lot of money you want to punt, the
Imara Zimbabwe fund
has a minimum investment of US$100 000 and is aimed at
private investors
rather than institutions. When this fund was launched a
year ago the take-up
was so great it had to turn away new inflows within the
first two weeks.
Aid to the Church in Need
Posted by Press release on 12/5/2008, 8:13 am
Board
Administrator
ACN News, 12/05/2008 - ZIMBABWE
ZIMBABWE: Tortured or killed for not voting “correctly”
By John Newton
and John Pontifex
CHURCH leaders have released a statement
condemning revenge attacks
against people who failed to vote for Robert
Mugabe in the elections –
abducting, wounding and even murdering their
victims.
In a strongly-worded document, sent to Catholic charity Aid to
the
Church in Need, Catholic and Protestant leaders spoke out against the
organised violence “unleashed” against people “accused of campaigning or
voting for the ‘wrong’ political party”.
The statement, issued by
the Evangelical Fellowship of Zimbabwe, the
Zimbabwe Catholic Bishops’
Conference and the Zimbabwe Council of Churches,
described a crisis sparked
by the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission’s failure to
release the results of the
29th
March presidential elections.
Expressing “deep concern”
about the country’s deteriorating human
rights situation, the statement
continues: “People are being abducted,
tortured and humiliated…and ordered
to attend mass meetings where they are
told they voted for the ‘wrong’
candidate… and in some cases, people are
murdered.”
Those attacked
were warned against voting for “the ‘wrong’ candidate”
again in the
forth-coming run-off Presidential elections.
The statement went on to
say that, “Victims of organized torture who
are ferried to hospital find
little solace as the hospitals have no drugs or
medicines to treat
them.”
The Church leaders add: “The deterioration in the humanitarian
situation is plummeting at a frightful pace. The cost of living has gone
beyond the reach of the majority of our people. There is widespread famine
in most parts of the countryside.”
The statement comes on the heels
of ACN’s emergency grant of $30,000
announced on Thursday (8th May) and
intended to help needy children in the
archdiocese of Bulawayo, in
south-west Zimbabwe.
Only a few days ago, Aid to the Church in Need,
which helps suffering
Christians, received information from a source in
Zimbabwe, describing a
situation spiralling out of control.
The
source, who for safety reasons remains anonymous, said, “The army
has
started to beat people… Some 11 people have been killed, many have been
maimed and wounded, and hundreds of houses have been burnt.”
The
army brutally attacked and injured civilians in areas which did
not vote for
Robert Mugabe’s party ZANU PF.
Reports claim that four villages near
Chiweshe in the Mashonaland
Central Province were targeted on Monday (5th
May), leaving 11 people dead
and more than 20 others seriously
injured.
ACN’s source in Zimbabwe said, “People live now in fear, and
they are
terrorized and questioned, ‘For whom did you vote?’ Suddenly secret
voting
is not allowed. People are beaten and told, in the next elections
vote
‘correctly’”.
According to ACN’s source Zimbabwe feels that it
has been abandoned by
the rest of the world: “While people here are
suffering and are being
humiliated the outside world keeps
quiet.”
Editor’s Notes:
Directly under the
Holy See, Aid to the Church in Need supports the
faithful wherever they are
persecuted, oppressed or in pastoral need. ACN is
a Catholic charity –
helping to bring Christ to the world through prayer,
information and
action.
Founded in 1947 by Fr Werenfried van Straaten, whom Pope
John Paul II
named “An Outstanding Apostle of Charity”, the organisation is
now at work
in about 145 countries throughout the world.
The
charity undertakes thousands of projects every year including
providing
transport for clergy and lay Church workers, construction of
church
buildings, funding for priests and nuns and help to train
seminarians. Since
the initiative’s launch in 1979, 45 million Aid to the
Church in Need
Child’s Bibles have been distributed worldwide.
For more
information, contact please contact the Sydney office of ACN
on (02)
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VULNERABLE: Herald website as seen by
thousands of its visitors on Sunday night
By Staff Reporter
Last updated: 05/12/2008
08:09:49
The Herald, seen as the official mouthpiece of an unpopular government, has been attacked by media watchers and opposition parties over its bias.
And on Sunday, its security appeared to have been breached when all news headlines on the site were replaced with the word “Gukurahundi” – the term used to refer to a 1980s clampdown by government troops in the Matabeleland region which rights groups say left as many as 20 000 people killed.
Since Zimbabweans voted on March 29, handing control of the country’s House of Assembly to the opposition, and almost securing opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai outright victory against President Robert Mugabe, dozens of opposition activists have been reportedly killed in post-election violence.
Opposition groups have openly called the killings Mugabe’s “new Gukurahundi”.
Gukurahundi is a Shona word used to refer to the early rain which washes away the chaff before the spring rains.
It gained infamy when it was used as the code name for the army operation in Matabeleland which was in response to an apparent security threat posed by a handful of “dissidents”. The operation soon veered off and targeted opposition leader Joshua Nkomo and his supporters, forcing him to flee to former colonial power Britain.
Tsvangirai’s opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) has promised to set up a Truth and Justice Commission if it is elected into power in a new round of voting expected before the end of the year to look into the Gukurahundi atrocities.
Many government departments, ministers and security chiefs have been targeted by opposition activists who have published their official and private telephone numbers online and urged people to call-in and vent their spleen.
It was not immediately possible to obtain comment from the Herald last night, but the breach will be a major embarrassment to the paper’s management.