Zimbabwe puts conditions on allowing election observers

International Herald Tribune

ReutersPublished: May 12, 2008

HARARE, Zimbabwe: Zimbabwe will not invite election observers from Western
countries to monitor a presidential runoff unless they remove sanctions,
state media reported Monday, rejecting opposition demands.

Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa said Zimbabwe would not bow to pressure
to invite election monitors from Western countries and the United Nations.

"We will think favorably of them if they lift sanctions," the state-run
Herald newspaper quoted him as saying. "Until they do that, there is no
basis to have any relationship with them."

After weeks of equivocation, the opposition leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, said
at the weekend he would contest the runoff against Robert Mugabe even though
he believes he won outright in the first round and has accused the ruling
ZANU-PF of vote-rigging.

Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) said he would return home
to deal Mugabe a "final knockout" after almost three decades in power.

But Tsvangirai said he would only run if international observers and media
were given full access to ensure the vote is free and fair.
Zimbabwe's government rejected any conditions for the runoff, but it has
previously allowed in election monitors from regional group SADC.

Only one European country - Russia - was invited to observe the March 29
poll. Diplomats accredited in Zimbabwe were the only other Western observers
allowed to monitor the vote.

The standoff has dashed hopes that the election will bring relief to
millions of Zimbabweans who are suffering because of severe food, fuel and
foreign currency shortages and the world's highest inflation rate of 165,000
percent.

Mugabe has blamed Zimbabwe's economic collapse on Western sanctions. Western
countries say the limited measures are designed only to target Mugabe and
his top officials.

The MDC said it had stepped up efforts to secure SADC peacekeepers for the
runoff after weeks of violence that intimidated voters.

A former guerrilla leader, Mugabe has ruled Zimbabwe since independence from
Britain in 1980. The West and rights groups accuse him of human rights
violations and wrecking the economy, but he is viewed as an independence
hero by many in Africa.

Official results showed ZANU-PF lost its parliamentary majority for the
first time in the elections, and that Tsvangirai beat Mugabe in a parallel
presidential poll, but not by enough votes to avoid a runoff.

Zim rejects Tsvangirai demands

News24

12/05/2008 20:14  - (SA)

Harare - Robert Mugabe's government on Monday brushed off opposition calls
for conditions to be attached to a run-off presidential vote in Zimbabwe, as
first round victor Morgan Tsvangirai prepared to return home.

After more than a month spent lobbying neighbouring countries for support as
his country sank deeper into a post-election crisis, Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) leader Tsvangirai has indicated his return is now imminent.

But while Tsvangirai has insisted he will only run in a second round against
Mugabe if the ballot is guaranteed to be free and fair, the government has
ruled out any suggestion that Western observers will oversee the voting and
said the MDC leader had no reason to fear for his safety.

"If indeed there was a threat to his life, we have got law enforcement
agents," Deputy Information Minister Bright Matonga told AFP.

"Mischievous demands"

"Those demands are mischievous. He has never told us he ran away from any
kind of danger and as far as we know he is on holiday, at the same time
trying to drum up support for his campaign to demonise Zimbabwe."

Mugabe's Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa said the government would not
succumb to pressure from the opposition to invite certain international
observers, and Western countries which have imposed sanctions are not
welcome.

"We will think favourably of them if they lift sanctions. Until they do
that, there is no basis to have any relationship with them," the state-run
Herald daily quoted Chinamasa as saying.

After being widely criticised for staying out of the country so long,
Tsvangirai announced his intention at a news conference in South Africa on
Saturday to return home "within a few days".

But he said he would participate in the run-off only if there was a complete
cessation of violence, a revamp of the electoral commission, and the
deployment of international peacekeepers and foreign observers.

Campaign of terror

The MDC says Mugabe is orchestrating a campaign of terror to ensure a second
round victory.

A number of opponents of the regime have been arrested, including the
president and Secretary-General of Zimbabwe's main umbrella union
organisation, who remain in police custody.

"They have been denied bail," lawyer Alec Muchadehama told AFP on Monday,
referring to the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Union's president Lovemore
Matombo and Secretary-General Wellington Chibebe who were arrested last
Thursday.

A newly-elected lawmaker for the MDC was also arrested on Monday in
connection with post-election violence in his constituency, a colleague told
AFP.

MDC leaders met with Angola's President Jose Eduardo dos Santos on Saturday
to urge him to send regional SADC peacekeepers for the second round.

MDC Secretary-General Tendai Biti told SA public radio there had been a
commitment from dos Santos to ensure the run-off took place "within security
of the law and that means peace and peace monitoring".

Tsvangirai return home delayed as he awaits security guarantees

Monsters and Critics

May 12, 2008, 7:20 GMT

Harare/Johannesburg - Zimbabwe's opposition Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC) leader Morgan Tsvangirai, 56, will not return Monday to Zimbabwe to
begin campaigning in a run-off presidential election as expected, his
spokesman said.

Tsvangirai's spokesman George Sibotshiwe said the MDC leader, who announced
Saturday he would contest a presidential run-off against President Robert
Mugabe, would return to Zimbabwe 'within the next few days ... not today.'

Tsvangirai on Saturday said he would return to Zimbabwe within two days to
begin campaigning for a second round of voting in the March election, which
the MDC is demanding be held by May 23, among other conditions.

Mugabe, 84, who has ruled Zimbabwe since independence in 1980, is seeking a
sixth term in power, despite presiding over his country's economic ruin.

The MDC had initially resisted a run-off, saying their man beat Mugabe
outright in the first round on March 29.

Official results however gave him 47.9 per cent against 43.2 per cent for
Mugabe - below the 50-per-cent-plus-one-ballot threshold needed for a direct
victory.

Ahead of his return Tsvangirai met over the weekend with Angolan President
Eduardo dos Santos, a close ally of Mugabe, from whom he sought assurances
on his safety in Zimbabwe.

Dos Santos heads the political, defence and security committee of the
14-country Southern African Development Community, which is mediating in the
Zimbabwean impasse.

Asked whether the MDC leader had obtained the necessary security guarantees,
Sibotshiwe told Deutsche Presse-Agentur dpa: 'They (SADC) are working on
it.'

Tsvangirai has been based in South Africa and Botswana for the past month,
amid concerns for his safety in Zimbabwe, where the MDC says over 30 of its
members have been killed and hundreds of supporters injured by pro-Mugabe
militia and soldiers since the elections.

Ahead of his return, Mugabe's party and the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission
poured cold water on some of the conditions the MDC leader demanded for a
run-off.

ZEC was quoted in a Sunday paper in Zimbabwe as saying it would 'likely' not
hold the run-off within three weeks of the results being announced on May 2.

Patrick Chinamasa, Mugabe's reappointed justice minister, also ruled out
allowing United Nations observers in to monitor the poll and rejected the
MDC's call for the state-controlled ZEC to be reconstituted.

Zimbabwe Opposition MDC Lawmaker Arrested - Colleague

nasdaq

HARARE, Zimbabwe (AFP)--A newly-elected lawmaker for Zimbabwe's main
opposition Movement for Democratic Change, or MDC, party was arrested Monday
in connection with post-election violence in his constituency, a colleague
said.

Heya Shoko, who won a seat in Masvingo province formerly held by President
Robert Mugabe's ZANU-PF party, is believed to be the first opposition
lawmaker to be arrested since a March 29 general election.

"I was with him in town when three detectives from the CID law and order
sections took him away saying it was in connection with some incidents in
his constituency," a fellow MDC lawmaker told AFP by phone from Masvingo.

  (END) Dow Jones Newswires
  05-12-081017ET

MDC MP Arrested While Reporting Abduction of Youth Member

SW Radio Africa (London)

12 May 2008
Posted to the web 12 May 2008

Tererai Karimakwenda

We received a report that the MDC MP for Mutasa Central, Trevor Saruwaka,
was arrested Sunday morning at Penhalonga Police Station. He had gone there
looking for one of the MDC Youth members who had been abducted and detained
by war veterans.

According to Pishai Muchauraya, the Tsvangirai MDC spokesperson for
Manicaland, a group of CIOs arrived at the station while Saruwaka was
talking to the officer in charge, Assistant Inspector Goronga. They asked
why the MDC members were inside the police station. Goronga identified
Trevor Saruwaka as the MP for the area. The CIO's instructed him to
immediately arrest this elected official and detain him, claiming he was
inciting violence in Mutasa Central.

This is similar to countless other reports we have received where the
victims are arrested when they approach the police to file a complaint or
report an incident. The innocent get arrested.

Muchauraya said the arrest follows an incident last week when MDC supporters
were attacked by ZANU-PF supporters and war veterans at Mutasa and Watsomba.
The MDC youths and villagers tried to defend themselves.

The MDC retaliation came after police failed on a number of occasions to
take any action after being told of the violence perpetuated by ZANU-PF
supporters and war veterans. Other MDC supporters who went to Penhalonga
Police Station to make such reports were threatened with arrest and chased
away.

Muchauraya said the arrest of MP Saruwaka did not come as a surprise to the
party. He added: "It is ZANU-PF's agenda to try and frustrate the MDC
leadership ahead of a possible run-off, whose date they are reluctant to
announce for fear of defeat and further embarrassment."

Village Head Killed And 80 Homes Burnt By Zanu-PF Youth in Shamva

SW Radio Africa (London)

12 May 2008
Posted to the web 12 May 2008

Tererai Karimakwenda

Youth militia descended on the home of a village head in Ward 8 Shamva and
attacked the traditional leader and his wife with axes. Our correspondent
Simon Muchemwa said Sabhuku Elias Madzivanzira, who was over 70 years old,
died on the spot.

His wife suffered severe injuries but has been blocked from getting medical
treatment. Muchemwa said she may die soon if nothing is done. He explained
that Madzivanzira was targeted because his Ward produced a majority of
opposition councillors in the March 29 election.

The youths went on to burn down about 80 homes in the area, which is run by
Chief Mutumba. Muchemwa said all 80 of the families have fled and it is not
clear where they are living. The Shamva area is where we reported that 100
families were camping outside the police station after their houses were
burnt down.

According to our correspondent, ZANU-PF youth were given blue uniforms last
Monday and are now known as the "Boys in Blue". Since then violence has
escalated drastically in the Mashonaland Central and Mashonaland East areas.
The youth now travel in larger teams of 500 to 1,000 in order to make sure
they outnumber opposition groups that were forming to defend themselves.

Muchemwa said the locals have implicated the Deputy Youth Minister and Mt
Darwin MP Xavier Kasukuwere, as the chief architect of the violence in these
areas. Our correspondent spoke to one of the ZANU-PF youth members who fled
from their militia camp and he confirmed that they were being paid to carry
out these brutal attacks.

Each targeted opposition supporter is rated by the chief organisesrs
according to a "star" system. A target with 5 stars is the highest rating,
meaning most wanted and is to be killed. 4 stars mean you rate a severe
beating and torture. 3 stars will get you serious intimidation and mild
assault. Muchemwa said the youth are being paid Z$10 billion if the target
dies instantly. They get Z$5 billion if the target suffers serious injuries
that could lead to death and Z$1 billion if they flee from their home.

A report from Chiredzi said there was a queue of these youth militia members
at a local bank, where they were cashing their cheques. The government is
obviously spending huge sums of money on this violent campaign, while
complaining that they do not have sufficient funds for the runoff
presidential election. To organize violence on such a large scale requires
funding of salaries, vehicles, fuel, food and ammunition for this so-called
"Operation Mavhotera Papi". Not forgetting the alcohol and drugs used to get
the youth 'high.'

The violence is well documented by the government of South Africa. A New
York Times newspaper report on Saturday said South Africa's President Thabo
Mbeki sent a team of retired generals to Zimbabwe to look into the
accusations of political violence. The report said the Generals were briefed
by church and medical groups that are helping the wounded and that they also
talked to the victims in a Harare hospital.

Commenting on the Generals' visit, one doctor is quoted as saying: "I was
blown away by their concern". Zimbabweans can only hope that Mbeki can learn
to be as equally concerned.

Our correspondent said people are devastated and angry at the violence and
are vowing never to support a party that is capable of such horrific acts
against it's own people. If Mugabe thinks that violence this time is going
to ensure people vote for him in a presidential runoff, he is sadly
mistaken.

Police Beat Up And Evict Anglican Parishioners

SW Radio Africa (London)

12 May 2008
Posted to the web 12 May 2008

Lance Guma

State sponsored violence against members of the Anglican Church reached new
levels over the weekend as police in different parts of Harare gatecrashed
church services and beat up parishioners loyal to new bishop Sebastian
Bakare.

At the St Francis parish in Waterfalls riot police interrupted the service
during 'holy communion' and told parishioners to leave. Witnesses said the
parishioners assumed it was the usual police over-zealousness and some of
them remained seated. The police then began beating up people, including
women, in the church.

On Monday, Newsreel spoke to Bishop Bakare who confirmed that similar scenes
were witnessed in Borrowdale, Budiriro, Dzivarasekwa and other parishes. The
Christ Church parish in Borrowdale was raided by police who arrested the
warden there, a Mr Murombedzi. He was taken to Borrowdale police station but
after several hours of stalling over a charge they eventually released him.
A furious Bakare said what was happening was a 'national scandal' adding,
'even Ian Smith (former Rhodesian leader) allowed us to worship.'

Sources told Newsreel that the ousted Bishop and Mugabe supporter, Nolbert
Kunonga, has branded new bishop Bakare an MDC supporter who is receiving
money from Britain. The accusation has provided an excuse for a crackdown on
Bakare's followers, with instructions being given to the police force that
all parishioners loyal to him be barred from using any of the church
buildings in Harare. A High Court order that divided time for church
services between Bakare and Kunonga was suspended, following the granting of
an appeal to Kunonga by Chief Justice Godfrey Chidyausiku.

On becoming Bishop, Kunonga plunged the Anglican Church into disarray after
pledging his support for Mugabe's violent land-grab policy. He targeted
priests who disagreed with him by posting them to remote areas, while
members of the CIO threatened some with death. An attempt by Kunonga to
withdraw the Harare diocese from the Province of Central Africa backfired as
the province later dismissed him. Kunonga continues to defy the dismissal
and has relied on state security to beat up and intimidate his opponents.

Out of some 69 vicars in the church 59 support Bakare, while 10 have
remained loyal to Kunonga. Coincidentally and not surprising those 10 were
ordained by Kunonga. Frustrated that the majority of parishioners also
deserted him Kunonga has used state security operatives to keep the doors of
St Mary's cathedral shut. Every Sunday Kunonga and a small group of
supporters open up the cathedral for their service, then lock it up again.

US ambassador accuses Mugabe's party of 'atrocities' meant to intimidate voters before runoff

PRinside

2008-05-12 19:03:03 -

HARARE, Zimbabwe (AP) - The U.S. ambassador to Zimbabwe said there is
undeniable evidence that Robert Mugabe's party is driving a systematic
campaign of violence intended to intimidate opposition supporters before a
runoff presidential election.
Ambassador James McGee made the remarks in an open letter to media
organizations that was published Monday in the state-run Herald newspaper
alongside an unsigned editorial rebuking his views.
The paper blasted McGee, accusing him of «very scandalous acts» and of
breaching diplomatic procedure by speaking out on the violence that has
riven Zimbabwe since its March 29 elections.
McGee said in his letter that, as a supporter of human rights, he felt
compelled to speak out against «atrocities being committed across Zimbabwe,»
and he vowed to press for the prosecution of perpetrators of the violence.
He said it was undeniable that some within Mugabe's ZANU-PF party have
started a systematic campaign of violence meant to ensure Mugabe wins a
runoff against opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai.
McGee said the U.S. government has received confirmed reports of at least 20
deaths and more than 700 incidents of violence resulting in more than 200
people being hospitalized since the first round of voting in March.
Detailed evidence of torture, beatings and the burning of homes «paint a
deeply disturbing picture of an organized campaign of violence against those
who voted for the opposition» orchestrated at the highest level of Mugabe's
party, he said.
The evidence was passed on to the United Nations and regional leaders. The
United States knows the identities of many of those responsible for
instigating the violence and carrying it out, McGee said.
«Until the violence stops, we will continue to work with local and
international partners to help care for the wounded, feed the hungry and
house the homeless. ... We will continue to gather evidence of the
atrocities being committed so that the guilty can one day be brought to
justice,» he said.
The state Herald said McGee failed to raise the allegations with the
government through formal channels and did not submit any evidence of the
allegations to law enforcement authorities to enable them to take action.
Diplomats were guests in Zimbabwe and McGee flagrantly disregarded the
nation's «rule of law» and made threats «in typical policeman-of-the-world
fashion» against Zimbabweans he claimed were involved in violence and could
be punished, it said.
«If this is not a naked threat of violence from McGee, what then would be
defined as a threat?» said the Herald in a prominent article that did not
identify its author.
Observers inside and outside Zimbabwe have questioned whether a second round
of voting could be free and fair with the opposition unable to campaign
freely because of attacks and threats. Mugabe's ruling ZANU-PF, meanwhile,
already has launched its runoff campaign.
According to the Zimbabwe Association of Doctors for Human Rights, at least
22 people have died and 900 have been tortured in postelection violence. The
country's agriculture union has also said 40,000 farmworkers have been
displaced in an effort to prevent them from voting in the runoff.
The presidential runoff between Mugabe and Tsvangirai, the opposition
leader, will not be held in the next few weeks, as required by law, the head
of the electoral commission said on the weekend.

Tsvangirai maintains he won the most votes in the first round but said over
the weekend that he would participate in a runoff against Mugabe.
He said the vote must legally be held within 21 days of the May 2
announcement of presidential results, but the head of the electoral
commission said more time was needed to ready the second round.
Meanwhile, religious leaders in South Africa were briefed Monday by
President Thabo Mbeki on his efforts to mediate the Zimbabwe crisis.
Ashwin Trikamjee, co-chairman of the Presidential Religious Working group,
said Mbeki told them that a task force including retired army generals from
South Africa had been sent to Zimbabwe to investigate «complaints and
allegations of violence.
Once the task force has reported back to mediators, steps will be taken to
«ensure the runoff election takes place in as free and fair a manner as
possible,» Trikamjee said.
A statement issued after the meeting called for the Zimbabwe crisis to be
resolved as «speedily as possible, in the interest of the people of Zimbabwe
and the whole of southern Africa.

South Africa's unseemly alliance

Los Angeles Times

Its president stands idly by as Mugabe and his thugs ruin Zimbabwe.
By James Kirchick
May 12, 2008
The tendency to compare contemporary political events to the Third Reich is
called reducto ad Hitlerum, so facile are the alleged similarities and so
often is this tactic employed. With that caveat, when I saw a photograph
Friday of smiling, garland-laden South African President Thabo Mbeki holding
the hand of Zimbabwean dictator Robert Mugabe, I couldn't resist drawing a
mental parallel: British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain in 1938 waving
his copy of the Munich treaty before a crowd of thousands, boasting that he
had achieved "peace for our time."

That Mbeki, who last month insisted there was "no crisis" in Zimbabwe,
continues to glad-hand Mugabe represents a complete abandonment of moral
responsibility. As he provides diplomatic cover, Mugabe's armed thugs roam
Zimbabwe's countryside threatening, torturing and killing people believed to
have voted for the opposition Movement for Democratic Change. The MDC claims
25 of its supporters have been murdered and 40,000 people have been
displaced since the March 29 parliamentary and presidential election. The
regime has detained journalists and trade union leaders as well as members
of the country's electoral commission, the body that verifies election
results.

The regime claims that MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai, while besting Mugabe,
did not poll more than the 50% required for an outright win and has mandated
a runoff. Given that the alternative would be an automatic Mugabe victory,
Tsvangirai has decided to take part. Yet conditions for a free and fair
election clearly do not exist in Zimbabwe. In an interview with the New York
Times last week, a member of Mugabe's Politburo implicitly promised war:
"We're giving the people of Zimbabwe another opportunity to mend their ways,
to vote properly. This is their last chance."

And yet, as the world looks to South Africa for political leadership (as it
is the region's economic powerhouse), Mbeki stands idly by. In fact, his
methods of dealing with the tyrant to his north -- supplying cut-rate
electric power, issuing nary a word of criticism, siding with Russia and
China to prevent the dispatch of a U.N. envoy to report on postelection
violence -- has exacerbated the political and humanitarian crisis.

Why has Mbeki acted this way?

National liberation movements rule the roost in much of southern Africa:
Angola, Mozambique, Namibia, Zimbabwe and South Africa are all governed by
political parties that emerged from armed revolutionary movements, and their
leaders tend to close ranks when one is threatened. The leaders of South
Africa's ruling African National Congress fear a domino effect, in which the
fall of a sister liberation movement could portend a similar fate for its
own political fortunes. "If Zimbabwe 'falls,' South Africa will be the next
target," South African historian R.W. Johnson wrote recently in the London
Review of Books.

Zimbabwean writer Blessing-Miles Tendi, writing in the Guardian, offered
another explanation for South Africa's inertia: Mbeki owes Mugabe a
political debt. Mugabe could have seized Zimbabwe's white-owned farms in the
1990s but resisted, in part because of pressure from the ANC, then trying to
convince South Africa's whites that they would not lose their land in a
post-apartheid dispensation.

On a plane ride from Johannesburg to Harare in 2006, I sat across the aisle
from a South African military officer on a mission to train Zimbabwean
troops. Appalling as it may seem, post-apartheid South Africa maintains a
firm military relationship with the Mugabe regime. They formed a joint
commission on military strategy and intelligence in 2005, for instance. Both
are also members of the African Union and the Southern African Development
Community, regional alliances that discourage unwanted meddling and
encourage mutual sustainment. The AU even amended its constitution in 2003
to permit forceful intervention in any AU country to rectify "serious
threat[s] to legitimate order." This was widely seen -- correctly -- as a
form of regime preservation.

The March 29 election gave a reticent Mbeki every opportunity he needed to
gently urge a peaceful transition of power in Zimbabwe. But his aversion to
the opposition Movement for Democratic Change -- which the ANC's top brass
views as a "neocolonialist" threat partly because of the support it has from
the West -- led him to quietly support the breakaway candidacy of Mugabe's
former finance minister, Simba Makoni, as a "third way" option to keep the
MDC boxed out.

Another complicating factor is that Mbeki faces internal opposition from
South African labor, which opposes his free-market economic reforms and is
allied with its anti-Mugabe Zimbabwean trade union brethren. Victory for the
opposition in Zimbabwe would embolden Mbeki's domestic antagonists.

Mugabe has easily manipulated Mbeki, a strange set of affairs considering
that the former figure is a discredited dictator running a morally bankrupt
kleptocracy, and the latter presides over a country brimming with
international goodwill and a strong economy. It is not in South Africa's
national interest, nor -- despite what he may think -- in Mbeki's personal
political interest that Mugabe's disastrous rule continue. No political
leader wants a failed state on his border, and Zimbabwe's collapse is deeply
felt in South Africa, where more than 3 million Zimbabweans have fled in
recent years, crowding into a country with 40% unemployment.

As discredited as his role as mediator may be, Mbeki can still act for good.
At the very least, he could demand an end to the regime's unceasing violence
against its own people. He could threaten to cut off fuel and electric
supplies. He could publicly demand Mugabe step aside. If that's too
antagonistic, he could pressure Mugabe to allow journalists and election
observers from free countries (i.e., not just teams from China, Iran and
Venezuela, nations that Mugabe welcomed in March) to monitor the runoff.

But by refusing to perform even the easiest of these tasks, Mbeki has
exposed himself as an utterly feckless leader. The tragedy of Zimbabwe falls
considerably on his head.

James Kirchick is an assistant editor of the New Republic.

Zimbabwe's second round poll to be delayed

SABC

May 12, 2008, 14:30

Zimbabwe's Electoral Commission (ZEC) has confirmed that the second round of
the presidential election will be delayed due to logistical problems.

ZEC Chairperson George Chiweshe says it is unlikely the run-off could be
held by May 23, as laid down by law. Chiweshe says the ZEC is waiting for
funds to be allocated by government to hold the poll. The opposition
Movement Democratic Change (MDC) says a delay will give authorities time to
carry out attacks on its supporters.

A number of former army generals from the SANDF are meanwhile in Zimbabwe
gathering information on the level of violence in that country. This is part
of the SADC mediation initiative led by South African President Thabo Mbeki.
This has been revealed by religious leaders after a meeting with President
Mbeki in Pretoria.

Mbeki's Continued Baby-Sitting Mugabe Unacceptable

The New Times (Kigali)

OPINION
11 May 2008
Posted to the web 12 May 2008

Ndung'u Wainaina
Kigali

Zimbabwe crisis coming hotly after Kenya is indicative of grave dangers
ahead threatening governance, democracy and human rights in Africa. It is a
vindication of severe weaknesses and deficit of internal institutions in
resolving internal disputes and conflicts not just within the country but
also within African Union.

Of keen interest would be how Ghana and South Africa are set to handle their
respective elections with ethnic cleavages starting to emerge. While the
Africa Union may protest this assertion and parade Kenya as contrary
evidence, my opinion remains. What happened in Kenya is legitimization of
civilian coup against people's sovereign will through back door.

The political deal brokered by African Union mediation process led by Dr.
Kofi Annan cannot be the formula to brand and market. Nobody should attempt
to propose this formula to Zimbabwe. It is fraudulent, cruel and
illegitimate. It subverts democracy and human rights. Consolation is that
despite the Robert Mugabe's incredible regime brutality, the indomitable
spirit of the people of Zimbabwe and their yearning for democracy remains
unbowed. African Union and others in international community must stand with
the people of Zimbabwe in order to realize their goal of democracy and human
rights.

Mugabe's barbaric acts of crushing opponents seem as entrenched as ever. It
is significant to emphasise that Mugabe lost the election but is forcing to
negotiate his way out - a fact that has been confirmed by outcome of the
forced re-count of votes. The South African government apparently support
for re-run is misguided. How do you conduct and manage a re-run in an
extremely volatile and conflict situation?

President Mbeki has his right of opinion but I do not think the Southern
Africa Development Community necessarily shares the same position. South
Africa might be the regional top dog with peculiar historical ties to
Zimbabwean people but that must not be the excuse for complacency and
baby-sitting Mugabe. Truth be told, Mugabe has a progressive side. However,
his invocation of imperialism sabotage to justify brutalizing and
annihilating Zimbabweans is unacceptable. A three-tiered pressure approach
accompanied by clear division of labor between the African Union, United
Nations, Zimbabwe's neighbors and the wider international community is
required to bring change in Zimbabwe. It is important to observe that
constitutional and governance reforms are absolutely critical before going
into another election. A transient government and a reform agenda programme
is the starting point.

The first tier would build on the work of the President Mbeki's mediation
process. He has been able to establish a reasonable relationship with all
the key players in Zimbabwe crisis. It therefore makes sense for this
process to be taken over, strengthened and directed by the African Union to
coordinate the diplomatic efforts. SADC can play key role focusing on
constitutional, electoral and political reforms, national reconciliation and
socio-economic reforms. This would require sustained, high-profile mediation
efforts. However, accountability for the grave human rights violations must
not be sidetracked. Secondly, accelerated and structured regional talks are
essential. South Africa and other neighboring countries have taken heat for
their defense of Mugabe even when he is committing absurd atrocities. This
has seriously damaged their credibility and moral legitimacy to intervene.
Now is the time for them to call in their favors with the brutal Mugabe's
regime. Zambia and Botswana are showing progressive leadership in resolving
Zimbabwe crisis unlike ambivalent South Africa. Regional talks based on the
prospect of Zimbabwe's reintegration into the region should address the need
for long-term stability, democratic reforms and transparent socio-economic
policy. Without paranoia, Zimbabwe neighbours and friends will need to
reassure Zimbabweans that Zimbabwe's stability and territorial integrity are
not threatened by their intervention but it is for the good of the region.
African Union has been accused for long for reluctance and lackluster
initiative in resolving Africa's governance crisis. The West must accept
that given a chance and support AU can deliver. Regional civil societies
have to take more bold steps in helping Zimbabweans. I know Open Society
Initiative for Southern Africa, Open Society Initiative for Eastern Africa,
Kenya's human rights groups, South Africa's human rights and labour
movements amongst others are working jointly with various Zimbabwean civil
society groups. Their active involvement and participation in resolving
Zimbabwe crisis is of utmost necessity. It is possible that Mugabe might
agree to constructive actions with a group consisting of regional actors.
The wider international community has a vital role to play too, providing
the context for the regional talks and the UN's mediation efforts. This
would mean keeping human rights at the top of the agenda; developing a set
of escalating sanctions targeting top notch Mugabe supporters and incentives
to encourage progress and punish recalcitrance by the regime; and monitoring
the regional talks to ensure they do not degenerate into an excuse for
inaction and arena of rewarding gross human rights violations. A development
partners' dialogue forum could help address the urgent problems of hunger,
poverty, and disease. It could also start contingency planning for a
transition to democracy. The crisis in Zimbabwe goes beyond politics. After
decades of oppression, institutional failure and poverty, the country
suffers deep social divisions, incompetent and corrupt governance, collapse
of the social amenities and deep-rooted structural poverty of major
proportions. The creation of a development partners' forum would send a
powerful message to Mugabe that there is an alternative to self-perceived
hostile relations with the outside world.

Resolving Zimbabwe crisis must also address certain persistent
misperceptions. The first is that ever tighter sanctions can force change.
Mugabe and his cohorts are used to ostracism, and they are not going to be
forced to give up power through West-styled sanctions. The second is that
South Africa and certain East countries like China holds the key, if only
they can exert their influence. China's influence and support come out
recently through shipment of consignment of arms to Zimbabwe. Arms
moratorium to Zimbabwe is critical. Zimbabwe does not just need removal of
Mugabe's brutal regime. At best, Mugabe removal can only be beginning of the
real process of transforming governance. Zimbabwe faces real problems of
internal conflict and instability. Rule by fait has caused most formal and
informal institutions to wither. Change will require compromises, and will
be slow at best. There is a small window of opportunity to bring change in
Zimbabwe. African Union and Zimbabwe's neighbors backed by the international
community should seize the moment.

Writer is Director, International Center for Policy and Conflict

Mbeki, religious leaders discuss Zimbabwe crisis

President Thabo Mbeki and President Robert Mugabe

May 12, 2008, 19:00

President Thabo Mbeki and religious leaders have agreed that the Zimbabwean situation should be resolved as speedily as possible. Mbeki briefed members of the presidential religious working group at the Union Buildings in Pretoria today on his facilitation of events in Zimbabwe.

Co-chairperson of the religious group, Ashwin Trikamjee, said after the meeting the run-off presidential election must take place in a peaceful atmosphere.

Trikamjee said progress is being made in investigating violence claims involving former defence generals. He said the investigating team will report to Mbeki soon.

With an election run-off looming, the Zimbabwean Electoral Commission is reported as saying that it will take some time to get ready, as it still has to raise funds for the run-off.

In an about turn, the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) announced that it will participate in the run-off. But they called on the UN and the EU to monitor the run-off. It's still unclear whether the MDC and Zanu-PF will agree on a transitional government of national unity.

During her budget speech tomorrow, Foreign Affairs Minister Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma is expected to touch on the situation in Zimbabwe.

The barbarity continues

Zimbabwe Today

Another atrocity against the people of Zimbabwe

As our politicians squabble, debate, impose conditions and argue, as
international statesmen fudge and mumble their vague support for our
suffering, it is easy to forget that down the dust roads and rural tracks of
this country a daily horror is taking place. This is another eye-witness
account.

The village of Chiweshe is near the small town of Mazoe, some 150 kilometres
north of Harare. A Zanu-PF militia force, numbering about 20 and led, I am
informed, by retired army major Cairo Mhandu, arrived at the village late
one night last week.

Four residents of the village, all of them known to be activists and
supporters of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) were
rounded up. Then, while other villages were forced to watch, the torture
began.

The four men - Jemedza Maguramhende, Tapiwa Meda, Alex Chiriseri and Roda
Chavachimwe - were first flogged with whips made of barbed wire. When they
became unconscious they were revived with water, then beaten to death with
rifle butts.

The scene was described to me by Ida, the wife of Mr. Maguramhende, as she
waited at a Harare clinic next day, to take her husband's body for burial.
"They wanted my husband and they got him," she told me. "They killed him
before my eyes."

A post mortem on Maguramhende revealed that his jaws and temple had been
"forcibly collapsed" and that he had a huge dent in the back of his skull.
Another victim, Tapiwa Meda, was so badly beaten that he could only be
identified by his wrist watch.

Apart from the four who died, two other men were beaten, and are now in
intensive care in a private Harare hospital. They were David Mapuranga and
his father, Richard. David is known to be a major MDC activist who organised
support in the run-up to the election.

Both men were whipped with barbed wire until they passed out. Richard's
wife, Marevaseyi, told me that Mhandu, the militia commander, ordered that
they be revived before being killed "so they can endure the pain of dying."

But the two men were so badly beaten that they did not recover consciousness
despite by doused with water. Mhandu turned his attention elsewhere, and
ordered the whipping of Richard's sister, Margaret. She was tortured, with
effects that even here I cannot bring myself to relate

Throughout this whole barbaric nightmare, other villagers were forced both
to watch, and to sing songs in support of Zanu-PF and its bloody history.

Around midnight the Zanu-PF force left the village. The horror of that
dreadful night remains.

Posted on Monday, 12 May 2008 at 09:49

Zim union leaders denied bail

IOL

    May 12 2008 at 05:31PM

Two Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) leaders have been denied
bail when they appeared in court on Monday, ZCTU said in a statement.

ZCTU president Lovemore Matombo and secretary general Wellington
Chibebe were remanded to May 23.

ZCTU acting information officer Last Tarabuku said the presiding
magistrate said the two men were not eligible for bail and had to remain in
custody in the interest of justice.

Tarabuku said ZCTU's lawyer Aleck Muchandehama was lodging an appeal
with the High Court.

Matombo and Chibebe were arrested on Thursday after handing themselves
over.

The men were charged for "inciting people to rise against government".

The allegations arise from comments which the two made at this year's
May Day celebrations at the Dzivaresekwa stadium.

Tarabuku said the state prosecutor told the court that the two men
would abscond if they were given bail.

The men are being held at Harare remand prison. - Sapa

Land, retribution and elections: Post election violence on Zimbabwe's remaining farms 2008

Poll Violence Escalates As Opposition Set for Runoff

The Nation (Nairobi)

12 May 2008
Posted to the web 12 May 2008

Kitsepile Nyathi
Harare

Mr Richard Nhliziyo could not help crying as menacing supporters of
Zimbabwe's ruling party set his three huts on fire in a midnight raid that
left his grandchildren too traumatised to return to school.

South Africa's President Thabo Mbeki and Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe
walk down the red carpet at Harare International Airport. Mr Mbeki and Mr
Mugabe held talks on Friday on Zimbabwe's election crisis. Photo/REUTERS

"They accused me of campaigning for the Movement for Democratic Change and
said I had no right to live among patriotic Zanu PF supporters," Mr Nhliziyo
sobbed as he narrated his ordeal at one of the safe houses provided by
churches in the second city of Bulawayo.

"All the family's food reserves, clothes and property went up in smoke that
night and I do not even imagine where to start... it is terrible."

But he thanks his gods that the militia spared his life as over 30 people
have been killed countrywide for supporting the MDC, which ended the ruling
party's 28 year-old uninterrupted control of parliament in the March
elections.

At least 3,000 villagers from across the country have been displaced in
politically motivated violence spawned by President Robert Mugabe's first
round defeat to MDC leader Mr Morgan Tsvangirai.

The violence escalated last week as the MDC finally confirmed that it will
take part in the second round of voting after all, civic groups and doctors
that have been treating the victims said.

There are reports that hundreds of schools have been closed down as the war
veterans have set up bases in the institutions of learning to spearhead the
violence in rural areas which were considered Zanu PF strongholds before the
embarrassing defeat.

Mr Mncedisi Makhulumo, a teacher, told a heart rending account of how he was
humiliated in front of his pupils by the militia before he was forced to
abandon his job.

One of them grabbed me by the collar and threw me to the ground, in front of
my pupils and their parents," Mr Makhulumo said.

MDC as a puppet party

"I was ordered to openly declare my allegiance to Zanu PF, sing their songs
and denounce MDC as a puppet party of the West before I was heavily
assaulted."

Fears mounted here at the weekend that the orgy of violence that has already
driven 2,000 refugees to seek asylum in neighbouring Botswana would worsen
when the campaigns intensify after Mr Tsvangirai confirmed that he would
take part in the presidential election runoff.

Zimbabwean doctors treating victims of the violence and torture on Friday
spoke of "a dramatic escalation" of the attacks directed and carried out by
agents of the government and the ruling party.

The number of wounded soared to more than 900 since the disputed elections
on March 29, with 22 confirmed deaths, the report said."This figure grossly
underestimates the number of victims countrywide as the violence is now on
such a scale that it is impossible to properly document all cases," the
Zimbabwe Association of Doctors for Human Rights said.

So many victims had come in with broken bones over the previous 24 hours
thathospitals and clinics in Harare were running out of plaster, according
to the report dated May 8.

Mr Tsvangirai on Saturday announced from South Africa, where he has been
staying since escaping the violence a month ago that he would contest the
run off, despite the evidence of intensifying violence.

He called for an end to the violence and an international peacekeeping force
to calm the situation ahead of the runoff.

A South African observer mission that monitored the March 29 elections last
week said it would be impossible to hold the election amid the violence.

Although the first round of the polls was generally peaceful, the Zimbabwe
Electoral Commission (ZEC) took a month to release the results, a situation
that fuelled tension as it became clear that Mr Mugabe lost.

The official results rejected by the opposition as fraudulent put the
opposition leader ahead of the geriatric former guerrilla leader.

The ZEC is yet to set a date for the run-off which should have been held 21
days after the results were released, with reports that the commission is
broke to hold the polls within such a short period.

Meanwhile, the veterans of the country's liberation war and unemployed
youths lured with money have stepped up the terror attacks on civilians as
the ruling party prepares for the runoff.

In the latest travel warning issued to its citizens planning to travel to
Zimbabwe, the United States government warned that the ZANU-PF party has
unleashed a wave of political violence.

It said the terror campaign is designed to cow opposition members and
supporters into submission and deter them from participating or voting their
conscience in a possible runoff election.

"Soldiers, police, war veterans and youth militia loyal to the ruling party
have been deployed in rural areas throughout Zimbabwe to systematically
intimidate voters through killings, beatings, looting of property, burning
of homes and public humiliation," reads the warning

But the government still strenuously denies the accusations with the army
issuing a statement last week denying reports that soldiers had been
deployed countrywide to campaign for Mugabe.

The Zimbabwe National Liberation War Veterans Association (ZNLWVA) chairman,
Mr Jabulani Sibanda who has led the Zanu PF storm troopers since the violent
2002 presidential elections campaigns also tried to distance the war
veterans from the violence.

"We are busy campaigning for President Mugabe," he said. "Why should we set
up torture camps to abuse fellow Zimbabweans?"

Former Home Affairs Minister, Dr Dumiso Dabengwa who last year shocked Zanu
PF to the core when he backed former Finance Minister, Dr Simba Makoni in
his challenge for the presidency believes that Mr Mugabe has lost control of
the situation in the country.

"I have been informed that a clique of powerful people within Zanu PF
convinced Mugabe to stay on despite losing the election and this why the
situation in the country has deteriorated to these levels." He said the only
way out for the country was a government of national unity, which must be
formed by Mr Tsvangirai as his party won most of the seats in parliament. A
fresh election would then be organised within two years.

Meanwhile, Mr Tsvangirai who said he would return to Zimbabwe "soon" has
come under severe pressure from his supporters to "stand with the victims"
of the violence, if he entertained any chances of retaining their support.

"We are now having a shepherd who has abandoned his flock," said renowned
political analyst Professor Eldred Masungure. The violence in Zimbabwe has
also become a source of concern for neighbouring countries that are likely
to be affected by an influx of illegal immigrants.

Last week, the Botswana government instructed its public media to expose the
plight of Zimbabwean refugees escaping political violence as asylum seekers
continued to flee across its border.

Mugabe Officially Launches Terror Campaign

By Lee Shungu, on May 12 2008 14:30  

Zimbabwe's only president since independence, Robert Mugabe has officially launched a 'patriotic' campaign mainly through unleashing terror and violence against opposition party members, The Zimbabwe Gazette has established.

Mugabe Officially Launches Terror Campaign

To a larger extent, the violence is targeted at the rural folk in anticipation they will vote for Mugabe in the presidential election run-off to be held at a date to be announced.

Speaking to this reporter, a Zimbabwe National Army (ZNA) official based in Harare said last week, their seniors instructed them to incite violence.

“This order- which came from the highest office has been officially given to soldiers, war veterans and the notorious youth militia around the country.”

“If you are complaining that currently there is too much violence in the country, you have not seen anything yet. We are coming after you,” he said.

During the weekend, South African president, Thabo Mbeki was in the country and had talks with Mugabe. The outcome of the meeting was not disclosed, but SA sources hinted the issue was on violence.

The MDC president, Morgan Tsvangirai is also reported to have snubbed a meeting with Mbeki during the weekend.

According to the ZNA official, all these stories and rumours we hear- about ZANU PF and MDC supporters clashing, are a reality.

“The only difference is the news source. The country's sole broadcaster, Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC) will tell you the MDC supporters have attacked ZANU PF supporters. Of, course, this will be a lie. It would have happened vis-a-vis.”

“The independent media tries by all the means to tell the truth. ZANU PF is behind all the violence,” he emphasised.

Results of the March 29 presidential elections were in favour of Tsvangirai who got 47.9 percent, whilst Mugabe had 43.2 percent. The results were released after ZANU PF claimed the MDC had rigged the election and ordered for a re-count.

The ruling party also lost the majority of seats in Parliament for the first time since 1980.

The ZNA member says terror has been widely seen by the ruling party as the solution to 'win' votes.

“The recent elections reveal people no longer want Mugabe in power, but the aging leader is and will do anything to stay in power.”

“As the army, it is difficult for us to refuse orders, especially from an individualistic perspective for example in this case- unleashing terror,” he said.

Currently, a group of war veterans is causing havoc in and around Murehwa, about 60 kilometres North East of Harare.

According to a witness, last week along Murehwa road, the group stopped a bus destined for Murehwa, before assaulting passengers.

“I was also a passenger in the same bus. We were ordered to disembark from the bus before being asked to chant party slogans.”

“About sixteen of us refused and we were not allowed to get back on the bus, so we decided to walk, of which the war veterans labelled us MDC supporters and started attacking us with stones.”

“As we ran for dear life, we then agreed to fight back, so we stopped and picked up logs, stones and metal rods near a farm boundary wire and thus the war veterans retreated,” he said.

The man- who was in a state of shock said he will not be travelling to his rural home, for now and if he does travel- will go wearing a ruling party T-shirt.

“On our way back, we met the same fate. Obstacles were placed on the road, and the bus driver had to stop. A group of war veterans emerged from the bush, and again labelling us Harare residents who support Tsvangirai.”

“It is when one passenger with a V3 mobile phone (with Mugabe's face as wallpaper) claimed he was going to call Mugabe informing him war veterans were causing noise. That is when the bus driver was ordered to take off,” he added.

Sorry, Burma (and Darfur and Zimbabwe and Lebanon) - you're on your own

National Post, Canada

Posted: May 12, 2008, 10:57 AM by Marni Soupcoff

Lorne Gunter

"What can we do for the people of Burma if their government will not
grant foreign relief workers visas to enter the country after last
weekend's cyclone?" a colleague asked last Friday.

The short answer is: Pray for the souls of those who have died and pray
again that those still alive manage somehow to survive, because the real
answer — the one the world knows to be true but won't admit — is nothing
can be done if the Burmese junta won't allow it.

The problem in Burma, Darfur, Zimbabwe, Lebanon and most
humanitarian-crisis hotspots is that short of invasion there is little,
if anything, the world can do except sit back and watch. And the world
is not going to invade.

Even in places where "the world" (read, the West) has troops on the
ground — recall Rwanda and Srebrenica — the United Nations or the
Western-led coalition in charge is almost always too fearful of being
called racist or imperialist to use force, so it does nothing as carnage
goes on all around.

There is much talk at the world's jaw-jaw organizations such as the UN
and the Commonwealth about "responsibility to protect" and "soft power,"
but for all this high-minded sentiment and flowery rhetoric, nothing
short of hard power is going to save most victims of humanitarian
crises. And the West, quite rightly, is reluctant to go around invading
sovereign nations each time some generalissimo or president-for-life
decides to use a cyclone, drought, tsunami or social unrest to keep his
people down and weaken his opposition.

Our leaders can condemn the actions of these brutal oppressors until
they are blue in the face. They can pass resolutions at international
summits calling for action. They might even try sanctions against the
strongmen's imports or freezing their secret foreign bank accounts.

Still, the sad truth is the dictators of the world know we're not really
going to do anything to them — at least nothing that worries them. Most
have killed thousands of their own people already. Time and again they
have proven their indifference to human life, so words of outrage are
never going to cause them to change their ways.

Take Darfur for example. The crisis there has been going on for more
than three years. The Sudanese junta, through its surrogate, the
Janjaweed militia, has killed 300,000 or more of its is own citizens and
forced another 2.5 million to flee the country.

One tank corps from any Western army and one division of infantry could
secure the region in under a week. Probably just a squad of tanks, a
dozen helicopters and brigade of foot soldiers could do the job. But as
we've learned from Iraq, the trouble is not successfully invading an
underdeveloped nation, it's what you do after the invasion that's the
tricky part.

There's a year-old agreement between the UN and Sudan's bloody dictators
to let in Western peacekeepers and food supplies, but Khartoum has never
honoured it and the UN hasn't the fortitude to enforce it.

About 10 months ago, Western leaders gathered in Paris to discuss
Darfur. Afterwards, U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice said the
world could not "continue to sit by." The world, Ms. Rice said, would
"redouble its efforts." But a redoubling of nothing is still nothing.

No country with the military capacity to do something does anything.
They don't want to be culturally insensitive to the African Union's
ability to solve crises on its own continent, even though the AU has no
ability to solve crises. And they don't want to anger China, the
sponsors of the Sudanese regime. China is not going to risk alienating
Khartoum for fear of losing oil supplies it desperately needs. And the
West is not going to rankle China because what it really wants (in
addition to a continued stream of cheap manufactured goods) is Chinese
help disarming nuclear North Korea.

I am not advocating the creation of an Invasion-of-the-Month club. Far
from it. I'm in favour of a return to the Westphalia principles. For
nearly 350 years, from 1648 to the invasion of Kosovo in the mid-90s,
the twin peace treaties of Westphalia called on European nations to
respect one another's sovereignty. Invasions were permitted when one
nation threatened a neighbour's security or autonomy, but they were
forbidden just because one government disliked how the government next
door was treating its own people.

That's why, for instance, the Allies in the Second World War invaded
Germany over its march on Poland, not its treatment of the Jews. It was
an arrangement that kept Europe (largely) peaceful for more than three
centuries.

There are places like Afghanistan, from which a military attack on the
West was launched (and would be again in the absence of our troops),
that justify Western military intervention. But as hard as it would be
to live by Westphalian ideals in the age of 24/7/365 news coverage of
atrocities such as those in Burma, Haiti, the Congo, Chechnya and
elsewhere — unless the West wants to be in more or less permanent
invasion mode — we'll have to learn to curb our impulse to soothe every
problem in the world.

lgunter@shaw.ca

In search of an exit strategy for Mugabe and Mbeki

Thought Leader, SA

 Sunday, May 11th, 2008

Michael Trapido

I actually needed three sources (News24, the SABC and iafrica) to confirm
that I hadn’t misread President Mbeki’s views on Zimbabwe, as given to
al-Jazeera in Doha, Qatar. In essence it confirmed that the people of
Zimbabwe were to solve their own problems and the rest of the world were
simply there to assist. Staggering!

There are two major errors — among the multitude — in this offering;
firstly, South Africa raced to the United Nations Security Council to tell
the world to butt out — they must not assist (they can give money I would
imagine, just don’t stop the butcher from cutting up the meat) and secondly,
as our president well knows, the ruling party will not budge one inch while
they are holding the guns and South Africa is bouncing gatecrashers at the
door.

http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/africa/article3913183.ece

Chris Mcgreal, the Observer columnist, summed up Burma and Zimbabwe as
follows: “The two regimes have much in common besides decades in power and a
deep-seated paranoia. The crisis in Burma lays bare how both regard their
own survival, and enrichment, as paramount, no matter how many of their
citizens die along the way. It’s a common trait in authoritarian regimes.
The Burmese army doesn’t really think it is better able to deliver aid than
the World Food Programme. But the regime is fearful of allowing in hordes of
foreigners from countries it blames for Burma’s problems because that would
be an admission of its own failings and limitations.

General Than Shwe and the rest of the junta know they are deeply unpopular
and that only fear and a sense that the army is all-powerful is what keeps
the population from rising up. So large numbers of Burmese who survived the
cyclone are likely to die because their government, like the regime in
Zimbabwe, is really afraid of its own people.

They were dying unnecessarily through neglect in Burma even without a
cyclone. Healthcare is dire. Hospitals are ill-equipped and antiquated.
Parts of the country were fed by the WFP long before Nargis hit. Burmese
live about 15 years less than people in Thailand or Vietnam. Not that the
generals show any concern so long as they are building mansions from the
profits of Burma’s natural gas.

Zimbabweans are dying in vast numbers too, with the lowest life expectancy
in the world because of acute shortages of food, medicines and work, while
the Zanu-PF elite enriches itself.

That, in a nutshell describes the plight of the people of both of these
countries — held in check by the military who support these rogue regimes,
they daren’t rise up for fear of anihilation. In the case of Zimbabwe no
matter how much the rest of Africa or it’s own people plead for sanity to
prevail, Zanu-PF and Mugabe carry on regardless.

Unlike Burma, Zimbabwe did not have something as dramatic as a cyclone to
introduce the world to their plight but the results are the same as the
various humanitarian agencies are pointing out.

A monument to man’s inhumanity
At this point I think it necessary to distinguish the ANC from the
government. At present the ANC and members of the government along with our
opposition parties, trade unions and the majority of South Africans are
fully behind the people of Zimbabwe. They are showing true solidarity with
our northern neighbour’s plight. The president has shown himself, and some
may admire him for this, as a true friend to Robert Mugabe and the Zanu-PF
but seemingly indifferent to the plight of the people.

His disastrous policy of quiet diplomacy contributed to the worst downturn
of the economy since the Weimar Republic and allowed Mugabe to turn on his
people with impugnity. Then when the world could stand it no more, instead
of allowing the United Nations to involve themselves, he raced to block any
UN resolution aimed at assisting them.

The MDC have asked Mbeki to recuse himself as mediator. If you have ever
been to court and seen how careful our judges and magistrates are to avoid
claims of bias, then you will appreciate just how bad this looks. Of course
a Business Day article alleging that the president ignored the advice of two
judges he appointed to monitor the 2002 election won’t help his cause
either. Their report was scathing on the way that election was held

Now having refused to recuse himself, “the impartial mediator” expects
Zimbabweans to resolve their own problems. Let’s look at how they have been
able to do this in the past as a result of him running interference for
Mugabe.

Leaving aside the humanitarian disaster and everything that contributed
towards it (mass murder of whole groups of black people, implosion of whole
suburbs, torture, exiling more than a quarter of the population and the
like) let’s simply examine this election so far.

Before the election, primarily the government media operated internally,
meaning the overwhelming majority who have no access to the internet, got to
hear the government tell them how Mugabe was saving them from the
colonialists — who, by the way, left a couple of decades ago.

As the editor of the Standard found out, you don’t criticise Bob. There is
violence and intimidation on a large scale to ensure voters knew who to vote
for and no provision for the exiles — who number in their millions — to
vote. There are no international observers to stop Mugabe rigging the vote,
no foreign press unless they were from discredited sources who would not
tell the world what was going on or at least stay within the boundaries
given to them which prevented them seeing how bad it is. This is by no means
exhaustive of Mugabe and Zanu-PF conduct.

Just to recap thus far, quiet diplomacy was a major contributor to a
humanitarian disaster and prior to the elections. This provides us with a
wonderful example of how the Zimbabweans can help themselves and provide
solutions — like rigging an election or mutilating their population. Of
course, it must not escape your attention that not only are Mugabe and
Zanu-PF totally incapable of running a country, they are even incapable of
rigging an election properly. They somehow managed to lose it. Talk about
not being able to organise a piss-up in a brewery.

Without rehashing all the events I’d like to point out the following. Mugabe
knew he had lost almost immediately. He thereupon decided that a run-off was
the result and launched a massive campaign of violence to re-educate the
voters. If they couldn’t understand how to vote then they needed to be
killed or sent into exile prior to the next round of voting.

While he knew almost immediately that there was a run-off, his ZEC was
happily counting away or was that actually a case of filling in enough dead,
non-existent and anonymous voters, in favour of Mugabe in order to bring him
up to 43%? Either way, it took five whole weeks to get there. Let’s face it,
in a normal election Makoni would beat Mugabe, never mind Tsvangirai.

So that’s leaves us with a run-off where Mugabe and the Zanu-PF will ensure
that this time there are no mistakes. Their own monitors (some of whom were
arrested for being stupid enough to miss the wink when they were being told
to be impartial) won’t allow Tsvangirai voters to fool them again. As
confirmed on Saturday, Zanu-PF have already rejected Tsvangirai’s
conditions — observers, peacekeepers and the like — for the election.

This is hardly surprising when their own respected former home affairs
minister Dumiso Dabengwa says that Zimbabwe is de facto under military rule
with soldiers campaigning for Mugabe!

What about the solutions to South Africa’s Zimbabwean problem Mr President?

Let’s take a look at the cost of our current Zimbabwean policies on South
Africa.

If South Africa was hammering Mugabe I would not raise this issue but as we
appear happy to defend this disgusting man let’s see at what cost to our
people. How much do you think it costs South Africa every year to babysit
three to four million exiles? R10-billion, R20-billion — you give me the
figure. That is a direct cost to the state — medical care, policing and on
and on. Now ask yourself how many homes could we have built or mouths could
we have fed for South Africans with that same money. Please remember, the
exiles are here because we are allowing their government to brutalise their
people to the degree that they would rather live here illegaly than in the
country of their birth.

In order to assist you I urge each and every one of you to read the Sunday
Times’ in-depth analysis of what this is costing our country every year.
Leave aside the battering that South Africa and Africa are taking in terms
of reputation and credibility just what we are losing in rands and cents.

Again, ask yourself what the country could have done with that money to help
our citizens. How many more people could have had homes, electricity, lights
and water, better schooling and who knows what else but for this
misadventure in propping up Mugabe — a man loathed and despised by our
Zimbabwean brothers and sisters?

The cost of Zimbabwe to South Africans, in financial terms, I would imagine,
must exceed even that of the Eskom debacle and the arms deal combined.
Accordingly not only are we doing the morally indefensible but we, like the
Zimbabweans, are paying an enormous price in order to do it.

In conclussion I would once again point out that the ANC, certain members of
the government, trade unions, opposition parties, the majority of the people
of South Africa, Zimbabwe, the PAP and AU, the UN and wherever else you
look, want resolution and the end of Mugabe.

If you want a better life for yourself and the people of South Africa and
Zimbabwe then make yourself heard!

Call for the bill and then send the exiles home to the government of their
choice.

As prices soar, Zimbabweans hope for end of turmoil

Reuters

Mon 12 May 2008, 11:22 GMT

By Nelson Banya

HARARE (Reuters) - Before Zimbabwe's disputed elections in March, 2 billion
Zimbabwe dollars could get you a room in a five-star hotel. Today, Gabriel
Matope hopes it will buy him two litres of cooking oil -- if he can find
some.

More than six weeks after the poll and ahead of an expected run-off in which
the opposition wants to end President Robert Mugabe's 28 years in power,
Zimbabwe's economic crisis is deepening every day and pushing ordinary
citizens to despair.

Hopes for change are giving way to resignation as citizens wonder whether
the run-off -- for which a date has still not been set -- can actually end
the turmoil.

"We continue to wait: for elections, for results, for cash at the banks, to
buy groceries ... for everything we wait. But, for how long?" asked Matope,
an unemployed mechanic, as he queued to withdraw money at a bank in central
Harare.

Zimbabweans had hoped the March 29 elections could help end their country's
economic meltdown, which has triggered inflation of 165,000 percent, 80
percent unemployment, severe food and fuel shortages, and a flood of
refugees to neighbouring states.

Instead, prices have skyrocketed in the stalemate since the poll and reports
of politically motivated attacks are spreading.

Bread, which is not available in most shops any more, cost 15 million
Zimbabwe dollars before the election, and now costs 200 million. Fuel costs
have doubled. Bank note shortages mean queues for cash spill out onto the
street.

Analysts said they doubted a popular uprising in response to the turmoil,
but said more and more Zimbabweans were clamouring to get out of the
country -- exacerbating a drain of skilled and manual labour that has
already taken a hefty toll.

Mugabe's government accuses businesses of profiteering as part of a Western
plot to unseat him.

IMPACT ON POLITICS

Eldred Masunungure, a political scientist at the University of Zimbabwe,
said the post-election crisis might strengthen the opposition Movement for
Democratic Change if the run-off is fair -- something of which the
opposition and Mugabe's Western critics are far from convinced it will be.

"As conditions continue to deteriorate and violence engulfs the country, it
is clear ZANU-PF will get more unpopular and its chances of victory in the
run-off are diminished," he said, suggesting the ruling party might prefer a
compromise such as a unity government ahead of fresh polls.

He pointed to the introduction of new 100 million (about $0.40 at the
interbank rate) and 250 million Zimbabwe dollar bank notes introduced this
month to ease the effects of 165,000 percent inflation.

"The new notes are ample evidence to the fact that things have spun out of
control. There's a leadership vacuum in this country, following the
inconclusive election, and that is totally unsustainable," Masunungure said.

Central Bank Governor Gideon Gono said he feared there may be no economy to
speak of if the run-off results are disputed.

Official results showed opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai beat Mugabe for
the presidency in the first round, but not by enough votes to avoid a
run-off.

"It would be a tragedy of unimaginable proportions and a great setback if we
are to have a loser in this race refusing to recognise the winner," he wrote
in a commentary in Zimbabwe's Financial Gazette weekly.

The MDC says it favours a free market economy, will do away with government
controls and has promised to reverse moves by Mugabe to give majority shares
in foreign-owned business to locals. Mugabe blames the West and its
"puppets" in the opposition for the economic rot.

Zim settles $700 million debt

afrol, Norway

afrol News, 12 May - Despite faced with deepening economic crisis, Zimbabwe
has paid back US $700 million to the African Development Bank.

"Zimbabwe has, in all, paid $700m to the Bank Group despite numerous
economic challenges currently facing the country, both globally and
locally," the bank group said in a statement, attributing the country's
efforts to pay its debt to "testimony of the government's determination to
live up to its international financial obligations obligations vis-à-vis
donor agencies and development partners."

On 14 April 2008, Zimbabwe paid US $200m to the African Development Fund and
US $500m to the African Development Bank.

Zimbabwe's challenges have contributed to its under-performance in the
agricultural, manufacturing, mining and tourism sectors.

Like many other developing countries, the Southern African country has not
been spared by the global food crisis and the corresponding surge in food
prices, as well escalating oil prices.

Besides, its domestic economic development has been characterized by high
inflation, output contraction and rising interest rates.

The absence of balance of payments support, declining capital inflows,
recurrent droughts and rising oil prices have severely undermined the
economy’s productive capacity, resulting in most industries operating below
30% capacity.

"Though the country is currently experiencing balance of payments
constraints resulting in delays and, sometimes, failure in meeting its
financial obligations vis-à-vis donors, the government, however, fully
acknowledges its external financial obligations," the bank group said.

"The government remains committed to honoring its debt obligations. In line
with its commitment to fruitfully engage its partners, goodwill payments are
being made with a view to normalizing relations and paving the way for new
disbursements."

Zimbabwe has also been commended for its commitment to "instituting
macro-economic reforms aimed at addressing its economic challenges." Its
focus on enhancing food security, foreign exchange generation and increasing
the supplies of basic commodities was noted.

Meanwhile, the bank group warned that the near doubling of prices of some
staple food crops in recent months had serious implications for Africa,
especially the poorest nations where poor people were forced to spend huge
proportion of their income on food.

In a new report - Africa Economic Outlook - launched Sunday, the bank called
for an urgent action.

"Besides the rising price of crude oil, in the last three months since
January 2008, prices of some major food crops have nearly doubled,’ the
report said.

It said prices of major staple crops had doubled in the three months after
January this year. The price of rice was increased from US $373 per tonne to
US $760 while that of maize increased from US $171 per tonne to US $220.

"These large and sudden price increases have now started to have severe
implications in many African countries."

Zimbabwe 2008 – Decision Time #2 – The final mile

Mutumwa Mawere

The race is definitely on and notwithstanding the provisions of the
Zimbabwean electoral laws, no one including the Zimbabwean Electoral
Commission (ZEC) knows precisely when the run off will be held.
It now turns out that the ZEC is conveniently out of funds when it is common
cause that the incumbent President needs time to refuel and hopefully poison
the atmosphere sufficiently to discredit his nemesis to his electoral
advantage.

If President Mugabe had won the first phase there is no doubt that Gono
would have been deployed to robb someone or further mortgage the country to
fund the election. All of a sudden the ever busy printing press cannot be
put to use to manufacture money to finance what is fast turning out to be
the mother of all battles.

Ordinarily common problems call for common sense but the Zimbabwean crisis
is different. At this defining hour in the nation’s post colonial history,
the country is being run by a cabinet whose legitimacy is questionable and
whose President has lost the trust of his people to be a credible custodian
of political morality.

The last mile is always a decisive one and it would be wrong to assume
otherwise given the nature and context of the contestation for power in
Zimbabwe.

For the first time, President Mugabe is going travel this last mile of his
political career as a wounded animal, albeit armed with poisonous
instruments targeted at defenceless and vulnerable people. President Mugabe
still believes that the justice of his cause is the justice of his tactics.
It is evident that President Mugabe and his former ruling party have not
accepted that the people who voted for the opposition did so voluntarily and
as such a different outcome should be expected in the run off election.

ZANU-PF would like to convince the Zimbabwean public that the election ought
to be about whether Zimbabwe should revert to its former colonial status or
remain under the control of the incumbent President who evidently has little
to offer rather than vernom against his opponents. What is clear is that
ZANU-PF has not accepted that Zimbabweans can make their own rational
political choices.
Unlike business where the customer is king, politics has a different modus
operandi requiring competitors to throw mud at each other so that voters can
decide who looks better than the other.
President Mugabe is advantaged in the game as he has the state machinery at
his disposal to use to discredit his opponent. Regrettably, after 28 years
of independence, the game of politics in Zimbabwe has not been transformed
to a higher level where serious conversations about the future of the
country can be held.

The strategies and tactics of President Mugabe are as predictable as night
follows day. As expected, he will continue to make the case that Tsvangirai
is less Zimbabwean than him and that a vote for Tsvangirai will not be in
the national interest.

Before the 29th March election, President Mugabe had made the case that MDC
was an agent of imperialism but unfortunately the voters did not buy this.
Subsequent to the election, President Mugabe has accepted the allegation as
true that the MDC bought its votes as he genuinely believes that no rational
Zimbabwean can conceivably think that Tsvangirai and MDC symbolizes the
change that the country needs.

The sanction issue will gain traction in the run off. President Mugabe will
argue that he has been betrayed by his colleagues in SADC who promised that
if a deal is struck paving the way for elections; Zimbabwe would be rewarded
with the lifting of the sanctions. The absence of a spirited call for the
lifting of sanctions by SADC will naturally be used by President Mugabe as a
pretext for changing the ground rules for the run off.

President Mugabe will argue that all bets should be off since the light at
the end of the tunnel appears to be Tsvangirai’s train carrying a lot of
unwelcome passengers. After the first phase of the elections, President
Mugabe is convinced that Tsvangirai’s train is carrying in its first class
cabin former white farmers.

President Mugabe is behaving as if he must have a say on who Tsvangirai
should trust in his camp. While President Mugabe can ask the country to look
east he has not accepted that Tsvangirai is also entitled to ask Zimbabweans
to look west. Even President Mugabe is looking west in so far as he desire
to get the sanctions lifted is concerned but has not accepted that the West
is fully entitled to decide who they should trust with their money after
their experience with him over the last 28 years.
President Mugabe was a darling of the same west until they discovered that
their investment in him had produced negative returns not only for them but
for the people of Zimbabwe many of whom are seeking asylum in the West.

President Mugabe will use the argument that the only segment of the
Zimbabwean population that is in a hurry to get him out of power can only be
former white farmers. Accordingly, he will continue to argue giving up power
to Tsvangirai will necessarily lead to a reversal of the land reform
program.
President Mugabe is of the view that the land reform program is irreversible
and by putting the land issue at the centre of the contestation of power he
has successfully diverted attention from his record on other nation building
issues that ought to have been at the centre of the national democratic
revolution.

Zimbabwe needs to turn a new leaf and yet it appears that President Mugabe
would rather remain in power fully cognisant of the fact that he run out of
steam and the country will be better served if he were to take a back seat.
Is there anything new that can be expected from President Mugabe?
The Zimbabwean voters have already shown President Mugabe a yellow card and
in so doing they have signalled that they need change and now want to
reclaim their future.
Common sense would call for President Mugabe to change the tone of politics
on the recognition that out of four candidates, Tsvangirai was rated as
number one.

History has already recorded that Tsvangirai has beaten President Mugabe in
a race in which President Mugabe controlled everything except the will of
the people. Surely the more than a million voters who selected Tsvangirai
cannot all have been bribed by the British and Americans. At some stage, the
will of the people must and should be respected.

Will President Mugabe acknowledge Tsvangirai as the favourite horse in this
final mile? Will he continue to invest in gutter politics? What should the
response of Zimbabweans be in this final mile?
We know that intimidation is good currency for any discredited politician.
It is not unexpected that President Mugabe’s people regard the last mile as
one in which terror should take centre stage. Evidence is abundant on the
ground that the run off will be conducted under different rules to justify
its reclassification as a totally new election. Already the rules are being
manipulated to favour the underdog and it is evident that when the electoral
laws were put in place no one could have imagined that President Mugabe
would be a victim.

Because Zimbabwe is too important to all who care about it, this is a time
that differences must be put asunder and all good minds be deployed to make
sure that this be the final mile for President Mugabe. He needs a rest and
it is important, therefore, that all the Zimbabweans in the diaspora who are
immune from intimidation and are registered to vote be energised to regard
this last mile as theirs and quietly and purposefully go home and vote while
encouraging those at home not to succumb to fear.

The Presidential vote is a national referendum on who should preside over
the executive branch of the state for the next five years. Just pose to
think and imagine a Zimbabwe after five years under President Mugabe. If you
see light at the end of the tunnel then do nothing but remain a passenger.
President Mugabe’s record is known as are his views on the Zimbabwe he wants
to see. Nothing much will change for the better if he were to be elected and
deep in his veins he knows that the game is up.
Will Zimbabweans once again rise to the challenge? Tsvangirai has accepted
to be in the race and the rest must surely fall on all Zimbabweans who have
the right to vote to exercise their historic duty in the name of all future
generations who will naturally look at this last mile as the golden mile.
The future is within grasp and the past is full of pain to allow for any
pontification.

Chinese Arms Ship Returns With Lethal Cargo

The Namibian (Windhoek)

12 May 2008
Posted to the web 12 May 2008

Christof Maletsky
Windhoek

THE International Transport Workers' Federation (ITF) has described as
"laughable" claims by a senior Zimbabwean government official that the arms
shipment carried by a Chinese ship had made its way into that country.

The ITF, along with many other international trade unions and civil society,
actively campaigned that the ship, An Yue Jiang, not be allowed to offload
the weapons ordered by the Zimbabwean government at regional harbours.

It left Luanda on Tuesday last week after it was allowed to refuel and the
ITF said by late Friday morning the ship was approximately 120 nautical
miles off the coast of Namibia, in international waters, making around 8,5
knots, a slower speed than before because it is sailing against the Benguela
current.

It was well outside of Namibian territorial waters and was expected to reach
Cape Town by late tonight.

It carries three million rounds of AK-47 ammunition, 1 500 rocket-propelled
grenades and more than 3 000 mortar rounds and mortar tubes.

The ship was recalled after pressure from civil society in the region and
the refusal by dockworkers at Durban harbour to offload the weapons and
later from Beira port in Mozambique, where it was refused permission to
dock.

The ITF helped mobilise trade unions across southern Africa to block the
delivery of the arms for Zimbabwe, and make it impossible for them to be
removed from the ship on land or sea.

"For over two weeks ordinary working men and women have kept these bullets
and bombs out of the hands of Mugabe's killers.

That work continues.

The ship and its cargo of destruction remain under close watch.

Any attempt to further arm the government of Zimbabwe will be resisted,"
said ITF General Secretary David Cockroft.

Cockroft also dismissed claims by Zimbabwe that the arms shipment was in his
possession as "empty propaganda of someone who doesn't know when he's
beaten".

FYI - useful contact details

There is an international campaign going on whereby people call, fax or
write to those listed below and give them a piece of their mind.  You may
wish to do the same, or just have the details for when you need them.
Below numbers with names......If you have any other useful details, please
send.
...........................................................................................

Didymus MUTASA (State Security): 02582 2087
Didymus Mutasa: 011200532 -  774189
STD NO. 201 HEADLANDS
Nathan SHAMUYARIRA* : 04 862073-6
7 RUBIDGE CL BORROWDALE
SAMUEL MUMBENGEGWI MUMBENGEGWI S C: 04 882930
22 STOUR ROAD VAINONA BORROWDALE
CHIMUTENGWENDE C C C: 04 251386
8 SAN FERNANDO 130 FIFE AVE HARARE
CHIHURI AUGUSTINE: 04 862410
431 BINTON RD BORROWDALE
Mnangagwa - 011 605700
OFFICE OF PRESIDENT 04 252440
MUNHUMUTAPA BLDG S MACHEL AVE HARARE
Gono's Office: 703096
Presidential guard: 707745 or 707451---2156
Francis Nhema: 04 882926
3 FARTHINGHILL P O BORROWDALE
BVUDZIJENA WAYNE: 04 884971
75 STONECHAT LANE BORROWDALE
CHIYANGWA P HON: 04 883148
8 HOBOURNE HILL BALLANTYNE PARK HARARE
KANGAI K M: 04 861944
25 GLENFOREST RD BORROWDALE HARARE
MANGWANA P M: 04 797845
9 BATH RD AVONDALE
TOBAIWA MUDEDE MUDEDE T: 04 860033
903 TOP CLOSE HATCLIFFE BORROWDALE
O.MUCHINGURI - 020 61840
4 BAHUNIA CLOSE MUTARE
CIO boss BONYONGWE H: 04 497849
76 ORANGE GROVE DR HIGHLANDS
NICHOLAS T.GOCHE: 0718 2204 CERES FARM SHAMVA 0718 2205
Ministry of DEFENCE SEKERAMAI S T THE HON: 04 860042
MADE J M: 04 492982
101 HARARE DR ATHLONE HARARE
CHOMBO I DR Min Loval Government and Mugabe strongman: 067 25297
221 CHITOMBORWIZI CHINHOYI
HARARE address - 19 Cuba Avenue, Mt Pleasant
BARWE REUBEN: 04 740245
51 LAWLEY AVE BELVEDERE HARARE
MSIKA J W (Vice PRESIDENT): 04 883097
11 NIGELS LANE HIGHLANDS
Saviour Kasukuwere:04 369444
19 TWICKENHAM DR MT PLEASANT
Patreck Chinamasa 04 860006
2 HONEY BEAR LANE BORROWDALE HARARE
Joseph Chinotimba *04 614826
State House Office of the President:
700071, 700073-76, 700098, 701947, 701956, 708682, 708690, 708691,708712
Police Commisioner
Augustine Chihuri: 250008/792621/ 700171
Home Affairs Minister
Kembo Mohadi: 011-605424/ 430422/ 794628/ 703695 Text him 011-605424
Resident Governor for Matabeleland
Cain Matema: cell no: 011871431
Work no: 09 887596 .
CHIWENGA CONSTANINO GUVEY: 04 862530
614 NICK PRICE RD BORROWDALE HARARE
Amos Midzi:* 04 301712
Charm Muchinguri: 04 496629
Minister of Economic Development
Sylvester Nguni: 04-862032 / 04-862035
Obert Mpofu:* 09 246060
Bulawayo CID: 09 884132
SAMUEL MUMBENGEGWI: 04 882930
22 STOUR ROAD VAINONA BORROWDALE
Shamuyarira Nathan: 04 862073
67 RUBIDGE CL BORROWDALE
MPOFU OBERT 04 852033/4
2501 GAYDON RD GREYSTONE PARK BORROWDALE
Lt Col Mazaiwana: *04 741 604
Chihuri cell is: +26311808290
Bvudzijena *cell* *is:* +26311801172
Lt Co Sedze L: 04 860533
Herald House and ask for the Editor: 708296 / 704088 / 794893 / 705199
Lt Tsodzai: 04 860 953
Made: 04 860 953
CHIHURI AUGUSTINE: 04 862410
Chihuri cell: +263 11808290
CHIWENGA: 04 862530
BUKA FLORA :04 745342
14270 STRAKER AVE GUNHILL HARARe
BONYONGWE Happyton ( CIO director): 04 497849
76 ORANGE GROVE DR HIGHLANDS*
Here are some FAX numbers:
President's Office:* +263 4 708848
Fidelity Printers:* +263 4 486474
RBZ: +263 4 707800 / +263 4 706450
Min. Info & Pub: +263 4 790402 / +263 4 707768
Min. Ind & Int Trade: +263 4 704116 / +263 4 729311
Min. Of Chombo: +263 4 792307
 MORE NUMBERS ON
http://www.telone.co.zw/