Reuters
Sun May 21,
2006 1:13am ET
HARARE (Reuters) - Zimbabwe's main opposition party
retained its
parliamentary seat in a key by-election President Robert
Mugabe's ruling
party had hoped would show it regaining lost ground in urban
centres.
State radio reported on Sunday that the main faction of the
divided
opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) polled 7,949 votes
on
Saturday against 3,961 for Mugabe's ruling ZANU-PF party while a smaller
MDC
camp only managed 504.
Mugabe had vowed at a rally in the
Budiriro district on Thursday to defeat
the MDC, which accuses his
government of landing the country into a
deepening economic crisis through
26 years of post-independence
mismanagement.
Inflation has rocketed
to over 1,000 percent, the highest rate in the world,
and Zimbabweans also
have to contend with high unemployment, persistent
shortages of food, fuel
and other key commodities and frequent water and
electricity
cuts.
Formed in 1999, the MDC came close to unseating Mugabe's
ZANU-PF in 2000
parliamentary elections on a wave of public anger over the
crisis, but the
ruling party has won major polls since then amid charges of
rigging from the
opposition backed by several Western
countries.
Mugabe denies the rigging charges and dismisses the opposition
as a puppet
of former colonial ruler Britain and other Western states
angered by his
controversial seizure of white-owned commercial farms for
blacks.
Zimbabwe's security forces have intensified a crackdown on
Mugabe's critics
in recent weeks, fearing protests threatened by the MDC and
its ally the
Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions.
On Saturday the ZCTU
said it would lead a national strike at an unspecified
date this later year
for higher wages as inflation ravages disposable
incomes for most Zimbabwe
workers.
Last week the police barred street marches planned to mark last
year's
official destruction of urban slums, fearing the anniversary could
provide
another flashpoint for violence.
But about 500 people marched
peacefully on Saturday in Zimbabwe's second
city of Bulawayo after winning a
court ruling permitting the march, church
leaders said.
On Friday
police detained senior opposition politicians from the renegade
MDC faction
during a road campaign in Budiriro, and deported South Africa's
most
powerful union boss as he headed to Harare for a ZCTU conference.
The Sunday Times, UK May 21, 2006
Christina Lamb
ROBERT MUGABE has spent millions of pounds ordering luxury cars
in an effort
to retain the support of allies as he comes under mounting
pressure to quit
as Zimbabwean president.
The Sunday Times has
obtained government documents showing
transfers of money made last week by
the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe to
accounts in South Africa and Britain. The
payments were for more than 50
4x4s such as the Toyota Prado and Land
Cruiser Amazon, some costing as much
as £47,000. The total order is believed
to be for more than 100 vehicles.
The revelation comes as the
country descends into economic
meltdown, with inflation officially put at
1,041%.
Many people eat just one meal of gruel a day, and
many have had
to withdraw their children from school after fees rocketed.
The Bankers
Association of Zimbabwe has warned that "serial bank collapses
are imminent".
So bad is the situation that last week the
South African
government finally broke its silence on Mugabe, calling for
"an urgent
solution".
Officials said Pretoria had been
discussing a plan with the
United Nations under which Mugabe would step down
in return for immunity
from prosecution and guaranteed exile - although they
concede that the
82-year-old dictator is unlikely to
accept.
The expenditure on cars while millions of Zimbabweans
are near
starvation and hospitals lack vital drugs will outrage the
opposition, one
faction of which is planning a "winter of discontent" to
start in the next
two months.
David Coltart, an
opposition MP, said: "The purchase of luxury
vehicles at a time when
Zimbabwe is in such an economic crisis is just a
further manifestation of
the callous disregard shown by Zanu-PF for the
plight of
Zimbabweans."
Church leaders are due to meet the president on
Friday for what
they describe as "critical talks on a wide range of issues
buffeting the
country".
Patrick Chinamasa, the justice
minister, is known to be
preparing legislation to delay the end of Mugabe's
term from 2008 to 2010.
Among the beneficiaries of the car hand-out are MPs
and senators who are
believed to have pledged their support for the
bill.
Although there is a parliamentary vehicle fund and
every MP is
entitled to buy a duty-free car for £12,000 during their
five-year tenure,
all except two of the people on the list obtained by The
Sunday Times are
ruling party MPs. Many of the cars cost double the
allowance.
One recipient is Leo Mugabe, the president's
nephew, who ordered
a Toyota Land Cruiser Amazon costing
£46,950.
The money has been transferred to an account at
Coutts in the
Strand in London. However the address given for the dealership
on the
invoice - World Class Cars of Belvedere, Kent - is private and the
Zimbabwean family living there insist they have nothing to do with Leo
Mugabe or car sales.
One of the wealthiest members of the
Mugabe clan, Leo Mugabe has
been associated with a series of scandals. He
was arrested last year after
being accused of smuggling subsidised flour to
Mozambique, and he was
dismissed as the head of Zimbabwe Football
Association after it emerged that
some of the organisation's funds had gone
astray.
The invoices show that the foreign currency used to
obtain the cars
was offered to the recipients at a rate of just 30,000
Zimbabwe dollars to
the US dollar, compared with a market rate of
230,000.
This suggests that in some cases cars might not have been
bought at
all; fake invoices may have been used both to avoid sanctions and
to move
money out of the country at highly favourable
rates.
The reserve bank has also been transferring hundreds
of thousands of
dollars to accounts overseas, supposedly for student
bursaries. On all the
relevant documents obtained by this newspaper, the
recipients are sons or
daughters of government ministers.
Other
strange transfers include a payment of £80,000 to Zimbabwe's
ambassador in
Namibia for medical fees. The approval of the money appears to
have been
based on a letter that contains no explanation of the treatment or
why the
sum should be so high.
The distribution of cars coincides with the
anniversary of the start
of Operation Murambatswina (drive out the filth),
in which 700,000 people
had their homes and businesses demolished. Fewer
than 7,000 new houses have
been built and most of these have gone to
government cronies. Yesterday
there were prayer meetings across the country
in protest.
Mugabe refuses to accept there is a problem. Last week,
the defiant
president told a gathering at Buridiro high school, where he was
handing out
computers on the eve of a by-election: "Zimbabwe will never
collapse. Never
ever!" His government said recently that unemployment -
widely believed to
stand at 90% - was just 9%. Last week it claimed that
this year's maize
harvest would be 1.8m tons, more than double other
predictions.
But Mugabe's political demise may be hastened if South
Africa has lost
patience with the constant stream of Zimbabwean refugees
crossing their
border, now numbering more than 2m.
Last week
Aziz Pahad, the deputy foreign minister and a confidant of
President Thabo
Mbeki, revealed that South Africa remained "seized" with the
problem and was
working with the UN on a solution, its first admission that
the policy of
quiet diplomacy towards its neighbour had failed.
Additional
reporting: RW Johnson, Cape Town
- Bob Stumbles
You may have read that
Archbishop Malango has decreed that the trial against
the Bishop is not to
continue and cannot be revived.
I have for many months kept quiet about
the build up to the trial of Bishop
Kunonga and the trial itself. My motive
had been to let justice take its
course
and let the truth come out through
witnesses. This way the Bishop might
have
been found not guilty or
guilty as the case would have established.
But the true course of justice
is being thwarted and reluctantly, after much
thought and prayer, I am
persuaded that writing the article, which is
attached
hereto as a paste
copy, is necessary in the best interests of justice and
the
reputation of
the Church.
"Does our law judge a man without first giving him a hearing
and learning
what
he does?" (John 7.51).
The Archbishop has given
judgment without hearing the Complainants or the
Bishop!
I would like
to thank those who have given encouragement and assistance in
this
exercise. In particular I express my gratitude to Jill Day, an
expert in
journalism, to whom I sent the completed article and who changed
the format
to
make it more acceptable (hopefully) for publication
purposes. She also
dealt
with the bit about the author.
Yours
very sincerely
BOB STUMBLES
CHANCELLOR, DIOCESE OF HARARE
DEPUTY
CHANCELLOR, ANGLICAN CHURCH OF THE PROVINCE OF CENTRAL
AFRICA
Attached
THE TRAIL OF TWO BISHOPS
BISHOP
KUNONGA'S TRIAL
Six months of official ecclesiastical silence have elapsed
since the abrupt
adjournment of the trial against the Right Rev. Nolbert
Kunonga, Bishop of
Harare, accused on 38 different counts by 90 people in his
congregation.
The Honourable Justice James Kalaile SC of Malawi, announced in
open court
on
the second day of the trial that he had decided to stand
down as trial judge
and
would contact The Most Reverend Bernard Malango,
who is both bishop of a
diocese
in Malawi, and archbishop of the Anglican
Church of the Province of Central
Africa, to appoint another judge. Six
months of perceived prevarication have
dragged by with no official answer to
letters asking the archbishop when the
trial would continue.
One count
against Bishop Kunonga is that, without lawful authority from the
diocesan
trustees, he issued an urgent interdict in the Civil Division of
the
Magistrates Court personally to restrain the duly elected
churchwardens and
members of the church council of the Cathedral of St Mary's
and All Saints
from
carrying out their normal duties and to restrain a
commercial bank from
giving
access to and acting on the legitimate
instructions of the council in
respect
of
the cathedral
account.
The bishop had refused to recognise the lawful election of the
church
council
at a properly constituted AGM and was determined to
prevent the members from
carrying out their lawful duties in terms of the
Acts (laws) of the diocese.
He
lost the case and was ordered to pay the
legal costs of the respondents
(council
and bank).
ARCHBISHOP
MALANGO BREAKS SILENCE
That silence has now been broken; not by direct
communication to the court
officials, but obliquely through the Press. A
report in The Herald,
Zimbabwe,
and "Pravda", Russia, both published on
December 23, 2005, stated the
archbishop
had reached a decision.
Surprisingly, contrary to normal procedure, neither
the
archbishop nor
the provincial secretary have officially notified the
"decision"
to the
registrar of the province who acts as registrar of the court, or
the
prosecutor of the trial, who was appointed by the archbishop.
It is
only through the public media that over 90 indigenous complainants
and
others, like the provincial registrar and the prosecutor, have read
that
Archbishop Malango apparently said he will not after all appoint another
judge
to try Bishop Kunonga but will rule on the matter himself, based on
a copy
of a
report from his own officials. (Who these are is not
disclosed).
Pravda quoted officials at the Harare diocese office as saying
Archbishop
Malango of Zambia (sic) informed church leaders (who these are is
not
stated)
throughout the province that the case against Bishop Kunonga
has been
dropped.
"The matter is closed and cannot be revived," claimed
Archbishop Malango in
a
letter dispatched to the region's 12 bishops on
December, 19, 2005,
according
to
the media.
Reports say this letter
warned É "all persons interested in bringing charges
of
this nature
against any bishop of the province (are) É to ensure that they
do
not
raise purely administrative issues masked as canonical offences." This
veiled
threat against the persons whose very complaints the archbishop
once
recognised as triable, is ill founded and misleading. Canon 24 of
the
provincial
laws does not make any distinction whatsoever between
"canonical offences"
and
"purely administrative offences" in describing
the various offences a bishop
may
be accused of.
TIME TO SPEAK
OUT
In view of the time lapse and the stance adopted by the archbishop the
time
has
come to speak out against what is turning out to be a travesty
of justice.
Appropriate facts and comments must be spelt out to eradicate
misconceptions
and
to indicate where the laws of the Church are being
ignored. Being a servant
of
the Church as chancellor of the Anglican
diocese of Harare and deputy
chancellor
of the Anglican Church of the
Province of Central Africa, covering Botswana,
Malawi, Zambia and Zimbabwe,
there is at the very least a moral obligation
to
draw attention to where
these laws have been cast aside.
ARCHBISHOP EXCEEDS HIS
AUTHORITY
First and foremost what the archbishop has said and done, if
correctly
reported, is a violation of the canons (laws) of the province and
he has
exceeded his authority.
For the archbishop to make the reported
unilateral decision that, "as far as
the case against Bishop Nolbert Kunonga
is concerned, the matter is closed
and
cannot be revived", is in direct
contravention of the laws of evidence, the
laws
of the church and natural
justice. It is submitted that his ruling is null
and
void and that the
archbishop has not fulfilled his lawful obligation as
holder
of that
office.
He has no right to abolish an ecclesiastical court which he himself
has
convened and which has already commenced proceedings. Neither the
archbishop
nor
the duly constituted court has yet actually heard evidence
and
cross-examination
of the witnesses.
Consequently, neither can argue
they are in a position to make a fully
considered and objective judgment. The
causes between the parties are still
to
be heard in an open court and
judged righteously, impartially, fairly and
justly. This will give the
complainants the opportunity to give evidence and
the
bishop the
opportunity to defend himself against the charges made.
The Church laws
protect a person from being judged before he or she has been
heard so that
the court can first find out what that person has done.
BISHOP'S ALLEGED
OFFENCES
It is alleged Bishop Kunonga has deliberately ignored the laws of
the
province
to the detriment of the diocese, the church and its
parishioners and
priests.
It
is averred that he wilfully contravened
provincial and diocesan laws and
conducted himself in such a manner as to
give just cause for scandal or
offence
and/or otherwise conducted himself
in a manner unbecoming a bishop. The Most
Reverend Bernard Malango accepted
38 different instances of these offences
with
different complainants, in
about December, 2003 as warranting a hearing in
the
provincial
court.
At the start of the trial hearing against Bishop Kunonga the charge
of
incitement by him to have certain persons killed was withdrawn only
because
of
an argument in chambers before the judge between the lawyers
about the prime
witnesses giving evidence by video and audio-recording
material from outside
the
country.
With the prior approval of the judge
arrangements had already been made for
the
electronic interview to take
place live in court. The objection raised by
the
defence was that this is
not admissible in terms of the Zimbabwean law of
evidence. This was not
accepted by the prosecutor but in the interests of
speeding up the trial he
withdrew the charge reserving the right to bring it
to
court again. In
fact the Civil Evidence Act [Chapter 8:01] of Zimbabwe
stipulates that in
civil proceedings in any of the courts in Zimbabwe,
recording
material is
admissible as evidence of things recorded thereon.
Some of the other
allegations against the bishop are that he unlawfully
brought
a civil
court case against the cathedral churchwardens and councillors,
members
of the cathedral and a commercial bank; unlawfully intimidated,
threatened,
suspended, caused or ordered to be suspended or dismissed or
prohibited from
attending meetings without good cause or reason a number of
priests,
churchwardens, councillors and others in the diocese; banned the
cathedral
Shona
choir from performing; dismissed, all heads of diocesan
institutions,
chairpersons of boards of governors, members of mission boards,
members
seconded
to the Bishop Gaul College board; unduly interfered with
the affairs of that
college; unlawfully failed to follow proper procedures
laid down in the laws
of
the diocese in several instances; and caused, by
unprocedural means,
attempts
to
be made to have laws amended with the
apparent intent to gain more power and
greater control over the diocese and
its members.
Canon 24 states that a bishop may be tried in a church court for
various
offences. No mention is made of "purely administrative" and "purely
canonical"
issues. Bishop Kunonga stands accused of committing the
following offences
listed in the canon:
S Wilfully contravening any
provincial or diocesan laws. [COMMENT:
This
refers to any contravention
of administrative, legal, ecclesiastical.
financial,
canonical or
spiritually-related laws and all duties, obligations and
procedures
laid
down in both canon and diocesan law. Failure to obey and follow
these
laws
of the province is a breach not only of the laws but also of
the oaths sworn
by
clergy, bishops and archbishops].
S General
neglect of duty. [COMMENT: "duty" includes carrying out
administrative, as
well as any other type of duty and behaviour normally
required or expected of
any priest or bishop or archbishop].
S Conduct giving just cause for
scandal or offence, or otherwise
unbecoming a clergyman. [COMMENT: This
offence goes far beyond the two
artificial, non-existent categories quoted by
the archbishop in his letter
to
the 12 bishops. No differentiation is
made in the laws of the province
between
these two categories in respect
of offences. If the archbishop disputes this
and
infers no administrative
act or omission can be regarded as an offence, even
if
such act or
omission is in fact contrary to the canons, acts, rules and
regulations of
the church, he is openly giving permission in such instances
to
bishops
to ignore the church laws with total impunity. It is an invitation
to
treat with contempt laws laid down for the efficient and effective,
practical,
caring, just and faithful running of a church or diocese or
the province,
notwithstanding the oath to be bound by the church
laws.]
OTHER RELEVANT CHURCH LAWS
The constitution, canons and rules
of the Church of the Province of Central
Africa ("the laws of the province")
support the contention that the
archbishop
does not have the power or
authority to close off the trial of Bishop
Kunonga
or
the right to
hold back from the bishop and the complainants what they are
entitled to,
namely the right to be heard in open court.
All clergymen, including bishops
and archbishops, have to sign an oath
agreeing
to abide and be bound by
the laws of the province and the diocese and to
seek
to
further the
proclaiming of the Gospel and the care of God's people in love
and
faith.
These laws cover the spiritual, moral, financial, legal and
administrative
aspects as well as the duties, obligations and behaviour of
the clergy.
There
is
no segregation of the "purely administrative" and
"canonical issues" to
which
the archbishop alludes in his letter.
They
state that bishops and archbishops promise to submit to any sentence
passed
upon them, after due examination by a tribunal established for this
purpose.
Thus the provincial court (or tribunal) is obliged to carry out a
proper
examination of the evidence and hand down judgment in the case of a
bishop.
The archbishop does not have this power and cannot by himself reach
a
verdict, let alone close a case.
Proceedings instituted in a church
court against a bishop may deal with
matters
involving his moral conduct
and performance of duty. If at least three
priests
and three communicants
of the diocese file complaints alleging any offences
have
been committed a
trial must be held.
In the case against Bishop Kunonga, over 90 indigenous
persons - priests,
churchwardens, church councillors and ordinary
communicants - signed a
document
containing 38 different instances of
offences allegedly committed by the
bishop.
The archbishop himself
acknowledged this document and ordered that a trial
be
opened in the
provincial court.
Yet he now takes it upon himself to abort the trial,
thereby exonerating
Bishop
Kunonga and condoning any offences for which
he may, or may not have been
found
guilty had evidence been led through
the complainants and the bishop's
witnesses.
The laws also state that the
archbishop may sit as the judge with two
assessors
in the provincial
court for the trial of a bishop. If he decides not to sit,
the
provincial
chancellor is to sit as judge, also with two assessors.
The archbishop
elected not to sit and the chancellor of the province also
declined. Instead,
the archbishop, as he was entitled to, appointed as judge
the
Honourable
Justice Kalaile SC of Malawi and Bishop Albert Chama and Bishop
Leonard
Mwenda, both from Zambia, as assessors in the trial of Bishop
Kunonga.
The tribunal was thus lawfully constituted and the archbishop
was not part
of
that forum. He is precluded by the laws of the province
from giving
judgment,
as
he is not a member of this court. His
declaration to the 12 bishops that the
Kunonga case is to be closed and
cannot be revived is of no force and effect
because he has no right to say
this.
The judge is called upon to swear he will do justice. The two bishops
who
are
assessors promise to give a true verdict according to the
evidence given.
Matters of fact are decided by the judge and
assessors.
Decisions on matters of law, practice and procedure are to be made
only by
the
judge sitting in the provincial court. In this case the judge
is required to
comply with the Zimbabwean law of evidence in order to give
appropriate
rulings
on practice and procedure.
Justice Kalaile,
however, disapproved of the approach towards practice and
procedure by one or
both lawyers appearing before him in the trial. In such
circumstances it is
generally the practice for the judge to adjourn the
case,
call both
lawyers into the judge's chambers, admonish them in private and
resume
the
hearing.
In his wisdom the judge in the trial of Bishop Kunonga abruptly made
up his
mind in open court to recuse himself from the case rather than calling
the
lawyers into his chambers. His oath will not have been fulfilled until
his
replacement is sworn in to sit on the case and do justice when the
trial
resumes.
No verbal evidence has yet been given in the trial of
Bishop Kunonga.
Neither
the assessors nor the judge have heard matters of
fact as they are required
to
under the laws of the province and so have
not yet fulfilled their mandate
and
promises. They are still obliged to
sit and hear the evidence because the
laws
require verbal evidence from
both sides to be heard in public so that
justice
can be seen to be done
as part of the proceedings in the court. It is not
open
to the archbishop
to ignore or flout these laws.
Only the provincial court can give
judgement and find the defendant
guilty or not guilty: the archbishop does
not have that right although
passing
sentence is reserved to him,
preferably taking into consideration any
recommendations by the trial court.
Neither can he decide to close the
court:
it
sits until all the
evidence has been heard and judgement given.
TRIAL OF BISHOP KUNONGA TO
RESUME
In the case of Bishop Kunonga Archbishop Malango has prejudged the
issue,
acted
outside the scope of the laws of the province without being
aware of all the
evidence. He declined to sit as a judge, yet now purports to
act as one. He
has
no jurisdiction to interrupt or close the trial, which
he himself ordered to
take place, nor does he have the right to usurp the
authority of the court.
He
does, however, have the right and duty to make
sure the case is resumed.
Indeed in order to restore the wounded reputation
of the church and comply
with
the laws of the province the trial of
Bishop Kunonga must continue
forthwith.
Failure to allow the court to
resume and hear evidence amounts to undue and
unlawful interference in the
independence of the court and the conduct of
proceedings, which have been
lawfully instituted by a large number of
complainants.
It shows complete
disregard and contempt for the procedure laid down in the
laws to ensure that
justice is done. It deprives the bishop and the
complainants
of their
right of access to the court, which amounts to a breach of the laws
of
the province. Proof of the guilt or innocence of the bishop is what
the
court
was originally called upon to determine.
Surely the bishop
wishes once and for all to have the opportunity as soon as
possible to
establish beyond doubt in an open court that he did not commit
any
of the
offences with which he has been charged, if that is the truth?
BISHOP
AWARE OF COMPLAINTS OVER THREE YEARS AGO
Bishop Kunonga was served with a
document containing the 38 charges in
January
2004, but a year before
that, in February 2003, both he and Archbishop
Malango
and the current
registrar of the diocese were informed in outline of some
of
the
allegations.
At that time the bishop and archbishop were
requested to rectify matters but
chose to ignore that opportunity. They
cannot be said to have been taken by
surprise when, inevitably, complainants
eventually brought the 38 charges,
most
of which fitted into two main
offence categories set out in Canon 24, -
namely,
wilfully contravening
provincial and diocesan laws; and conduct giving just
cause for scandal or
offence or otherwise unbecoming a clergyman. Although
these
were served on
the bishop in January, 2004 he ignored them until about July,
2005 when the
trial was about to be set down.
THE WAY FORWARD
The archbishop needs
to be called upon to comply with the laws of the
province,
appoint
another judge immediately and reconvene the court forthwith. Any
pleadings,
which may require to be completed, should be attended to now in
preparation
for the resumption of the case. In this regard the laws of
evidence
of
Zimbabwe shall apply but the prime object is to ensure the case can
proceed
without hindrance or delay, without frivolous or vexatious
obstacles being
put
forward by either party.
It is therefore necessary
to hear all the evidence carefully, impartially
and
fairly, in open
court, to ascertain the truth or otherwise of the
allegations
and to
acquit Bishop Kunonga if he is found not to have committed the
offences,
or to find him guilty if he has.
To find out whether the
allegations are justified or not is the task of the
provincial court whose
members have promised to do justice and give a true
verdict according to the
evidence of the witnesses. This is the way the laws
of
the church require
the matter to proceed.
R A STUMBLES
CHANCELLOR
DIOCESE OF
HARARE
20 February, 2006
ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Mr Bob Stumbles is
the chancellor of the Anglican diocese of Harare and
deputy chancellor of
the Anglican Church of the Province of Central Africa covering
Botswana,
Malawi, Zambia and Zimbabwe.
Both offices entail providing free legal advice
in the best interests of the
church, sitting as a judge or assessor in the
diocesan or provincial court
and seeing that justice is done at all
levels of the diocese. The Most Reverend
Khotso Makhulu, when he was
Archbishop of the Province, bestowed on Mr
Stumbles the Order of
Epiphany, the highest honour in the province, for outstanding
services
rendered to the church and its people.
A well-known lawyer, he has been
adviser to national presidents, government
ministers, officials and others
especially in Malawi and Zimbabwe.
President Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe
appointed him in 1985 to the country's
Judicial Service Commission, (a
position he held for 15 years) and in 1987
to the three person
"Willowgate" Commission to investigate irregularities in
the motor
trade.
In 1999 the president appointed him to be a commissioner of the
Zimbabwe
Constitutional Commission. The Zimbabwe government made him chairman
of the
National Association of Societies of and for the Disabled (NASCOH), a
position he held for 10 years. He is or has been chairperson of many
charitable
organisations.
For over 40 years Mr Stumbles has advocated the
elimination of racial
discrimination, the advance of genuine racial harmony,
respect for one
another
and the protection of human rights. As World
President of an international
service organisation in 1973/1974 his speeches
throughout the 43 countries
he visited reflected his concern that
practical ways should be implemented to
bring about better understanding,
goodwill and peace among all men everywhere,
regardless of race, colour or
creed.
His desire has always been to remove racial and tribal polarity, build
trust, goodwill and respect between all ethnic groups, and to promote
human rights,
ensure justice is done and seen to be done everywhere and
encourage all
people to act and behave in the best interests of society
as a whole.
Sunday Herald, Scotland
Trevor Royle on the proper prosecution of war
criminals
Africa has been the scene of so much blood-letting and
unforced human
tragedy that it's difficult not to disagree with the director
of a
non-governmental organisation (NGO) who once told me that it might be
better
to pull everyone out of the continent's many disaster areas and
return in a
100 years to see what happened. Like many others of her breed
she
experienced the occasional overwhelming sadness that all her agency's
work
was in vain because of the African predilection for violence, and that
there
was no remedy for epicentres of butchery like Darfur. In her moments
of
deepest despair, Africa was indeed the heart of darkness.
Of course,
it's not always like that. Africa is home to many success stories
where
people have worked long and hard to produce a better life, but for
every
Julius Nyrere, who transformed Tanzania, there is a monster like
Colonel
Mengistu Haile Mariam who marked his arrival in power in Ethiopia in
1974 by
sending the existing government to the firing squad. Worse followed.
In
order to rid the country of assorted imperialists and counter-
revolutionaries, Mengistu instituted the "Red Terror", a savage programme of
extermination of anyone who opposed his administration, known as the
"Dergue" or "Committee".
Thousands of people were eliminated, and
throughout the 1970s the streets of
the capital, Addis Ababa, were regularly
cluttered with dead bodies as
Mengistu's hitmen went about their bloody
work. Famine in the north of the
country in the following decade simply
exacerbated the suffering as Mengistu
ordered a mass relocation programme
which turned out to be a cover for a
policy of genocide. During his time in
power, more than a half a million
Ethiopians are thought to have
died.
The outside world did not intervene. On the contrary, due to cold
war
rivalries, the Soviet Union provided Mengistu with arms the better to
kill
his people. It was not until 1991 that the Dergue was brought down by
the
Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front and Mengistu fled the
country just before the fall of Addis Ababa. By any standards he should have
faced up to the consequences of his actions, but by evil chance Mengistu
chose another mad dictator as his saviour - Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe. For
the past 15 years, Mengistu has lived high on the hog in Harare and that
means he won't be present when he is sentenced this week in Addis Ababa for
the war crimes he committed all those years ago.
In fact, the whole
prosecution of the Dergue regime has been tardy and badly
managed. When the
new government came to power in 1992, it established a
special prosecutor's
office to investigate suspected war crimes and crimes
against humanity
committed during the Mengistu period. But it proved to be a
slow and
wearisome business.
By 1997, 5198 suspects had been charged but of that
number 2952 were charged
in absentia and the rest were detained in
conditions which alarmed
organisations such as the Human Rights Watch. There
have also been concerns
about the judicial process, with complaints about
unnecessary delays,
obfuscation of evidence and an unwillingness to let
suspects have access to
legal representation. Another concern is Ethiopia's
retention of the death
penalty for crimes involving murder.
As it
happens, Mengistu is unlikely to be troubled by the verdict when it is
handed down to him. The Zimbabwe government has made it clear that it has no
intention of extraditing him and previous Ethiopian attempts to assassinate
him have failed dismally. If ever there was a need to get an international
standard for the prosecution of suspected war criminals and bringers of
genocide, Mengistu provides it.
21 May 2006
OhMyNews
Zimbabwe's Human Rights Activists Under
Siege
Ambrose Musiyiwa (amusiyiwa)
Published on 2006-05-21 14:22 (KST)
Former High Court Judge
Benjamin Paradza fears for his wife and three
children who are still under
the surveillance of security agents in
Zimbabwe.
He has reason
to be afraid.
Since coming to power in 1980, President Robert G.
Mugabe's government
has always dealt severely with opposition political
parties and their
supporters, real or perceived.
In April 1983,
for example, the regime's Fifth Brigade military unit
targeted defenseless
civilians, who Mugabe referred to as supporters of
dissidents, and subjected
thousands of them to severe beatings and destroyed
their homes. The Fifth
Brigade went on to murder more than 2,000 civilians.
The military
unit would routinely round up dozens, or even hundreds,
of civilians and
march them to a central place, such as a school or a
communal borehole.
There, the civilians were forced to sing songs praising
the ruling political
party, Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU), while at
the same time were
beat with sticks. The gatherings invariably ended with
the public execution
of officials from the opposition political party,
Zimbabwe African People's
Union (ZAPU).
The regime's heavy handedness and hostility towards
political
opponents or ordinary Zimbabweans who disagreed with how ZANU was
running
the country did not end with the signing of the Unity Accord between
ZANU
and ZAPU in 1987. The accord led to ZAPU merging with ZANU and the
formation
of the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF)
and was
part of efforts to stop the mass killings of civilians by Mugabe's
Fifth
Brigade in the Ndebele provinces of Matabeleland and the Midlands
during the
early to late 80's.
The regime has used its
parliamentary majority to amend the
constitution more than 20 times to
tighten Mugabe's hold on power and quash
all forms of dissent -- the most
notable amendment being the abolition of
the prime minister's position,
which led to the creation of an executive
presidency in 1987. Repressive
legislation such as the Access to Information
and Protection of Privacy Act
(2002) has made it a crime to practice
journalism without a government
license.
Paradza did what all judges in Zimbabwe are supposed to
do: He looked
at the cases before him and interpreted what the law
said.
In the 1990s, he allowed Econet, an independent telephone
services
provider, to set up a mobile telephone network contrary to the
regime's
intention to retain control of who can have access to or provide
telephone
services. In 2000, Paradza declared the land reform program
illegal and, in
the same year, he ruled that the state-owned Zimbabwe
Broadcasting
Corporation's monopoly on the airwaves was
illegal.
The following year, he declared as unconstitutional a ban
Mugabe
imposed on challenging in court the results of the much-contested
2000
parliamentary elections.
In July 2002, Paradza acquitted a
journalist in a media test case and,
in the same month, he sentenced Justice
Minister Patrick Chinamasa to three
months in jail for contempt of court
because the minister had failed to
appear in court to respond to charges
relating to his criticism of the High
Court.
The following
year, Paradza ordered the release of Elias Mudzuri,
mayor of Harare, and a
member of opposition party Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) and 21 other
MDC members who had been arrested for holding a
town meeting under a
provision of the draconian Public Order and Security
Act (POSA), which
dictates that police permission must be obtained for any
gathering of more
than two people if the police declares the meeting to be
"a threat to public
order."
Mudzuri signaled that the nation's capital had become an
MDC
stronghold when he became the first executive mayor of Harare. He also
became the first target in a campaign by the Mugabe regime to destroy the
MDC.
By being impartial and refusing to be influenced by
outside forces,
Paradza was setting himself up for a major confrontation
with Mugabe's
regime.
And it wasn't long before the regime made
its move.
A month after Paradza ordered Mudzuri's release, police
raided the
judge's chambers, arrested him for allegedly obstructing the
course of
justice and for allegedly trying to influence three fellow judges
to release
the passport of a business partner awaiting trial on a murder
charge.
Paradza became the first serving judge in Zimbabwe's
history to be
arrested for alleged misconduct.
Under Zimbabwean
law, a sitting High Court judge cannot be arrested
before an inquiry into
the alleged criminal misconduct has been set up and
has established the
truthfulness of such allegations. In a subsequent
application to the Supreme
Court on his arrest, the Supreme Court ruled that
the arrest had indeed been
improper and that a commission of inquiry had to
be established before any
action could be taken by law enforcement agents.
Human rights
organizations say Paradza's arrest was politically
motivated and signals
ongoing efforts on the part of the Mugabe regime to
harass, intimidate and
force out judges who have handed down judgments which
are contrary to the
regime's policies and who are perceived to be supporting
the political
opposition.
In 2000, the regime forced the resignation of Supreme
Court Chief
Justice Antony Gubbay following rulings that had gone against
the
government. A number of senior judges, like Judge Fergus Blackie, have
also
been forced to leave the bench following political pressure, physical
and
verbal attacks, arrests and other means of intimidation and harassment.
Others have fled the country after receiving death threats for ruling
against the interests of Mugabe's regime.
Paradza will remember
his days in prison for a long time.
On his experiences in jail, he
said: "There were lice and mosquitoes,
and the communal toilet did not
flush. The smell was unbearable. I felt
humiliated and
degraded."
Dato Param Cumaraswamy, the Special Rapporteur on the
independence of
judges and lawyers of the United Nations Commission on Human
Rights,
expressed grave concern over the criminal charges and their
implications on
judicial independence and the rule of law in
Zimbabwe.
"What is common and very conspicuous about the alleged
charges against
Justice Paradza and retired Judge Blackie is that the
principle witnesses to
prove the alleged charges are fellow judges. This is
pitting judges against
judges and setting the members of the judiciary on a
collision course
between what will be seen as the independents and the
complaints,"
Cumaraswamy said.
When Paradza was released on
bail, he fled the country, first to South
Africa and then to Britain before
being granted refuge in New Zealand. He
could not settle in South Africa
because South Africa refuses to acknowledge
that Mugabe's regime is
violating human rights laws. South Africa also has
an extradition treaty
with Zimbabwe and has been routinely sending
Zimbabweans, including asylum
seekers, back into the hands of Mugabe's
secret police, the Central
Intelligence Organization.
Britain would not allow Paradza to
submit an application for political
asylum because asylum laws meant he had
to seek refuge in South Africa. Nor
would the country allow him to accept a
40,000 pound-a-year university
fellowship in London.
Arnold
Tsunga, director of the Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights said
the Mugabe
regime arrested and imprisoned Paradza to demonstrate to other
members on
the bench that if they did not comply with the political
leadership, they
would not receive protection from the state.
"To decide whether he
received a fair trial, look at the way the case
started. He was arrested in
chambers by a constable in a manner that is
highly irregular, and he was
humiliated in the process of being arrested.
"By running away, I
think he is saying he did not get a fair trial. He
felt his colleagues won't
have enough clout to withstand political pressure,
and I guess it explains
why he's on the run," Tsunga said.
Sokwanele Report: 20 May 2006
Church leaders in Zimbabwe's second city, Bulawayo, achieved a remarkable victory today in keeping to their original plan to stage a peaceful protest march and hold public prayers, despite the most severe intimidation from Mugabe's security forces. Many similar events planned by churches and civic groups in other parts of the country to commemorate the anniversary of the regime's infamous Operation Murambatsvina were either called off or postponed in the face of massive police intimidation. But the steely resolve of the pastors leading an informal group called Churches in Bulawayo, and the courage of several hundred church members who turned out in support enabled the Bulawayo protest to go ahead notwithstanding.
On a bright Saturday morning as the streets of Bulawayo's oldest township, Makokoba, were just coming to life, a small group of protesters started to gather at St Patrick's Church. Within an hour a crowd of between two and three hundred had assembled. After a full briefing from one of the pastors the procession set off towards the city. Those in the procession were in high spirits. They were obviously not cowed by the presence of many uniformed police in and around the church grounds and along the route they walked - to say nothing of the dictator's omnipresent secret police, the Central Intelligence Organization or CIO.
This event was but one of the several organized across the country by the Zimbabwe Christian Alliance, an informal ecumenical alliance seeking a united Christian response to the current crisis. The objective - shared by many civic groups including Crisis in Zimbabwe - was to focus attention on the plight of victims of ZANU PF's purge of the poor, one year on from the nationwide campaign of destruction which saw hundreds of thousands rendered homeless and destitute. The United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan called it "a catastrophic injustice to as many as 700,000 of Zimbabwe's poorest citizens".
The organizers of most of the other commemorative events planned for this weekend eventually succumbed to police pressure to call them off. Not so the pastors who lead Churches in Bulawayo. When the police whom they had consulted on a courtesy basis, withdrew their original permission and purported to ban the procession and prayers the pastors responded with a strong public statement. They expressed their serious concern at the "about turn" which they said they viewed as "an infringement of our freedom of worship".
The statement continued: "If police are to ban church services, which are exempt under the Public Order and Security Act, such a development will have serious implications on the Church's right to carry out its God given mandate. Such action serves to clearly demonstrate the desperate position of the regime."
The pastors complained of the repeated interrogation of individual clerics and the intimidating tactics employed when they were all subjected to a two hour harangue by thirty senior security officers who were members of Mugabe's Joint Operations Command, comprising police, army and CIO. Two of their number, Pastors Lucky Moyo and Promise Maneda, were arrested by the police on Tuesday and released later on the same day.
The greater the credit of the Bulawayo church leaders who persevered despite the unlawful but nonetheless frightening threats made by the police. Clearly they believed in the justice of their cause - their divine mandate to be a voice for the voiceless poor. But apart from this important dimension of their contest with Mugabe's security apparatus, they believed that the law (such as it is) was also on their side. The draconian Public Order and Security Act (POSA) to which they made reference in their public statement provides the police with wide-ranging powers to control or ban public gatherings of three or more persons. Gatherings for "bona fide religious purposes" however are exempted from the controls. The pastors were strongly of the view that their procession and public prayers were not subject to police control. When the police purported to ban these events under POSA therefore they brought an urgent application to the High Court to have the police action declared unlawful. And a High Court judge sitting late into Friday evening, within hours of the proposed gathering, pronounced in the pastors' favour. Their confidence in their legal right was duly vindicated.
An interesting question remains to which we cannot know the answer; how different would today's events have been had the High Court judge ruled against the pastors ? The police would then undoubtedly have done everything in their power to prevent the procession from taking place. And would the pastors still have walked, in obedience to their "higher calling"? And would a few hundred church members have walked behind them? Would we have witnessed a direct confrontation between Church and State on the streets of Bulawayo? It is interesting to speculate, and our entire reporter can add is that from his contacts with the pastors he understands they had every intention of walking, with a favourable verdict from the Court or without. Their prolonged exposure to the appalling suffering of the victims of Mugabe's tyranny has put a new steel into these men of God.
The Christian protestors walked from St Patrick's Church into the city. It was an orderly and peaceful procession as the organizers had been at pains to ensure. From "Nkosi Sikeleli Africa" the procession moved on to a number of Christian songs, which quickly gained the friendly attention of passers-by. Police details provided an ironic escort, ostensibly to protect the walkers from the traffic.
When the procession reached its destination at the Brethren in Christ Church in the city those taking part settled down outside to listen to speeches, song and even a poem in commemoration of Operation Murambatsvina. The banners proclaimed "Churches in Bulawayo: we still remember", and "Standing in solidarity with the poor". A number of texts were also displayed focusing on the Biblical injunctions to defend the rights of the poor.
Fr Danisa Khumalo, a Roman Catholic priest said "we shall never forget the smoke that rose from Killarney" (one of the informal settlements razed to the ground by Mugabe's armed security units); "we shall never forget how the churches opened their doors and welcomed the homeless" …"we shall never forget the so-called transit camp" …"we shall never forget the displaced people … are we not all victims?" … "And is Zimbabwe a better place because of the so-called clean-up operation?"
Pastor Albert Chatindo reeled off a long list of statistics of internally displaced persons who have been forcibly removed to a range of remote rural destinations where they have no roots, no school or health facilities and are now almost totally dependent on food and other hand-outs from the Church. Reference was made to those who have been moved several times - one family seven times - and the resulting trauma, stress and depression.
In answer to the question whether one single displaced family from the records of Churches in Bulawayo had received any state assistance under the regime's much-vaunted re-build programme "Hlalani Kuhle", Baptist Pastor Ray Motsi answered emphatically, "No, not a single one."
The crowd also heard from some of the victims themselves of the Mugabe regime's crime against humanity. Those telling their horrific stories were hidden from view, an elementary precaution to protect their identity and save them from possible retribution from the security forces. Prayers were offered up on behalf of these victims, the homeless, the sick, children whose education has been cut short, the bereaved, and those who have given up all hope.
A message of solidarity was read out from Archbishop Pius Ncube who would undoubtedly have been in the procession himself had not a prior engagement taken him from the city, and from the British-based TEAR fund which is in a partnership agreement with local churches, providing support for their relief work among the displaced.
For many of the unfortunate victims of Operation Murambatsvina and hundreds of internally displaced persons the Church has become their only refuge and security in a turbulent time of deep crisis. They are grateful, and we as a nation should be profoundly grateful that the Church is there for them. That the Church is taking up its divine mandate, not only to care for the victims of the most gross human rights abuses but also to challenge and confront the arrogant tyranny responsible, is a cause for general rejoicing.
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Solidarity with those at home
demonstrating on the anniversary of the start
of Murambatsvina was the theme
of the Vigil. People brought new banners and
posters expressing outrage at
the forced removals. The Zimbabwean artist
Kate Arnold joined us on a
showery and blustery day: four of her dramatic
pictures on the subject of
Murambatsvina were on display. We were in
contact with people involved in
the Churches in Bulawayo procession. They
reported that they were
challenged by the authorities on their right to
proceed with the
procession. They took this to court and the judge allowed
that the
procession should go ahead. Throughout the procession they were
accompanied
by Police who directed them through a new route via back roads.
The planned
prayer meeting went ahead with around 300 attending. Recorded
testimonies
were played to protect the people involved from the teeming CIO
at the
service. There was a moving final ceremony where homeless women
built a
house from bricks in the church to symbolise their hopes for the
future.
Despite our energetic drumming and singing we had to compete
with megaphones
in front and behind. Fortunately the one in front, wielded
by an eccentric
former boxer, soon failed. He used to be vehemently
pro-Mugabe but we think
we are winning him around. More vociferous were a
group of pro-Palestinian
demonstrators outside Charing Cross Police Station
behind us, who were
clamouring by megaphone for the release of an arrested
supporter.
It was a full day. Patson, Jenatry, Victoria, Charles and
Chipo from
Leicester came down to London early to put on a 'Vigil
Performance' in the
morning at a London further education college. It was
well worth it - they
were much appreciated. But it took its toll - by the
end of the Vigil, the
lion-hearted Patson was croaking like a frog. We
were pleased to be joined
by the Chair of MDC-UK District, Washington Ali,
who came to urge everyone
to attend a meeting arranged for next Sunday to be
addressed by the MDC
leader, Morgan Tsvangirai who is paying a brief visit
to the UK. (A venue
has been found and details will be circulated early
next week.)
Finally grateful thanks to Ben Evans without whose help we
would all be much
wetter. He is about 8 foot tall and helped us put up our
tarpaulin in the
swirling wind. His theatrical production 'Qabuka' runs
from 28th June -
15th July at the Oval House Theatre (Box Office 020 7582
7680). The
production is devised from the personal stories of over 100
Zimbabweans in
exile. Vigil supporters are in the cast.
For this
week's Vigil pictures:
http://uk.msnusers.com/ZimbabweVigil/shoebox.msnw.
FOR
THE RECORD: 72 signed the register.
FOR YOUR DIARY: Zimbabwe Forum,
Upstairs at the Theodore Bullfrog pub, 28
John Adam Street, London WC2
(cross the Strand from the Zimbabwe Embassy, go
down a passageway to John
Adam Street, turn right and you will see the pub).
Monday, 22nd May, the
speaker is Explo Nani-Kofi of ALISC (Africa Liberation
Support Campaign) and
on the editorial board of Kilombo, a magazine
published by ALISC and
sympathetic to pro-democracy groups in Zimbabwe. He
will be speaking about
how we can make links with other African groups in
the UK. Monday, 29th May
public holiday so no forum.
Vigil co-ordinator
The Vigil, outside
the Zimbabwe Embassy, 429 Strand, London, takes place
every Saturday from
14.00 to 18.00 to protest against gross violations of
human rights by the
current regime in Zimbabwe. The Vigil which started in
October 2002 will
continue until internationally-monitored, free and fair
elections are held
in Zimbabwe. http://www.zimvigil.co.uk
Zim Standard
BY OUR STAFF
ABOUT 10 000 people
- a fifth of the registered voters - were
estimated to have voted in the
heavily-contested Budiriro by election at the
close of voting at 7 PM
yesterday, The Standard has established.
Constituency
elections officer, Simon Muchemenye, however
declined to give official
figures. Official sources said this was designed
to ensure that voting
figures were properly managed after electoral
authorities failed to explain
irregularities in polling figures of March
last year.
Muchemenye said there was an isolated incident of drunken
people who fought
near a polling station in Budiriro 5, while last night,
police were
detaining a youth who was reportedly found observing elections
without
proper accreditation.
Besides the two incidents, the election
was relatively peaceful
and the results are expected later today. Tallying
of the ballots and vote
counting began soon after voting.
While low voter turn out tends to favour the ruling Zanu PF, all
three
candidates and their polling agents claimed the seat. The three
candidates
battling it out in Budiriro - Gabriel Chaibva, Emmanuel Chisvuure
and
Jeremiah Bvirindi - were very optimistic of their chances of getting
into
Parliament.
Chisvuure, candidate for the MDC anti-Senate
faction, said: "I
am going to win this election irrespective of the fact
that the people did
not come to vote in their numbers. I can assure you that
the result is going
to shock (Robert) Mugabe and all his Zanu PF
cronies."
His rival from the MDC pro-Senate faction Chaibva
was very
confident, noting: "Things are going on smoothly and if anything I
would be
the last one to complain. I would not have contested if I was not
confident."
Bvirindi, the ruling Zanu PF party candidate
was also very
optimistic and denied there were attempts to rig the
election. "There have
been some ugly incidents of violence near polling
stations but that does not
deter me. I am very confident of winning this
election," he said.
The Budiriro seat fell vacant after the
death of Gilbert Shoko,
of the opposition MDC faction led by Morgan
Tsvangirai, in February this
year.
Zanu PF has lost to a
united MDC in the past elections in
Budiriro by wide margins. In the 2000
Parliamentary elections the MDC polled
21 053 votes compared to Zanu PF's 4
410. Two years later, Zanu PF only
managed to get 4 082 against the MDC's 20
749 during the 2002 Presidential
election.
Last year,
during the March Parliamentary elections the ruling
party polled 4 886 while
the MDC garnered 17 053.
Zimbabwe Election Support Network
chairman, Reginald
Matchaba-Hove, said Zanu PF could win the elections if
there was voter
apathy.
He said: "Judging from what has
happened in the past in the
same constituency, the battle is really between
the two MDC factions.
Budiriro is still an MDC stronghold, but we are very
concerned about the
number of people who have been turned
away."
The voters were turned away various reasons, among
them not
being in possession of valid identification documents, while others
did not
appear on the voters' roll.
Zim Standard
BY GIBBS DUBE
BULAWAYO - The City Council has shelved plans
to grant Vice
President Joseph Msika Freedom of the City following
indications by the
Ministry of Local Government that the Zanu PF stalwart is
seriously ill.
The ceremony - to confer Msika with the civic
honour - had been
scheduled for last Friday in the city but was postponed
indefinitely due to
what the city fathers described as "unforeseen
circumstances".
Authoritative council sources said the
Ministry of Local
Government, Public Works and Urban Development, which was
organising the
event in conjunction with the local authority, indicated last
Tuesday that
Msika was not in a position to attend the function due to
ill-health.
"Initially, the event was supposed to be held on
19 May," said
one of the sources. "We were asked by the Ministry to shift
the date to 20
May but then on Tuesday we received a call from Harare
indicating that Msika
will not attend the function. We were told that he was
very sick and
therefore the officials asked us to postpone the event until
further
notice."
The source said it appeared as if the
Vice President's family
requested the postponement after realising that
Msika needed special medical
attention for an undisclosed
ailment.
"We had no alternative but to shelve plans for
granting him the
Freedom of the City status after Local Government officials
insisted that
the request was made by the Vice President's family," the
source said.
Another council source indicated that all the
necessary
preparations had been made for the event, which was to be held at
the Tower
Block Grounds.
He said although the council was
expected to spend at least $500
million on the event, the total cost of the
ceremony was pegged at $1
billion. The city's public relations officer,
Phathisa Nyathi, confirmed
that the event was postponed "due to unforeseen
circumstances".
Former PF Zapu military intelligence guru and
ex-Cabinet
Minister, Dumiso Dabengwa, said: "I have been spending most of my
time in
court (in a case filed by Professor Jonathan Moyo) this week and
therefore I
have no idea about the postponement of the ceremony to honour
Msika and his
ill-health.
"I suggest that you talk to
his family and relevant
authorities," Dabengwa, widely tipped as a contender
for the Vice
Presidency, said.
On Wednesday evening, one
of the family members who identified
herself as Msika's daughter, said her
father was not taking calls.
She said: "I wish to inform you
that my father does not want to
take any calls. I believe that we have to
stick to his request."
Pressed to explain the circumstances
leading to the postponement
of the Bulawayo ceremony and her father's health
condition, the irate
daughter said: "Listen, I am talking on behalf of my
father and I mean
exactly that . You have to respect his privacy as I have
shown a lot of
respect to you. I won't say anything further than this. Why
don't you
contact officials at my father's work place?"
Officials in the Vice President's office declined to shed light
on the issue
or Msika's work schedule and referred all questions to the
Ministry of Local
Government.
Msika, who was treated in South Africa a month
ago, said in an
interview with The Sunday Mail, recently that he was as fit
as a fiddle.
"As you can see, I am quite, quite fit. I did
have some
ailments, you can call them, but far from being cardiac ailments.
I have
never suffered from heart problems."
He added that
he was not quitting active politics following
reports that he had informed
President Robert Mugabe that he wanted to
retire and look after his
grandchildren. However, top Zanu PF officials in
Matabeleland, the former PF
Zapu stronghold, are believed to be already
fighting for the Vice Presidency
with Dabengwa or John Nkomo heavily tipped
to land the post when Msika
retires.
Zim Standard
By
CAIPHAS CHIMHETE
THE Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU)
yesterday resolved
to stage crippling mass protests if employers fail to
award workers salaries
above the Poverty Datum Line
(PDL).
The resolution was adopted at the labour union's sixth
Ordinary
Congress, which ended in Harare last night.
ZCTU
chairman, Lovemore Matombo, said: "We will take to the
streets to force
employers to award their workers minimum salaries that
tally with the
Poverty Datum Line."
The Consumer Council of Zimbabwe (CCZ)
said a family of six now
requires about $42 million a month to meet basic
requirements.
The congress also resolved to put pressure on
government to
repeal obnoxious laws including the Public Order and Security
Act (Posa),
which curtail peoples' freedom of movement, assembly and
association.
During the congress, the General Agriculture and
Plantation
Worker's Union (Gapwuz) also revealed that all farm workers
would, within
the next two weeks, down tools to protest against low wages
and poor living
conditions.
Getrude Hambira, Gapwuz
secretary general, said: "Farm workers
are now worse off and if we try to
help them we are labelled
anti-government. They can not send their children
to school anymore, let
alone afford a decent meal."
Farm
workers earn $1,3 million a month but they are demanding
$10 million and
that they be resettled.
Matombo said the ZCTU would support
farm workers' protests."We
will give them our maximum support whatever day
and time the protests
start."
Election of new office
bearers was expected to take place late
last night but the secretary
general's position, currently held by
Wellington Chibebe, was not up for
grabs as it is full-time job.
Most of the office bearers were
expected to retain their
positions.
Threats by ZCTU and
Gapwuz add to a growing list of institutions
that are protesting against the
economic meltdown and the impoverishment of
Zimbabweans.
Last week, police arrested students who were protesting against
high tuition
and examination fees. The latest in the clampdown on students
was the arrest
of six student leaders from Chinhoyi University of Science.
Police had also banned churches from marching in Bulawayo to
commemorate
last year's home demolitions exercise by government fearing they
would turn
into mass anti-government protests. There was a change of heart
and the
march was granted approval at the eleventh hour. The march went
ahead
peacefully.
n Meanwhile, the National Constitution Assembly
(NCA) filed an
urgent High Court provisional order for the release of 103
members who were
arrested on Thursday in Harare while commemorating
"Operation Murambatsvina".
NCA lawyer Andrew Makoni said: "At
least three of the women have
little suckling children. The children are
suffering for no apparent good
reason."
He said some of
the people, who have not been charged three days
after the arrest, needed
urgent medical care, which they are being denied by
police.
NCA chairman Lovemore Madhuku said: "It is
unlawful for them to
spend any more time in custody, and in any event the
48-hour period has
already expired without even a docket being
ready."
Zim Standard
BY WALTER MARWIZI
POLICEMEN
sitting at the foot of the defaced plaque marking
Robert Mugabe Highway road
in Blantyre are a quick reminder to Malawians of
the controversial four-day
State visit by the long serving Zimbabwean
President.
The
plaque, vandalised on Tuesday night by about 20
machete-wielding men who
beat up police officers guarding it, was unveiled
by President Mugabe three
weeks ago. Malawian President Bingu wa Mutharika
renamed the Midima road
after Mugabe, ignoring a groundswell of criticism
from fellow
Malawians.
And at a lavish ceremony where a red carpet was
rolled out for
Mugabe, the two Presidents lashed out at critics. Mutharika
praised Mugabe
as a true son of Africa who had to be honoured "because of
his relentless
war against colonial domination, not only in Zimbabwe but
also throughout
Africa and the entire world".
Claiming to
be 200% African, an exuberant Mugabe said those who
didn't want him to be
honoured in Africa were working for white masters.
Powerless
to stop Robert Mugabe Highway from being a reality,
civic society
organisations and disgruntled ordinary Malawians just watched
as Mugabe used
the opportunity to attack the European Union which reportedly
funded the
construction of the highway. But it appears they are not willing
to let up
on the issue.
Reports from Malawi indicate that three weeks
after Mugabe
returned to Zimbabwe, the issue remains a "hot
potato".
Five civic society organisations: the Centre for
Human Rights
and Rehabilitation, Centre for Youth and Children Affairs,
Civil Liberties
Committee, and the Transport General Workers' Union recently
released a 2
500-word statement explaining why Mugabe should not have been
honoured.
Under the banner, the Concerned Civil Society
Organizations
(CCSO), the five NGOs said wa Mutharika had made a unilateral
decision to
honour Mugabe who already has a road crescent named after him in
Lilongwe.
"Clearly, the decision to honour President Mugabe
with a State
visit and the naming of the Midima Road after him do not have
the
concurrence of all the Malawi people," the CCSO said.
The organisation said many Malawians had suffered as a result
Mugabe's
policies, making it inappropriate for the government to honour
Mugabe.
"Malawian labourers and their families were
adversely affected
when the Zimbabwe government began the enforced eviction
of white farm
owners in the run-up to the 2000 Parliamentary
election.
"Only last year, during the Zimbabwe government's
controversial
urban 'clean-up' campaign, thousands more families, many of
them Malawi
nationals or Zimbabweans of Malawi origin, were left homeless
and their
properties demolished," the CCSO said.
Newspapers
in Malawi carried reports which were highly critical
of Mugabe's
visit.
Kondwani Kamiyala, a Malawian journalist, writing in
The
Nation said: "This anti-imperialist icon, it would appear, left Malawi
with
nothing but the bashing and trashing of Western ideas. Such attacks are
always part of his baggage wherever he goes."
Kamiyala said
though Mugabe had received wild cheers from wa
Mutharika's supporters when
he urged Malawians to shake off the fetters of
colonialism, his message did
not make sense.
"We had our independence a long time ago and
today to claim to
be fighting against colonialism is, to say the least,
bizarre. In Malawi,
our biggest challenge is neither Tony Blair nor George
Bush. Sir Roy
Welensky is out of the question . Malawians are today asking
themselves if
this is really the democracy they sought in
1993."
While Kamiyala had the freedom to write his comments
after
Mugabe's departure, another journalist who mustered courage to ask the
Zimbabwean president a question appears to be in serious
trouble.
The Daily Times of Malawi reported that Malawian
News Agency
(MANA) acting managing editor Don Napuwa faced dismissal after
he asked
Mugabe to explain how he wanted to handle his succession
debate.
The paper said government officials moved in swiftly
to end the
Press conference, fearing that journalists from the private media
would take
advantage and fire tougher questions at
Mugabe.
Principal Secretary for Information Beaton Munthali
dismissed
the allegations but the local chapter of the Media Institute of
Southern
Africa (MISA) is investigating the issue.
Zim Standard
BY GODFREY MUTIMBA
TENDAI
Savanhu, a Zanu PF Politburo member and deputy
chairperson of the Harare
Commission, is under fire from Mbare residents who
accuse him of ordering
the eviction of 15 families from the Annex flats.
Angry Mbare
residents told The Standard that they were surprised
to see council
officials at their doorstep ordering them to move out of the
houses they
have occupied since Independence.
When The Standard crew
visited Mbare recently, some of the 15
families were sleeping in the open
with their property stacked outside their
former homes.
Sinikiwe Charamba, who said she had been staying at the Annex
flats since
1978, told The Standard: "We were surprised to see council
officials coming
here to tell us that we should move out and pave way for
people who had
been allocated houses by Savanhu."
Sarudzai Maruva, a
17-year-old orphan who was staying in her
parents' home, broke down when she
narrated her ordeal.
"I don't know where I will take my two
brothers and sister. They
said we no longer qualify, so we must find
somewhere to stay," she said.
The victims' representative,
Kainos Nyambera, said Savanhu had
offered the houses to Zanu PF loyalists
who supported the ruling party
during last year's Parliamentary
elections.
"Savanhu promised ruling party supporters that he
would find
them accommodation for campaigning for the party. After the
elections he
decided to fulfil his promise by hijacking our project. We are
told that
some are Savanhu's employees and relatives," he
said.
Savanhu, who lost the Mbare constituency to MDC
legislator Gift
Chimanikire, denied the allegations.
"Those are baseless allegations. You know people always want to
abuse the
name of the party and its officials. The flats you are talking
about are a
government project and no Zanu PF supporter has benefited.
Actually those
who benefited were the people whose houses were demolished to
pave way for
the construction of new flats and only a few individuals who
were not home
owners," said Savanhu.
The victims however maintain that
there is corruption and have
since appealed to the Ministry of
Anti-Monopolies and Anti-corruption.
Their petition reads:
"Honourable Minister (Paul Mangwana), this
corruption has taken root in
Mbare and we therefore inform you that our
party politburo member is now
giving these houses not to actual
beneficiaries. Members from the party
District Co-ordinating Committee (DCC)
have benefited while homeless people
were removed from the list."
Mangwana was not immediately
available for comment.
Zim Standard
BY
OUR STAFF
BULAWAYO - Thirty-three people, mostly children
below the age of
five, died of malnutrition in Bulawayo in January this
year, according to
the Bulawayo City Council.
The latest
council minutes say 14 boys and 15 girls - all aged
below four - and two
girls in the 5-14 age group, succumbed to malnutrition
owing to lack of
adequate food. Two other people in the 40 -70 age group
also died of
malnutrition in the city.
The latest council minutes say:
"Following the decentralisation
of the Registrar of Births and Deaths
activities in June 2004, it became
apparent that delays in returning
mortality figures from various sites were
experienced meaning the data was
incomplete."
Japhet Ndabeni-Ncube, the Bulawayo Mayor,
confirmed the 33
malnutrition-related deaths but said: "We could not get the
statistics
(during the past two years) but everything is back to
normal."
Thokozani Khuphe, the vice president of the MDC
anti-Senate
faction, noted that the deaths revealed that most families in
the city were
living in abject poverty as the country grapples with serious
food
shortages.
Khuphe said: "The fact that we are
talking about
malnutrition-related deaths shows that families are living in
abject poverty
and have no food. There is no food in the
country."
David Coltart, MDC MP for Bulawayo South, echoed
the same
sentiments saying: "The government has been in a state of
denial.
It denies that there are food shortages. But this
very hard and
harsh (council) report gives the lie to the denials that
Zimbabwe is facing
a serious catastrophe with innocent citizens suffering
the most. The only
solution is for the regime to acknowledge that it has
failed and that it has
no solution to the plight of the suffering
citizens."
The Resident Minister and Bulawayo Metropolitan
Governor, Cain
Mathema, refused to comment on the issue.
Zim Standard
BY CAIPHAS CHIMHETE
CLAD in a tattered
pink dress and with feet cracked by the cold,
Linear Mureriwa (11) sits in
the morning sun reading her old school English
textbook.
Four more children from the dilapidated compound join her and
being the
eldest, Linear starts teaching them how to write their names on
the dusty
ground.
Speaking in Shona she says: "I would like to go back
to school
soon and join my classmates. I hope my parents will get the fees
or someone
can help pay."
This time last year, Linear was
in Grade IV at Makomo Primary
School in Epworth before the government
embarked on the internationally
condemned "clean-up" exercise, destroying
people's homes and livelihoods.
Her parents' small carpentry
shop in the same suburb - the
family's only source of income - was not
spared, leaving them destitute.
Only last week, the
11-year-old girl was thrown out of school
because her parents were unable to
pay fees.
Her mother, Gloria Mureriwa, said she managed to
pay the child's
fees in the past from donations by
well-wishers.
She said: "Soon after the operation many people
were willing to
assist us but now they are no longer forthcoming, even with
food. They have
forgotten about us."
For Linear and other
children who have dropped out of school,
hope lies in New Hope Zimbabwe, a
local non-governmental organisation that
has been providing community
assistance to the children. The organisation
provides affected children with
school fees, food, blankets and medical
facilities.
Joshua Mahachi, a programme assistant, said: "We paid fees for
over 100
children in different schools last term in Epworth alone but the
list is so
long that we cannot cope because more are dropping out every
day."
He said the problem in Epworth mirrors other
demolished
settlements in areas such as Hatcliffe, Mbare, Kuwadzana,
Dzivarasekwa and
Kambuzuma.
"The problem is further
exacerbated by the fact that most
schools have increased their levies and
fees, further straining the already
economically struggling parents,"
Mahachi said.
According to the UN special envoy Anna
Tibaijuka's report more
than 300 000 children - mostly of informal traders
and families in cities -
were forced to drop out of school because of the
clean-up exercise.
When The Standard visited the affected
settlements during a
commemoration tour organised by civic organisations
last week, several
children of school-going age were milling around the
compounds during school
hours.
Maria Katiyo (12) of
Kuwadzana Camp said she has not been to
school since May last
year.
"We just live here (shack) and we survive on crushing
stones
which we sell to builders," said Maria, who stays with her
64-year-old
grandmother, Ambuya Phiri.
On a good day, she
said, they make about $100 000 a day, which
is inadequate to cover food and
her school fees.
Raymond Majongwe, the Progressive Teachers'
Union of Zimbabwe
secretary general, said thousands of children are still
dropping out of
school because of the operation.
"If you
go to any school you will find out that the roll call
position has dropped
but it's difficult to give the exact number because
they are dropping out
everyday," Majongwe said.
Zim Standard
By Valentine Maponga
THE majority of
hospitals and rural health centres in
Mashonaland East and Manicaland
provinces face critical drug procurement
problems and serious financial
constraints, which have hindered their
service delivery.
This emerged during a recent tour of health centres in the two
provinces by
the Parliamentary Committee on Health and Child Welfare.
The
committee heard that most of the problems faced by these
institutions
related to drug procurement, retention of skilled personnel and
fuel
shortages.
Following the visits the committee also
established that there
was rampant corruption during recruitment of nurses
at training
institutions.
During the tour, which began at
Mwanza Rural Health centre in
Goromonzi, the committee members were able to
see that most of the hospitals
faced similar problems.
At
Mwanza, the committee met and consulted a number of community
health
activists and it emerged that if communities were involved, the
health
system in the country would improve significantly.
The
committee later proceeded to Nyadire Hospital, where it
heard that the
United Methodist-run institution faced a serious shortage of
health
personnel, impacting negatively on the quality of nurses graduating
from the
centre.
The committee heard that politicians and other
influential
people from the community were forcing hospital administrators
to recruit
unqualified students. Health regulations stipulate that everyone
who wishes
to train as a nurse should have a minimum of five "O" levels,
including a
science subject.
The committee also visited
Marondera Provincial, Bonda Mission
and All Souls Mission hospitals to
assess, first hand, evidence of the
numerous problems most rural health
centres face in the two provinces.
Hospital officials also
complained about power failures. They
said the use of generators was being
hampered by shortages of diesel.
At Marondera Hospital,
construction of a maternity wing, which
started more than 10 years ago, is
yet to be completed due to financial
problems.
Blessing
Chebundo, the chairperson of the committee, said the
drug supply situation
in the hospitals they visited was critical and the
issue of corruption was
worrying.
Chebundo remarked during the tour: "The question of
health
personnel training is very critical in the provision of health
services and
all these corruption stories are very worrying. We are also
concerned about
the issue of drug supply."
The committee
established that the equipment at the hospitals
visited needed
upgrading.
The committee expressed concern that the
government was
castigating skilled personnel leaving the country as
"unpatriotic", instead
of addressing the real causes of the brain
drain.
Chebundo said: "These people are professionals. They
want
salaries that are comparable to their status and experience. They want
job
security and they want personal security."
Zim Standard
BY OUR STAFF
THE United Nations World
Food Programme (WFP), together with its
corporate and humanitarian partners
and various civil society groups, are
teaming up around the world to show
how one collective footstep can help
transform the lives of the world's
poorest children.
Today (Sunday, 21 May 2006), more than 700
000 people in over
100 countries across 24 time zones are expected to
literally walk the world
to fight child hunger. This number includes some
100 000 children who are
expected to walk in Sub-Saharan Africa, most are
beneficiaries of WFP's
innovative and successful School Feeding
Programme.
"Walk the World" calls attention to the estimated
300 million
children who suffer from hunger all over the world. In 2005,
more than 200
000 people in 266 locations participated, raising enough funds
to feed 70
000 children.
This year, the WFP aims to raise
US$5 million for its global
school feeding programme which helps children in
poor countries grow into
healthy and educated citizens.
In Zimbabwe, WFP staff will be joined by hundreds of people for
a 3, 4 km
walk which will start and end at the Harare Gardens. Participants
include
Boy Scouts, primary school children, representatives from government
and
non-governmental organisations and local celebrities.
WFP
currently provides a daily meal to nearly 700 000 children
across Zimbabwe.
Funds raised in today's walk will go towards continued
support for Zimbabwe
School Feeding.
WFP warns that hunger is the biggest threat
to health. Last
year, for example, more people died due to hunger and
malnutrition than from
AIDS, malaria and tuberculosis combined.
Zim Standard
BY OUR
STAFF
HOWARD Mission Hospital in Mashonaland Central province
is one
of five sites that have been selected to begin anti-retroviral
treatment
programmes.
The programme will benefit from
technical support from the USAID
and the Centre for Disease Control and
Prevention.
The support is in the form of laboratory capacity
and equipment,
data management and supply chain management of medicines and
condoms,
clinical training in comprehensive HIV care, and voluntary
counselling and
testing strategies.
Howard Mission
Hospital and its five mobile clinics serve more
than 500 patients on
anti-retroviral treatment, using both US government and
Ministry of Health
drugs.
Howard also receives support from other donors and is
considered
an excellent example of how partnering assistance programmes can
create an
effective and successful response by using and managing the
variety of
resources available in Zimbabwe.
The new
USAID's partnership project is designed to pool together
not only donor
activities, but dedicated Zimbabweans and local organisations
that bring a
whole range of expertise and understanding, as well as an
enhanced long-term
vision.
Although Zimbabwe's infection rate remains severe, US
government
agencies, according to the American Embassy in Zimbabwe, are
supporting the
country's extensive public health infrastructure as it works
to expand its
own HIV care, treatment and prevention programmes in a
difficult
humanitarian and economic environment.
Earlier
this year Dr Mark Dybul, the deputy Global AIDS
Co-ordinator and chief
medical officer, visited Zimbabwe.
Zim Standard
By deborah-fay
ndhlovu
RUSSIAN businessmen are jostling to acquire key
Zimbabwean
assets such as national telephone operator - Net*One - in deals
that are
likely to ruffle the feathers of locals who feel they are being
elbowed out,
Standardbusiness has learnt.
A team of
Russian businessmen, which jetted into the country two
weeks ago, is said to
have expressed interest in acquiring stakes in
Net*One, Net*One and the
uranium project in Kanyemba. The visit follows a
high-profile one to Moscow
in April by a Zimbabwean delegation that included
the Governor of the
Reserve Bank, Gideon Gono, and some Ministers.
Although
details were scanty, a government official on Thursday
confirmed that talks
had been opened between the two telecommunications
parastatals and the
Russian businessmen, while tours had been conducted for
mining
concerns.
Russia, part of the former Soviet Union, now has
the highest
number of billionaires - known as oligarchs - in Europe,
according to
reports. Many of them, who made billions from the sell of
former Soviet
Union state assets, have been scouring developing countries,
such as
Zimbabwe, in search of lucrative deals.
Government last year announced plans to restructure its ailing
parastatals,
which have long been a drain on the fiscus with both Net*One
and Net*One
earmarked for strategic partners. A government official however
pointed out
that the State would have flouted procedure if it struck deals
with the
Russians without going to tender.
"It's still talks and
nothing has been concluded yet. POTRAZ has
not even heard about it. So far
though there are indications that government
has not followed procedure
because the issue of the disposal of their stakes
is something subject to
public tender," the official said.
Net*One MD Rambai Kangai
refused to respond to the matter over
the telephone and insisted on written
questions instead.
"I do not talk about things like that over
the phone," Kangai
said but later referred questions to the Ministry of
Transport and
Communications.
"We suggest that you
contact the shareholder of Net*One for
these matters," Kangai said in a
written response. The Minister, Chris
Mushohwe was however not available for
comment. Phil Chingwaru,
Net*One's Public Relations Manager
confirmed the development but
would not shed much light about
it.
"Yes we have had the Russians but I have been out of the
office
and I m not sure how far the talks are," Chingwaru said.
Zim Standard
Comment
THE introduction of new tougher
road regulations, announced last
week, will not necessarily result in less
carnage on Zimbabwe's roads. This
is because traffic accidents are a
reflection of the general decay that
characterises everything in this
country.
It is unrealistic to operate a public transport
system in an
environment where general road rules are ignored. It is also
difficult to
operate a public transport service that is accident-free when
the shortage
of spares is widespread, forcing operators to cut corners and
put vehicles
that are not roadworthy on the road.
The
laxity on the part of law-enforcement agencies that allows
such vehicles on
the highways plays a significant contributory role.
This has
encouraged motorists to behave as if they have a
monopoly on use of the
roads. How many times are broken-down vehicles
abandoned or attended to in
the middle of traffic, when these should be
moved to safer places? There is
general anarchy on Zimbabwe's roads.
In reacting to the death
of at least 43 people in less than a
week, the Minister of Transport and
Communications last week annou-nced
measures that set out minimum ages for
drivers of public service vehicles.
As far as we are aware,
no empirical evidence exists to
establish a direct link between drivers'
ages and frequency of road
accidents. The Minister's announcement ignores
the fact that other countries
not just in the region but worldwide, have
young public transport drivers
but they have not recorded the same levels of
road fatalities.
Older drivers may have experience as an
advantage, but it could
also be argued they are more prone to fatigue
because of their age. On the
other hand younger public transport drivers, it
can be argued, are more
alert and have a higher endurance rate for the
rigours of driving public
transport.
The causes of road
accidents in Zimbabwe are more complex, with
both employers and the
travelling public playing a significant contributory
role. Employers pile
pressure on drivers by setting unrealistic targets that
encourage speeding.
On the other hand, to the best of our knowledge no
passengers have arrested
a bus crew for speeding or disregarding their
admonitions. Yet this recourse
is open to passengers.
The reason for this is simple:
passengers are happy or even
encourage drivers to speed. This is fine as
long as no tragedy occurs
because it gets them to their destinations faster.
But the moment there is
an accident and lives are lost, passengers are the
first to bay for blood.
This is rank hypocrisy.
There is
however a problem with such impetuous reactions as
embodied in the
Minister's response. Public transport operators should have
been consulted
on of how to curb the carnage on the country's roads. They
should have a
significant input in the solution to
the problem. In fact,
they are better placed to suggest possible
solutions than the prescriptive
measures from armchair theorists in the
Ministry of Transport. As it is,
transport operators cannot claim ownership
and that is a recipe for plans to
fail.
Zim Standard
sunday opinion by Rejoice Ngwenya
THIS is my last contribution to the world of journalistic
literary freedom,
and this is neither due to a perceived and imaginary fear
of men in dark
glasses nor because of disproportionately zero returns made
from long hours
of editorial innovation.
Besides having my very own dark
glasses, the only fearful force
in the universe is God Himself. More over,
the tattered nature of our
economy is such that there are few professions in
Zimbabwe today - including
journalism for that matter - from which one can
really derive maximum
monetary satisfaction. Journalism? - No way, - pure
dedication to the cause
of free expression!
Talking about
freedom brings last week's Mothers Day memories
flooding. Feminists and
over-zealous men fell over themselves in
commemorating a day that is totally
alien to Africa, just like Christmas,
Valentine, Easter and all other
anniversaries that to borrow from Tafataona
Mahoso's loose vocabulary, are
littered with imperialist connotation.
Mothers are important
everyday of our lives, not least because
of their sacrifice, but also the
pain experienced in foetal freedom. New
York University and Princeton
graduate psychologists Arthur and Emily Reber
define pain as "physical or
psychic distress . the experience that results
from certain kinds of
physical stimulation".
The Christian Bible, in Genesis, does
not mince its words on how
much pain The Woman will suffer because of
transgression, but if one has not
experienced that type of pain, it flips
past as just another emotional
experience, a figment of gynaecological
imagination.
By simply observing proceedings in the delivery
room of an
average maternity ward, an average man will begin to comprehend
the
importance of bringing new life into the world. A woman's entire
central
nervous system, her anatomical mechanics and emotional status quo
are
focused on four letters - pain. She is either oblivious of a man's
presence,
or has simply thrown him into the cauldron of blame for those
responsible
for her biological and physical torture.
Her
muffled groans and contortions, coupled with spasmodic, yet
amazingly
consistent screams pierce any man's membrane of emotional
obstinacy. In
short, the phrase blood, sweat and tears was coined not for
egotistic, male
chauvinistic military excesses, but for the process of human
birth that
begins with a man in self-inflicted bliss and ends with a woman
in a
proverbial maze of pain.
So when Zanu PF stalwarts talk about
how they have to be
rewarded because of the pain they suffered in order to
bring independence,
those citizens who have a weak heart can easily get
carried away. In this my
last contribution to the local press, I want to
call their bluff. It is only
a deranged mother who can strangle her infant
baby, throw him down a Blair
toilet, starve him or watch him wither away in
poverty and malnutrition
while her cheeks blossom with good
food.
If Zanu PF wants us to share with them the pain of
political
birth in 1980, they have to convince us that they, like a good
mother, have
our welfare at heart. A mother, who eats all the food, covers
her body in
warm blankets and breast-feeds a stray chimpanzee while her
infant child
screams for attention deserves to be
imprisoned.
A mother who, when her infant child cries for
attention,
tortures and locks him in a windowless room deserves nothing but
excommunication to the wilderness. A mother who sleeps in a comfortable bed
with clean sheets and soft mattress while her baby wriggles in wet napkins
on a hard floor deserves to be incinerated in shame.
In
short, there is no amount of birth pain that can give any
mother a licence
to abuse her infant child. Such is the Zanu PF mother.
When
serious citizens see a mother committing such atrocities
against her
defenceless child, should they stand back and say:
"It's her
child, after all." No! I do not know whether you want
to call it passive
resistance, constructive engagement, civil disobedience
or democratic
resistance. What's in a name?
In civilised communities, every
adult has a right to rescue an
abused child. It is a human right. Yes, Zanu
PF (and ZAPU, naturally)
suffered untold misery and pain to dislodge a
vicious colonial regime, but
that does not give them a right to abuse that
privilege.
Yes, somebody somewhere, votes them into power
every five years.
So what? Haven't they overstayed their welcome like an
unwanted visitor?
When a child is born, it is a parent's
responsibility to provide
a good life for the new person - health,
education, food, transport,
enjoyment, security and comfort. In all
departments, Zanu PF has failed the
Zimbabwean child.
The
forces of local, regional and international "social welfare"
are saying to
Zanu PF: "Give away that child to a more responsible parent, a
more sensible
foster home." Zimbabwe is in distress and no amount of
"recovery policy
innovations" will save this child.
Her parents, Zanu PF,
should either give her away voluntarily,
or face the wrath of peaceful, but
forceful social welfare tides. I have
personally nothing against a
government that was voted into power, albeit
through a fractured,
manipulative democratic process.
There are thousands of
citizens who believe Zanu PF has
fulfilled their missions, but there are
millions more who languish in
despair, millions. Those are the ones who are
saying: "Zanu PF, thank you
for the pain of political motherhood. We are now
weaned and want our
separate lives. Leave us in dignity. Retire in peace and
let us take charge
of our destiny. You have done your part - and failed
dismally. It's time to
go."
Zim Standard
Sunday
opinion by Brilliant Mhlanga
EVENTS obtaining in Africa; from
the Great Lakes region down to
the rest of Southern Africa are disturbing.
One can easily identify
President Robert Mugabe's bad influence. His
uninformative collegiality
towards most second-generation leaders in Africa
offers disastrous lessons
for Africa.
The recent Malawian
drama about a European Union-funded motorway
named after Mugabe, has nothing
positive for us to learn from, let alone to
Malawi's President Bingu wa
Mutharika, whose short stint in power is proving
to be disastrous, despite
his expected knowledge of international politics.
The same
applies to President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, a product
of Julius Nyerere's
teaching from the University of Dar-es Salaam.
However,
Museveni has crossed from the far right to the far
left. Every piece of
legislation being coined in Uganda is reminiscent of at
least one in
Zimbabwe.
The offshoots are there for everyone to see. Mugabe
and Museveni
have worked together before, notably in the Western sponsored
deal to plead
with General Sani Abacha, not to hang General Olusegun
Obasanjo. Both are
products of Washington's foreign
policy.
It is an open secret that President Robert Mugabe is
a direct
beneficiary and a product of Western political machinations, thrust
to
control Southern Africa. This explains his influence in regional
politics,
for example, in Mozambique, Namibia and during South Africa's
attainment of
independence.
Mugabe also used this
influence obviously derived from the
security portfolio in Southern African
Development Community (SADC), to send
troops into the Democratic Republic of
Congo (DRC).
This marked the end of the glamour and respect
his regime
enjoyed internationally as he was now walking on unholy ground,
by
disturbing big multilateral interests. This signalled the fall of the
Zimbabwean dollar. This move was a blow to the Zimbabwean economy and
ignited views that Mugabe was helping put out a fire in the neighbour's
house when his own house was on fire.
The reason for
Mugabe's entry into DRC was because he felt
threatened by the moves of the
two young Presidents from the Great Lakes
region, Museveni and Paul Kagame
of Rwanda. These two men had set the stage
for Laurent Desire Kabila, with
the help of Banyamulenge a Tutsi dominated
force, which Kabila was trying to
flush out now that he was in power.
Following Museveni's bigger project that
was funded by the West, his focus
had expanded beyond the Great Lakes
region. He supported the SPLA. Now he
was focused on Southern
Africa.
This was aggravated by the democracy wave of the
second
liberation blowing across the region. Countries like Malawi, Zambia
and
South Africa had already succumbed. This move was a big threat to Mugabe
at
the time. He sensed that these young men were likely to take advantage of
this ideation to sponsor a problem in Zimbabwe with the help of the West and
moved swiftly to block them, by disturbing their plans in the
DRC.
As if that was not enough, Mugabe was quick to notice
the
cleavages between the two men, a move he exploited using Pan-African
rhetoric. Like a rat being lured with groundnuts, Museveni fell for it. This
marriage of convenience has benefited Museveni whose leadership style and
scale is continuously falling. He has now joined Mugabe's Bush-Blair comedy.
Museveni is the character that talks left and walks right. He has parted
ways with his former Army General and Chief Intelligence Officer, Paul
Kagame and has labelled Rwanda an unfriendly country.
Museveni's new school headed by an old tired teacher (Mugabe)
follows the
common law of nature which states that all human beings have the
potential
to be bad. He has embraced his bad potential for the good of his
hold on
power. Furthermore, he has made a lot of enemies and cannot afford
to leave
power. Apparently, he is Mugabe's strange bedfellow.
Apart
from the fact that unlike Mugabe, Museveni has quite a
sizable number of
skeletons in his cabin he has arrested his major rival
Colonel Dr Kizza
Besigye, on charges of treason showing marked resemblance
to Morgan
Tsvangirai's treason case in which the ruling Zanu PF had the
preposterous
Ari Ben-Menashe as the State's chief witness.
In this treason
case Yoweri Museveni has roped in criminals from
the Lord´s Resistance Army
(LRA) wanted by the International Court of
Justice for crimes against
humanity - Alfred Onen Kamdulu and Aryemo - as
State
witnesses.
Initially he had arrested Besigye on rape charges
purportedly
committed in November 1997. Interestingly the rape case was
dismissed on 30
January 2006, with Justice John Bosco Katutsi ending the
verdict by saying:
"Let me end this discourse by borrowing some words of
Lord Bourgham's speech
in defence of Queen Caroline some three hundred years
ago: "The evidence
before this court is inadequate even to prove a debt -
impotent to deprive
of a civil right - ridiculous for convicting of the
pettiest offence -
scandalous if brought forward to support a charge of any
grave character -
monstrous if to ruin the honour of a man who offered
himself as a candidate
for the highest office of this
country."
It can be gleaned from this verdict that the
judiciary in Uganda
is free from any form of undue pressure. Museveni is yet
to learn that
tactic from his Zimbabwean mentor.
The
Malawian drama by Wa Mutharika, an economist and former Head
of COMESA,
shows that he has classically failed to understand international
trends in
politics. The adage that he who pays the piper calls the tune is
still miles
away from him.
Inasmuch as we might want to shrug off
aid-with-conditionality,
reality on the ground has it that the world is run
along these lines.
Wa Mutharika, whose relations with
Zimbabwe apart from the claim
that Mugabe is said to be of Malawian
ancestry, has another interesting
relationship prompted by his marriage to a
Zimbabwean. This has also earned
him a piece of land obviously snatched from
a commercial farmer in Kadoma.
Impliedly, Mutharika is guilty
of tacit acceptance of the
persecution and murder of innocent whites and
those who died at the hands of
the Zanu PF at the time of land
grabbing.
As a son-in-law, he has decided to go native by
emulating almost
everything. Malawi will definitely regret this move. He
recently embarked on
the nefarious Pan-African zeal, and arrested his Vice
President Cassim
Chilumpha with 10 others on charges of treason. This is due
to power
struggles between the President and his deputy. Wa Mutharika who
controls
the state's repressive apparatus once accused some of his cabinet
ministers
in 2004 of plotting to assassinate him but later dropped the
charges.
He recently appointed Patricia Kaliati, a primary
school teacher
by profession as Minister of Information - a move which left
Malawians with
more questions than answers regarding the President's
relations with this
woman. At the height of the EU funded motorway
controversy, Kaliati is said
to have responded by suggesting that those
opposed must hang, otherwise the
deal with EU did not specify how the
motorway shall be commissioned. Yes,
that statement was true, but it was
carelessly put and lacked diplomacy.
In light of Mugabe's
revolutionary teaching which lacks the
democratic tinge, his Pan-African
raving which camouflages the reality
behind the kind of Jacobin-verbiage
that promises much and delivers
remarkably nothing, one concludes that no
positive lessons will be imparted
to the young leaders in Africa. Mugabe's
untimely outbursts leave a lot to
be desired. They remind me of the
following comments by Diescho:
Friedrich Hegel said history
is a slaughter house; Camus said
history is a world without meaning; Sartre
said there is no exit to history;
Kafka wrote that history is a trial; James
Baldwin looked at the black
people's history and screamed: "Nobody knows my
name". History, Frantz Fanon
would say, is the story of the "wretched of the
earth", wherein, Chinua
Achebe would add, "things fall apart and are no
longer at ease". History is
"petals of blood", to invoke Ngugi wa Thiongo.
The Namibian artist John
Muafangejo, stared our history in the face and
wrote: "I am loneliness".
It is our duty therefore to
understand that history has already
judged Mugabe and his party. The world
is currently exploring possibilities
of offering him amnesty if he agrees to
step down. The question therefore
is; what happens to the sins committed in
the 1980s, and the recent deaths
incurred during the struggle for democracy
in Zimbabwe?
Zimbabwe now offers lessons on how a culture of
power and
authority can be groomed to substitute a culture of
persuasion.
What a shame to Democracy!
Govt out to destroy tertiary
education
THE government's gang-ho tactics in dealing with crises
in the
education sector must be exposed and condemned.
Several weeks ago, the outgoing president of the Zimbabwe
National Students
Union (ZINASU) Washington Katema described the Zimbabwean
state as a
"vampire" that has no other agenda than the stalling of the
democratisation
process in Zimbabwe. Subsequently, delegates to the ZINASU
congress were
arrested and harassed by the police.
Over the years it has
become routine for student leaders to be
trailed by security agents and
their meetings are prevented and or disturbed
by the police or the army,
obviously at the behest of the government.
The government has
become a rogue band of lawless brigands who
have a high disregard of the
rule of law, property rights and basic civil
liberties. They have devastated
the economy and they have now turned their
attention and are intent on
ruining the education sector.
Over the past one month the
government has clearly demonstrated
that it is no longer interested in the
tertiary education system in
Zimbabwe; the deteriorating standards in
colleges, the sky-rocketing prices
of education and the incessant strikes by
lecturers point to a national
cancer that is debilitating the tertiary
education sector in Zimbabwe.
Increasingly, students and students'
organisations are seen, in the eyes of
government, as sources of opposition
discontent that are to be thwarted by
any and all means
necessary.
Year after year student leaders continue to be
terrorised,
tortured and suspended without regard to natural justice and due
process of
law. Student unions, instead of being seen as platforms that can
facilitate
dialogue and resolution of the crisis, are seen as threats to
political
power by a government that has developed a dangerous laager
mentality.
Instead of viewing teachers' unions, students'
unions and the
civic society organisations in general as sources of ideas
and leadership to
resolve the national crisis the government has ostracised
these key allies.
The systematic attacks on the students'
unions must remind the
pro-democracy movement that there is limited time to
remain fragmented and
concentrating on displaying how verbose we got in
years past as we
sojourned the length and breadth of the earth. The task
remains in one
place and one place alone; the home front. This is where our
experiences and
commitment are needed.
The Zanu PF regime
has no regard to how many speeches we may
deliver about Pan-Africanism or
anti-imperialism. They have since moved from
the arena of winning hearts and
minds through ideas to the arena of striking
fear and terror - here then is
the challenge that must rally us.
The expertise that we have
gained, the capacity and experiences
of our training must all be harnessed
so that there is a renewed energy
within the movement that a lot of
Zimbabweans have suffered and committed
their lives to.
My heart and solidarity goes out to the Secretary General of the
Zimbabwe
National Students Union who is being held in solitary confinement
and his
colleagues who have been denied food and access to their lawyers.
This is
the evidence of a regime on the run. It is cannibalistic; this is a
regime
that grotesquely feeds on its own sibling and has an insatiable
hunger for
victims, but history teaches us time and time again that the will
of the
people can not be stalled.
Tinashe Lukas
Chimedza
Sydney
Australia
------------
There is space for everyone in opposition
politics
IT is not often that Zimbabweans are spoiled by
politicians who take their chances and agree to engage them directly in
public, and talking straight in the way Arthur Mutambara, President of the
pro-Senate MDC faction did in London on 9 May 2006.
Zimbabweans in London turned out well for this meeting
which took place
mid-week after work, braving the terrible traffic in that
part of London.
Those interested in numbers were not disappointed. Much has
been said about
Mutambara in the Press but you have to see the man to make a
better
judgment.
When Mutambara and his delegation comprising
Welshman
Ncube and Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga arrived at the venue in
Wood
Green, London, it looked as if they knew that Zimbabweans in the
Diaspora
expected them to speak on issues not sloganeering and
singing.
Misihairabwi-Mushonga highlighted the dilemma
of the
Movement for Democratic (MDC) after the 12 October National Council
meeting.
She appealed for wisdom in solving issues of their differences with
the
Morgan Tsvangirai-led MDC.
Ncube admitted that
no one was perfect in the current MDC
dilemma but he explained that, lack of
accountability and transparency in
the way the Tsvangirai's leadership was
operating had reached unacceptable
levels.
He made
reference to investigations by the MDC into
alleged violence perpetrated
against members of party and its values and
principles. He regretted that
it was more difficult to point out the wrongs
without being labelled as a
sell-out, Zanu PF or tribalist and that it was
becoming impossible to hold
Tsvangirai to account without risking the wrath
of the unaccountable youths
at Harvest House.
Mutambara began by saying: "I make no
assumption of your
political affiliation". He urged Zimbabweans to stand up
and be counted.
Mutambara said: "Zimbabwe is in a
crisis that requires
generational intervention. A new generation of
Zimbabweans must step up and
be counted. History will never absolve them if
they do not rise to the
challenge."
His message was
that it is up to all of us, and in the
language that sounded inclusive,
Mutambara asserted that there is enough
space for everyone, certainly in his
party, and encouraged those ".people to
join my brother Morgan Tsvangirai if
you wish or Zanu PF if that is where
you find
resonance..."
Mutambara recounted why he decided to
return to Zimbabwe.
The message pricked the conscience of many in the room
provoking the
Diaspora beyond their comfortable jobs because their dignity
is at risk as
long the people back home are suffering. This was coming from
a person who
was walking the talk, Mutambara went back home to try and play
a role. He
said:
"Diasporans have a meaningful role
to play in the
development of their country by leveraging their remittances,
expertise and
networks."
Those who did not agree
with him, Mutambara said, could at
least join any other group that will
allow them to make a difference to the
lives of our
people.
Should everyone who comes along talking about
change be
trusted? This is the area that some people were not comfortable
with,
because any debate of change in Zimbabwe would require comparing notes
with
other political forces and the perception was that it was an attack on
Tsvangirai or Joice Mujuru. Mutambara challenged people to interrogate the
content and quality of change that the leaders intend to bring about in
order to avoid what is happening in Kenya.
When the
floor was opened for all, Mutambara lamented the
reluctance of the other
faction to respond to all the initiatives firstly by
himself during his
acceptance speech, and secondly by David Coltart.
I
have been an ardent supporter of unity among opposition
forces but after
further discussions with other Zimbabweans who attended the
meeting, I was
persuaded to think that breaking up could be a sign of
growth, and out of
splits come great parties. Zanu PF was a breakaway party
from
ZAPU.
I hope that next time we will have Tsvangirai,
Mai Mujuru
and Simba Makoni to talk about their ideas. There is space for
everyone and
it is up to all of us!
Msekiwa
Makwanya
United Kingdom
--------------
Where do writers stand on
crisis?
EVERY now and then the role of writers
operating
under oppressive regimes is often raised in the hope that they
document
events as they see and believe them to
be.
In our particular context the question still
vexes
us. What is the role of the writer. is it to simply chronicle the
suffocating environment, which threatens to engulf us all, to assume the
role of a guerrilla writer employing "creative disobedience" or is it to
acquiesce and become a megaphone for the
regime?
Soviet Russia produced Aleksandr
Solzhenitsyn and
Leon Tolstoy among others. Solzhenitsyn once wrote: ". that
our literature
has been enduring from censorship for decades .No one can bar
the road to
the truth and to advance its cause I am prepared to accept even
death."
Kenya produced Ngugi wa Thiongo, Micere
Mugo, Ngugi
wa Mirii among many others. But in Zimbabwe, what is the role of
the writer
during post-independence? Or is there a role at all in this hell
that burns
us so fiercely?
We see the protest
or militancy in the work of the
National Constitutional Assembly and the
Women of Zimbabwe Arise. Where does
this leave the
writers?
Not yet
Solzhenitsyn
Pumula North
Bulawayo
-------------
Government pension for civil servants a great
shame
LIKE many civil servants, I spent a
lifetime
serving my government and country. I spent 33 years in government
as a
teacher and working harder than any other civil servants in other
government
departments.
However, having
worked for so long and
diligently, I expected a good package from my
government in the form of a
handshake, but alas that was not to be the
case.
The government shamelessly gave me a
lump sum
of $2 million as my pension. This is the amount of money which
today buys 48
king size bottles of Coca Cola. I could not even afford to
throw a
retirement party for my family with two crates of minerals. How
could I
throw a party when I could not afford the rice to go with it and the
beer to
liven the merry-making with my relations, a whole beast, a good
number of
chickens and dozens of loaves of
bread?
I would have to be a
multi-millionaire a
hundred times over to be able to throw such a party. So
I didn't have a
party.
How could a
government of the people allow
such a shame to be visited upon me?
Pensioners during colonial times got a
better deal when they received a
watch and a bicycle or a farm, items which
most of them have still got
compared to my $2 million which evaporated the
moment I received
it.
They were better off than I who worked
for a
government of independence do
now.
My black government should be ashamed
of
treating me like trash/condom after using me. Today, I am living like a
pauper yet many of my products are living like kings, working for the same
government I worked for.
Where are the
other government workers? Why
are they so quiet about their lot? Who can
help us form an organisation
which will speak on our behalf while we are
still alive?
Ashamed
Masvingo
-----------
Call to mark 'Murambatsvina'
anniversary
THE campaign to declare 18 May
International
Anti-Eviction Day is part of a series of campaigns and
activities organised
by Zimbabwe's social movements and organisations to
mark the first
anniversary of "Operation Murambatsvina" ( Drive out the
filth) carried by
the government starting 18 last
year.
We seek to use the time to
rededicate
ourselves to the struggle for social justice and democracy in
Zimbabwe while
at the same time eternally shaming the fatigued Robert Mugabe
regime for the
callous, barbaric and cowardly acts it continues to visit
upon poor
Zimbabweans in the name of trying to retain political
power.
We also want to refocus attention
on the
emergency in Zimbabwe marked by a severely acute political and
socio-economic crisis characterized by 80% unemployment and slave wages,
1049% inflation, spiraling crime and domestic violence, collapsed health and
education delivery systems, police brutality and draconian
legislation.
Zimbabweans can do the
following: Sign the
declaration in support of the International
Anti-Eviction Day; Send protest
letters to the government of Zimbabwe and
its embassies; Programme the theme
of "Operation Murambatsvina" and the
criminalisation of poverty into your
activities for the months of May and
June; Organise public meetings to
especially discuss how people power can be
mobilised to make sure that
"Operation Murambatsvina" does not happen
again.
They can also organise a picket
or symbolic
actions against the government of Zimbabwe; Join commemorative
events
organised through Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition, CHRA, Zimbabwe Social
Forum
and other movements and organizations; and Give your ideas and
opinions on
how to strengthen the
campaign.
The declaration will be
presented to the
government and its embassies on a date to be announced.
Dare to struggle -
Dare to win because another Zimbabwe is possible in our
life time.
Briggs
Bomba
South
Africa
----------
Meddling ruins
sport
POLITICAL interference in every
sphere of
existence in Zimbabwe has got us stuck in a quagmire. Sport has
not been
spared either as political upstarts try everything to gain entry to
some
influential positions in every sporting
discipline.
We have lost so much at
international level
in sport because personalities with questionable
administrative background
and ability found their way to the top. These
people only get involved in
sport in order to help themselves at the expense
of the sports personalities
they are supposed to assist. No wonder most
sporting disciplines are worse
off than they were in the early
eighties?
Sport the world over is highly
rewarding but
it is only in Zimbabwe where a star can die a pauper. Imagine
the likes of
Henry Olonga in cricket, Agent Sawu in soccer and Wayne Black
in Tennis, to
name just a few.
It is
therefore imperative that all the
sporting structures in this country be
allowed to breathe again without any
political
interference.
Lance
Saungweme
Makomo
Section
Epworth
Harare
-----------
Why not go all the
way?
THE decision by the illegal
commission
running or is it ruining the affairs of the City of Harare to
extort a fee
of $100 000 a day for newspaper vendors was a stroke of
genius. But why
stop there if the idea is to raise revenue by every means
possible? Imagine
the billions the municipality could be raking in everyday
by charging
shoppers for breathing and walking on the pavements in the
CBD.
Those intrepid First Street mall
preachers
and stuntmen could also be a source of invaluable revenue.
Tourists too
should be made to pay a fee specifically for enjoying our
sunshine.
Bambazonke
Harare
----------
Notable aircraft absent from
aviation museum
A few of Zimbabwe's early
examples of
military aircraft long withdrawn from service are gathered at
the National
Aviation Museum in Gweru-forming a small but unique collection
of mementoes
of our aviation history.
The museum serves to collect and preserve
Zimbabwe's aviation history thus
affording ordinary Zimbabweans-who would
otherwise never get the opportunity
to come close to an aircraft the chance
to view real aircraft on the
ground.
The only aircraft currently on
display at
the aviation museum are: a De Havilland Vampire FB-9 and its
trainer version
the T-11; the English Electric Canberra B-2; the Hunting
Percival Provost
Mk-2; the Harvard trainer Mk-24A; the World War 2 vintage
Super marine
Spitfire F-22; the Hawker Hunter FGA-9; and an ex-Air Zimbabwe
Viscount 748.
There is not even a single
helicopter save
for an unlabelled and unsightly skeletal helicopter frame
which has been
there for years. Yet the Air Force of Zimbabwe (AFZ)
currently flies about
four different types of helicopters and even retired
an entire fleet of
Augusta Bell AB-205 "Cheetah" helicopters in the mid
1980s.
The fact that there are such a few
aircraft
at the museum when a lot more could have been there by now boggles
the mind.
It shows clear negligence on the part of those whose
responsibility is
sourcing aircraft for the museum in general and the AFZ in
particular for
not timeously donating each type of aircraft they will no
longer be in need
of to the aviation
museum.
There are some types of aircraft
which the
AFZ has flown since the Rhodesian era-several examples of which
have since
been withdrawn from service. In addition, over the years-the AFZ
has lost
examples of the BN-2s, F-7s, SF-260s, Casa-212s, Alouette-111s and
AB-412s
in accidents.
However,
examples of all these aircraft are
conspicuously absent from the aviation
museum. Notably absent are the
Douglas C-47 Dakota, the Riems Cessna
F-337G Lynx and undoubtedly the
most deserving aircraft - the inimitable
Aerospatiale Aloutte-111
helicopter.
The Aloutte-111 is the legendary workhorse
of the war of liberation and both
the Mozambican and the Democratic Republic
of Congo campaigns. Even more,
the late Retired Air Vice-Marshal Ian Harvey
made it into the Guinness Book
of Records after having logged the most
operational flying hours-over
4000-in the Aloutte-111.
These war birds
served long, well and
splendidly only to be denied their rightly deserved
places at the aviation
museum. Does the AFZ have trouble setting aside at
least one type of
aircraft, withdrawn from service, for the museum? After
all it is also their
own heritage they are struggling to
preserve.
Three types of aircraft:
Hawk-60s, Hunter
FGA-9s and a Riems F-337G were destroyed when saboteurs hit
Thornhill Air
Base in Gweru in 1982. Surprisingly, only one type of the
aircraft affected,
a Hunter FGA-9 is on display at the museum. I believe
that the authorities
at Thornhill should seriously consider donating other
types of aircraft that
were caught up in the sabotage: a Hawk-60 and an
F-337g Lynx to the museum.
Displaying these three types of aircraft together
will tell a complete story
of the tragic and regrettable dent in Zimbabwe's
otherwise impressive
aviation
history.
The aviation museum should make
an effort to
display each aircraft together with its relevant ordnance and
accessories;
bombs, missiles, rockets, drop tanks, engines and
guns.
Given the amount of space still
available at
the premises, the museum needs not restrict itself only to
aircraft but
cover all aspects of military aviation including anti-aircraft
guns,
surface-to-air missiles, radars, parachutes and other similar
things.
There is need to have a souvenir
shop
selling aviation books, videos, aircraft models and posters to
visitors. It
is also essential to have well-informed and enthusiastic
attendants who have
the love of aviation at heart in attendance at the
museum.
There is definitely a Hawk, a
Lynx, a
Dakota, Casa, F-6, F-7 or an Aloutte-111 somewhere, that the AFZ no
longer
needs, stripped of all essential parts, parked in the open, exposed
to the
elements and above all, neglected. If only the war birds could be
relocated
from their current sites to the National Aviation Museum where
they will be
restored and made available to the current and future
generations on display
as Zimbabwe's aviation
heritage.
Cassius
Sande
Harare
-------------
Couple showed true Zimbabwean
kindness
ON Sunday, 30 April 2006, my
friend's
husband was on the balcony when he observed a person slumped at the
foot of
their gate.
My friend - his
wife - asked him to
investigate with caution, especially not knowing what to
expect in these
dangerous times.
The
person slumped at the gate was a man and
had passed out so my friend's
husband called out for some water. As they put
the cup to his lips, the man
was able to whisper "sugar".
My friend
rushed back to the house because
she realised he was diabetic and for sure
after taking the sugar he was
revived. The following is what he was able to
narrate to them.
He lived in Shurugwi.
However, his house was
struck by lightning and burnt down. He made his way
to Harare with whatever
little resources he had. He was hoping to find an
uncle so that he could
help him secure a job, which would enable him to
raise enough money to
rebuild his
home.
Regrettably, his uncle has since
moved to
Kariba. His next plan was to go to Highlands police to see if he
could get a
bus pass for his return journey to Shurugwi. This was after he
tried a few
houses for work but without success. The police were not
sympathetic and he
was advised to go and find
work!
So he went about trying to look for
work. As
he moved along his health began to suffer and he finally slumped at
my
friend's gate.
My friend made a
parcel for him with food
and drink for his journey back home. The gardener
next door was so touched
by the man's plight and by what my friend and her
husband had done for the
unfortunate stranger. He gave the man $500 000. The
neighbour from across
the road also gave the man $800 000 to help him get
home to Shurugwi. On
accepting the gifts from these kind Zimbabweans the man
broke down and
started crying.
These
are true Zimbabweans we know and love,
not the hijackers and thieves that
roam this lovely country. We know times
are hard but these four people
showed great kindness to a total stranger,
whom without their help would
have surely died.
Molly
Harare
-------------
How short our memories
are
I was intrigued by press reports of
President Robert Mugabe and his delegation in Uganda for President "sad
term" Yoweri Kaguta Museveni's inauguration. How short can our memories
be?
Uganda and Rwanda killed many
Zimbabwean
soldiers in the conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo
so much
that even the government has kept secret the number of our losses.
Can we
forget so easily the grievous loss to families and relatives of sons,
brothers and fathers?
This is why
some of us insist that children
of our political leaders should take part in
such military incursions. Would
they have been so ready to embrace Museveni
if they had lost their sons in
the jungles of the DRC to Museveni's army? I
doubt it.
What were our sacrifices for
when today
Mugabe and Museveni can toast - to what? The loss of Zimbabwean
soldiers?
My heart
bleeds
Tirivanhu
Mhofu
Emerald
Hill
Harare
Tanya is just 18. Raped
in Zimbabwe and rejected by her husband in the UK,
she fled the marriage and
sought asylum. Then she faced a new ordeal. The
official handling her case
said he would help her claim. But he also wanted
sex. Jamie Doward and Mark
Townsend on a horrifying abuse of power
Sunday May 21, 2006
The
Observer
Tanya is the sort of person you notice in a crowd. She has a
big, blinding
smile and exudes a magnetic aura, a captivating calmness
uncommon among
normal 18-year-olds.
But then Tanya's short, tragic life
has been far from normal. When she was
11, Tanya's father died. When she was
15 she was raped by an important donor
to Robert Mugabe's Zanu-PF party. The
man pulled strings to ensure the
doctor's report into the rape - and Tanya's
allegations - disappeared.
Things got worse. Tanya was accused of making the
rape up. People spat at
her in the street. She was branded a 'slut' who was
trying to blacken the
name of a respected member of the local community. She
plunged into
depression.
At 16, she ran away from home. Her family
had arranged for her to leave
Zimbabwe to marry a man in England she barely
knew. He was a member of the
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), the
political organisation that the
Zanu-PF is intent on destroying. His family
was relatively wealthy and
promised money and cattle to Tanya's family in
return for her hand in
marriage. Tanya's uncles wanted the marriage to
proceed. She claims that
they found her, locked her in a room and beat her
with whips until she
agreed to the marriage. Three years later she still has
scars on her hands,
legs and back.
She entered the UK on Christmas
Day 2003. Upon discovering his bride was not
a virgin, Tanya claims her
husband turned on her. 'He always kept going on
about how he was going to
get another wife because I wasn't a virgin, how I
never really got raped
because I had come on to the man,' Tanya said. She
alleges that her husband,
who had successfully claimed asylum, regularly
ensured there was no food in
the house they shared in the West Midlands. She
had no money and often went
hungry.
Tanya left him after one month of marriage. But her options were
limited.
She could not return to Zimbabwe - her rape allegations against the
Zanu-PF
donor, and her marriage to an MDC member, meant she was an obvious
target
for the country's notorious security services. And she was also in a
legal
limbo - her husband withdrew her application for British citizenship
shortly
after she fled.
A male friend who knew Tanya's husband
offered her a roof over her head. 'He
ended up being violent,' Tanya said.
'I felt I had to keep having sex with
him for him to put me up. There were
times when I tried to leave. I went to
the Refugee Council but they couldn't
give me a place to stay because I
wasn't an asylum seeker.'
With no
money, nowhere to go and few friends Tanya's only option was to
follow her
solicitor's advice and claim asylum. She had no choice but to beg
the
country she called home not to return her to a brutal dictatorship, a
place
where a bang on the door in the small hours pressages rape, torture
and
murder.
What happened next constitutes a disturbing abuse of power and
raises
fundamental questions about practices within the Immigration and
Nationality
Directorate (IND).
Lunar House in East Croydon is an ugly
building to house so many people's
dreams. But it is here, behind the
concrete walls of the towering office
complex, that those seeking asylum in
Britain come to plead their case. What
the officials say and, more
importantly, what they do, helps determine an
asylum seeker's fate. Theirs
is an extremely powerful position, an asymmetry
between applicant and
official emphasised by the reinforced glass screens
from behind which IND
staff grill the asylum seekers.
On 5 May, as she nervously clutched her
forms detailing her home office
reference number, a letter from her lawyer
and a potted, scrawled chronology
of the ugly events that led to her seeking
asylum in a faceless office in
Surrey, the Zimbabwean teenager cut a forlorn
figure in the Lunar House
waiting room.
James Dawute spied Tanya
almost instantly. The chief immigration officer
signalled to a security
guard for her to be brought forward. Tanya was
searched and given a ticket
with a number on it. Moments later Dawute
approached the teenager and gave
her another ticket with a different number.
Instantly she jumped up the
queue by several hundred places.
Soon she was being interviewed by a
female immigration official only for
Dawute to take over. Once his
colleague's back was turned, Dawute passed a
scrap of paper with his
telephone number on through the window and asked for
her number in return.
She complied.
Tanya claims Dawute suggested he could find accommodation
for her in Croydon
that day, but she declined, saying she had no money.
Instead he signed some
forms allowing her to claim accommodation and
emergency benefits from the
Refugee Council.
Dawute rang two days
later, telling Tanya he liked her and wanted to see
her. Tanya claims Dawute
he offered to help sort out her leave to remain. He
also transferred £50
into her bank account, the first of three such payments
he was to make over
the subsequent fortnight. The following day Dawute
called again saying he
couldn't wait to see her and arranged to meet Tanya
in Croydon.
Tanya
was torn. She held no illusions about what the man wanted. But she was
terrified of being sent back to Zimbabwe. 'He said he was a really
influential person,' Tanya said. 'What if he could get me my papers and get
me sorted like he promised? But then I realised they could take the papers
off me at any time if it was found out I had to do things with him to get
them.' Her friends in the Zimbabwean community persuaded her to talk to The
Observer with a view to exposing what had happened. Nervously, Tanya
agreed.
The self-styled king of Lunar House shaves off his white hair to
make
himself look younger. He claims to be 47 but is actually 53. As he
sidled up
to Tanya, waiting for him in a platform cafe at East Croydon
railway station
last Wednesday afternoon, Dawute was looking forward to the
next 24 hours.
He planned to show her off to friends who were meeting in a
bar to watch the
Champions League final. He had already thought about the
hotel where they
would spend the afternoon.
Over lunch in a noodle
bar, the civil servant with five years' experience in
the IND promised to
help the teenager. As he did so he took a phone call in
which he discussed
booking a hotel room for later that day. 'I will do my
best to make sure you
are OK,' he said. 'I know how to win your case.' At
one stage he claimed to
be able to obtain her a Ghanaian passport. Several
times during the meal he
admitted he wanted to have sex with Tanya. At one
stage Tanya said she could
not have sex with Dawute unless he guaranteed to
help her. Dawute told her
to 'trust him': 'I'm very honest and I keep my
word.'
Tanya was still
unconvinced and asksed why she should go to a hotel with
Dawute. 'I will
tell you when we are alone,' Dawute said. 'Because we are
going to have
sex.'
When confronted by The Observer, Dawute denied any wrongdoing. He
claimed he
was simply trying to put her in touch with an immigration charity
and that
he could not help her with her asylum application even if he wanted
to. He
denied discussing sex with her.
The Observer intends to hand
its evidence to the authorities to let them
decide. In January this year the
Sun splashed on 'sex-for-visa' claims made
by a former immigration officer
who was based in Lunar House for four years.
'One girl came in and told us
an admin officer had visited her flat and they
had slept together. She got
indefinite leave to stay,' the whistleblower,
Anthony Pamnani, told the
paper.
He revealed how female asylum seekers would ask for officials by
name. 'A
Lebanese girl came into the office in a foul temper asking for one
of the
guys who worked there,' Pamnani recalled. 'He had moved to another
department. She told us that he'd promised to give her an extension to a
visa and that they had slept together at her flat in Brighton.'
The
claims prompted questions in parliament and an official investigation.
But
on 14 March this year Baroness Scotland told parliament: 'I am pleased
to
say that the investigation found no evidence to support the Sun's central
allegation that there was a corruption 'racket' in the public enquiry office
involving 'sex for visas'.
Scotland admitted the inquiry had
unearthed examples of minor misconduct,
but went on to praise staff at Lunar
House for their 'hard work' and
'professionalism'.
The civil servant
charged with investigating the claims took pains to
emphasise the
complexities of the immigration process. Lunar House, he
pointed out, had
140 staff who last year processed more than 120,000
immigration cases. This
was separate from Lunar House's Asylum Screening
Unit which hears thousands
of cases. Pressures on the system were obvious
throughout the report. 'The
office continued to struggle with long queues,
packed waiting areas, lengthy
delays for customers and generally poor
standards of service,' it
stated.
The report also found evidence male staff had been jumping women
to the
front of the queue. 'In several of these cases the unprofessional
behaviour
alleged by the Sun is the most likely explanation,' the report
disclosed,
before calling for the appointments booking process to be
modified to
prevent officials bypassing the system.
But, despite this
remarkable admission, little appears to have changed at
Lunar House. Pamnani
told The Observer he felt the report had failed to
address his fundamental
concerns. 'I felt it was a bit wishy-washy to be
honest,' he said. He was
concerned no attempt appeared to have been made to
interview any of the
applicants who had allegedly been asked by staff for
sexual
favours.
The IND's security and anti-corruption unit is still
investigating one
official in Lunar House following a specific allegation
made by Pamnani.
When told of The Observer's revelations, Pamnani, who left
Lunar House in
disgust at the practices he witnessed, expressed shock. 'This
guy is from a
totally different department to the one I mentioned,' Pamnani
said. 'This is
explosive; this will cause a lot of problems for the Home
Office.'
The official report into the Pamnani affair concluded that
questions had to
be asked 'about how IND learns lessons, and retains
knowledge from such
episodes.' Given its recent turbulent history many would
agree. The picture
that has emerged over the last 12 months is of a chaotic
department in which
staff are stretched beyond capacity, bereft of guidance
from senior
management and where systems for processing visa and asylum
applications are
often ad hoc and open to abuse.
The government's
recent failure to identify and deport foreign prisoners is
largely down to
chronic problems within an over-stretched IND. Three years
ago, alarmed by
mounting public concern over asylum seekers, the Home Office
transferred
scores of staff out of deportation to assess asylum claims. And
the
astonishing revelation last week by Dave Roberts, the director of
enforcement and removals at the IND, that he had 'not the faintest idea' how
many people were in Britain illegally confirmed the image of a department in
disarray. More embarrassment came on Friday when it emerged that illegal
immigrants had been working in the Home Office for years.
Amid the
maelstrom, the government has hardened its stance on immigration,
introducing a new fast-track asylum application process. The statistics tell
the story. At Harmondsworth detention centre, for example, figures obtained
under the Freedom of Information Act reveal 99.6 per cent of fast-track
asylum claims are rejected.
The danger is that the voices of genuine
refugees - those such as Tanya, who
will be subjected to violence and
persecution if they are returned to their
native countries - are lost.
May 21, 2006,
By
ANDnetwork .com
GURUVE Hotel has been temporarily closed after an
employee was taken
ill with suspected cholera while two other cases of the
fatal disease have
been reported at Guruve business centre as officials
battle to control an
outbreak that has claimed 15 lives in the
district.
The hotel employee was taken ill on Wednesday,
prompting officials
from the Civil Protection Unit stationed in the district
and health
officials to be on high alert.
Fruit and vegetable
vending has been suspended while food outlets have
been told to suspend
operations until the situation is brought under
control.
A
Johane Masowe church sect meeting in Gota was also prematurely ended
as more
cases continue to surface.
Although Dr Portia Manangazira, the
acting co-ordinator in
epidemiology and disease control in the Ministry of
Health and Child
Welfare, said the cholera outbreak in Guruve has been
brought under control,
new cases keep surfacing.
She said the
Ministry of Health was yet to determine the source of the
cholera. A total
of 45 cases have been reported in the past two weeks while
15 have been
fatal.
Dr Manangazira said the three new cholera cases reported
last week
were still being attended to at Guruve District
Hospital.
Cholera is an acute intestinal infection caused by the
bacterium
vibrio cholerae.
It has a short incubation period,
from less than one day to five days,
and produces an enterotoxin that causes
a copious, painless, watery
diarrhoea that can quickly lead to severe
dehydration and death if treatment
is not promptly given. Vomiting also
occurs in most patients.
Experts say most persons infected with
vibrio. cholerae do not become
ill, although the bacterium is present in
their faeces for seven to 14 days.
When illness does occur, more
than 90 percent of episodes are of mild
or moderate severity and are
difficult to distinguish clinically from other
types of acute
diarrhoea.
Less than 10 percent of ill persons develop typical
cholera with signs
of moderate or severe dehydration. Contaminated water and
food spread
cholera. Sudden large outbreaks are usually caused by a
contaminated water
supply.
Only rarely is cholera transmitted
by direct person-to-person contact.
In highly endemic areas, it is mainly a
disease of young children, although
breastfeeding infants are rarely
affected.
Most cases of diarrhoea caused by vibrio cholerae can be
treated
adequately by giving a solution of oral rehydration salts (the
WHO/Unicef
standard sachet).
During an epidemic, 80 to 90
percent of diarrhoea patients can be
treated by oral rehydration alone, but
patients who become severely
dehydrated must be given intravenous
fluids.
In severe cases, an effective antibiotic can reduce the
volume and
duration of diarrhoea and the period of vibrio excretion.
Tetracycline is
the usual antibiotic of choice, but resistance to it is
increasing.
Other antibiotics that are effective when vibrio
cholerae are
sensitive to them include cotrimoxazole, erythromycin,
doxycycline,
chloramphenicol and furazolidone.
Unlike malaria
that occurs in low-lying areas, the same cannot be said
of cholera. There
are no safe zones when it comes to cholera outbreaks, said
Dr
Manangazira.
"In the past, when a patient was diagnosed of cholera,
we would ask
whether they had travelled outside the country to countries
like Mozambique
or Zambia as those were the places more prone to cholera,"
she said.
The amount of water a person uses per day also affects
the spread of
the disease. People with easy access to potable water are at a
low risk of
contracting cholera, while those without access are at danger of
contracting
the disease.
"Community education is the best tool
of fighting further outbreaks.
Simple hygienic measures like washing hands
before handling food and after
using the toilet, eating hot food and seeking
treatment when suffering from
diarrhoea will go a long way in abating the
occurrence of a similar outbreak
as well as reducing the number of
casualties," explained Dr Manangazira.
She said diarrhoea often
leads to dehydration with severely dehydrated
patients dying within an
hour.
Drinking water should be safe and those who scoop water from
unprotected sources should boil their water to make it safe. Urban dwellers
should also desist from polluting water as some take advantage of burst
pipes, she said.
Cholera broke out in the Guruve district
recently with the worst
affected areas being Kachuta, Matsvitsi, Gota,
Mushumbi Pools and, more
recently, Guruve Centre.
Sunday
Mail