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Zimbabwe main opposition party retains key seat

Reuters

Sun May 21, 2006 1:13am ET

HARARE (Reuters) - Zimbabwe's main opposition party retained its
parliamentary seat in a key by-election President Robert Mugabe's ruling
party had hoped would show it regaining lost ground in urban centres.

State radio reported on Sunday that the main faction of the divided
opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) polled 7,949 votes on
Saturday against 3,961 for Mugabe's ruling ZANU-PF party while a smaller MDC
camp only managed 504.

Mugabe had vowed at a rally in the Budiriro district on Thursday to defeat
the MDC, which accuses his government of landing the country into a
deepening economic crisis through 26 years of post-independence
mismanagement.

Inflation has rocketed to over 1,000 percent, the highest rate in the world,
and Zimbabweans also have to contend with high unemployment, persistent
shortages of food, fuel and other key commodities and frequent water and
electricity cuts.

Formed in 1999, the MDC came close to unseating Mugabe's ZANU-PF in 2000
parliamentary elections on a wave of public anger over the crisis, but the
ruling party has won major polls since then amid charges of rigging from the
opposition backed by several Western countries.

Mugabe denies the rigging charges and dismisses the opposition as a puppet
of former colonial ruler Britain and other Western states angered by his
controversial seizure of white-owned commercial farms for blacks.

Zimbabwe's security forces have intensified a crackdown on Mugabe's critics
in recent weeks, fearing protests threatened by the MDC and its ally the
Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions.

On Saturday the ZCTU said it would lead a national strike at an unspecified
date this later year for higher wages as inflation ravages disposable
incomes for most Zimbabwe workers.

Last week the police barred street marches planned to mark last year's
official destruction of urban slums, fearing the anniversary could provide
another flashpoint for violence.

But about 500 people marched peacefully on Saturday in Zimbabwe's second
city of Bulawayo after winning a court ruling permitting the march, church
leaders said.

On Friday police detained senior opposition politicians from the renegade
MDC faction during a road campaign in Budiriro, and deported South Africa's
most powerful union boss as he headed to Harare for a ZCTU conference.


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Mugabe keeps allies sweet with 100 limos

The Sunday Times, UK May 21, 2006

      Christina Lamb

       ROBERT MUGABE has spent millions of pounds ordering luxury cars
in an effort to retain the support of allies as he comes under mounting
pressure to quit as Zimbabwean president.

      The Sunday Times has obtained government documents showing
transfers of money made last week by the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe to
accounts in South Africa and Britain. The payments were for more than 50
4x4s such as the Toyota Prado and Land Cruiser Amazon, some costing as much
as £47,000. The total order is believed to be for more than 100 vehicles.

      The revelation comes as the country descends into economic
meltdown, with inflation officially put at 1,041%.

      Many people eat just one meal of gruel a day, and many have had
to withdraw their children from school after fees rocketed. The Bankers
Association of Zimbabwe has warned that "serial bank collapses are imminent".

      So bad is the situation that last week the South African
government finally broke its silence on Mugabe, calling for "an urgent
solution".

      Officials said Pretoria had been discussing a plan with the
United Nations under which Mugabe would step down in return for immunity
from prosecution and guaranteed exile - although they concede that the
82-year-old dictator is unlikely to accept.

      The expenditure on cars while millions of Zimbabweans are near
starvation and hospitals lack vital drugs will outrage the opposition, one
faction of which is planning a "winter of discontent" to start in the next
two months.

      David Coltart, an opposition MP, said: "The purchase of luxury
vehicles at a time when Zimbabwe is in such an economic crisis is just a
further manifestation of the callous disregard shown by Zanu-PF for the
plight of Zimbabweans."

      Church leaders are due to meet the president on Friday for what
they describe as "critical talks on a wide range of issues buffeting the
country".

      Patrick Chinamasa, the justice minister, is known to be
preparing legislation to delay the end of Mugabe's term from 2008 to 2010.
Among the beneficiaries of the car hand-out are MPs and senators who are
believed to have pledged their support for the bill.

      Although there is a parliamentary vehicle fund and every MP is
entitled to buy a duty-free car for £12,000 during their five-year tenure,
all except two of the people on the list obtained by The Sunday Times are
ruling party MPs. Many of the cars cost double the allowance.

      One recipient is Leo Mugabe, the president's nephew, who ordered
a Toyota Land Cruiser Amazon costing £46,950.

      The money has been transferred to an account at Coutts in the
Strand in London. However the address given for the dealership on the
invoice - World Class Cars of Belvedere, Kent - is private and the
Zimbabwean family living there insist they have nothing to do with Leo
Mugabe or car sales.

      One of the wealthiest members of the Mugabe clan, Leo Mugabe has
been associated with a series of scandals. He was arrested last year after
being accused of smuggling subsidised flour to Mozambique, and he was
dismissed as the head of Zimbabwe Football Association after it emerged that
some of the organisation's funds had gone astray.

The invoices show that the foreign currency used to obtain the cars
was offered to the recipients at a rate of just 30,000 Zimbabwe dollars to
the US dollar, compared with a market rate of 230,000.
This suggests that in some cases cars might not have been bought at
all; fake invoices may have been used both to avoid sanctions and to move
money out of the country at highly favourable rates.

The reserve bank has also been transferring hundreds of thousands of
dollars to accounts overseas, supposedly for student bursaries. On all the
relevant documents obtained by this newspaper, the recipients are sons or
daughters of government ministers.

Other strange transfers include a payment of £80,000 to Zimbabwe's
ambassador in Namibia for medical fees. The approval of the money appears to
have been based on a letter that contains no explanation of the treatment or
why the sum should be so high.

The distribution of cars coincides with the anniversary of the start
of Operation Murambatswina (drive out the filth), in which 700,000 people
had their homes and businesses demolished. Fewer than 7,000 new houses have
been built and most of these have gone to government cronies. Yesterday
there were prayer meetings across the country in protest.

Mugabe refuses to accept there is a problem. Last week, the defiant
president told a gathering at Buridiro high school, where he was handing out
computers on the eve of a by-election: "Zimbabwe will never collapse. Never
ever!" His government said recently that unemployment - widely believed to
stand at 90% - was just 9%. Last week it claimed that this year's maize
harvest would be 1.8m tons, more than double other predictions.

But Mugabe's political demise may be hastened if South Africa has lost
patience with the constant stream of Zimbabwean refugees crossing their
border, now numbering more than 2m.

Last week Aziz Pahad, the deputy foreign minister and a confidant of
President Thabo Mbeki, revealed that South Africa remained "seized" with the
problem and was working with the UN on a solution, its first admission that
the policy of quiet diplomacy towards its neighbour had failed.

Additional reporting: RW Johnson, Cape Town


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"The Trial of Two Bishops"

- Bob Stumbles

You may have read that Archbishop Malango has decreed that the trial against
the Bishop is not to continue and cannot be revived.

I have for many months kept quiet about the build up to the trial of Bishop
Kunonga and the trial itself.  My motive had been to let justice take its
course
and let the truth come out through witnesses.  This way the Bishop might
have
been found not guilty or guilty as the case would have established.

But the true course of justice is being thwarted and reluctantly, after much
thought and prayer, I am persuaded that writing the article, which is
attached
hereto as a paste copy, is necessary in the best interests of justice and
the
reputation of the Church.

"Does our law judge a man without first giving him a hearing and learning
what
he does?"  (John 7.51).

The Archbishop has given judgment without hearing the Complainants or the
Bishop!

I would like to thank those who have given encouragement and assistance in
this
exercise.  In particular I express my gratitude to Jill Day, an expert in
journalism, to whom I sent the completed article and who changed the format
to
make it more acceptable (hopefully) for publication purposes.  She also
dealt
with the bit about the author.

Yours very sincerely

BOB STUMBLES
CHANCELLOR, DIOCESE OF HARARE
DEPUTY CHANCELLOR, ANGLICAN CHURCH OF THE PROVINCE OF CENTRAL AFRICA

Attached

THE TRAIL OF TWO BISHOPS

BISHOP KUNONGA'S TRIAL
Six months of official ecclesiastical silence have elapsed since the abrupt
adjournment of the trial against the Right Rev. Nolbert Kunonga, Bishop of
Harare, accused on 38 different counts by 90 people in his congregation.
The Honourable Justice James Kalaile SC of Malawi, announced in open court
on
the second day of the trial that he had decided to stand down as trial judge
and
would contact The Most Reverend Bernard Malango, who is both bishop of a
diocese
in Malawi, and archbishop of the Anglican Church of the Province of Central
Africa, to appoint another judge. Six months of perceived prevarication have
dragged by with no official answer to letters asking the archbishop when the
trial would continue.
One count against Bishop Kunonga is that, without lawful authority from the
diocesan trustees, he issued an urgent interdict in the Civil Division of
the
Magistrates Court personally to restrain the duly elected churchwardens and
members of the church council of the Cathedral of St Mary's and All Saints
from
carrying out their normal duties and to restrain a commercial bank from
giving
access to and acting on the legitimate instructions of the council in
respect
of
the cathedral account.
The bishop had refused to recognise the lawful election of the church
council
at a properly constituted AGM and was determined to prevent the members from
carrying out their lawful duties in terms of the Acts (laws) of the diocese.
He
lost the case and was ordered to pay the legal costs of the respondents
(council
and bank).

ARCHBISHOP MALANGO BREAKS SILENCE
That silence has now been broken; not by direct communication to the court
officials, but obliquely through the Press. A report in The Herald,
Zimbabwe,
and "Pravda", Russia, both published on December 23, 2005, stated the
archbishop
had reached a decision. Surprisingly, contrary to normal procedure, neither
the
archbishop nor the provincial secretary have officially notified the
"decision"
to the registrar of the province who acts as registrar of the court, or the
prosecutor of the trial, who was appointed by the archbishop.
It is only through the public media that over 90 indigenous complainants and
others, like the provincial registrar and the prosecutor, have read that
Archbishop Malango apparently said he will not after all appoint another
judge
to try Bishop Kunonga but will rule on the matter himself, based on a copy
of a
report from his own officials. (Who these are is not disclosed).
Pravda quoted officials at the Harare diocese office as saying Archbishop
Malango of Zambia (sic) informed church leaders (who these are is not
stated)
throughout the province that the case against Bishop Kunonga has been
dropped.
"The matter is closed and cannot be revived," claimed Archbishop Malango in
a
letter dispatched to the region's 12 bishops on December, 19, 2005,
according
to
the media.
Reports say this letter warned É "all persons interested in bringing charges
of
this nature against any bishop of the province (are) É to ensure that they
do
not raise purely administrative issues masked as canonical offences." This
veiled threat against the persons whose very complaints the archbishop once
recognised as triable, is ill founded and misleading. Canon 24 of the
provincial
laws does not make any distinction whatsoever between "canonical offences"
and
"purely administrative offences" in describing the various offences a bishop
may
be accused of.

TIME TO SPEAK OUT
In view of the time lapse and the stance adopted by the archbishop the time
has
come to speak out against what is turning out to be a travesty of justice.
Appropriate facts and comments must be spelt out to eradicate misconceptions
and
to indicate where the laws of the Church are being ignored.  Being a servant
of
the Church as chancellor of the Anglican diocese of Harare and deputy
chancellor
of the Anglican Church of the Province of Central Africa, covering Botswana,
Malawi, Zambia and Zimbabwe, there is at the very least a moral obligation
to
draw attention to where these laws have been cast aside.

ARCHBISHOP EXCEEDS HIS AUTHORITY
First and foremost what the archbishop has said and done, if correctly
reported, is a violation of the canons (laws) of the province and he has
exceeded his authority.
For the archbishop to make the reported unilateral decision that, "as far as
the case against Bishop Nolbert Kunonga is concerned, the matter is closed
and
cannot be revived", is in direct contravention of the laws of evidence, the
laws
of the church and natural justice. It is submitted that his ruling is null
and
void and that the archbishop has not fulfilled his lawful obligation as
holder
of that office.
He has no right to abolish an ecclesiastical court which he himself has
convened and which has already commenced proceedings. Neither the archbishop
nor
the duly constituted court has yet actually heard evidence and
cross-examination
of the witnesses.
Consequently, neither can argue they are in a position to make a fully
considered and objective judgment. The causes between the parties are still
to
be heard in an open court and judged righteously, impartially, fairly and
justly. This will give the complainants the opportunity to give evidence and
the
bishop the opportunity to defend himself against the charges made.
The Church laws protect a person from being judged before he or she has been
heard so that the court can first find out what that person has done.

BISHOP'S ALLEGED OFFENCES
It is alleged Bishop Kunonga has deliberately ignored the laws of the
province
to the detriment of the diocese, the church and its parishioners and
priests.
It
is averred that he wilfully contravened provincial and diocesan laws and
conducted himself in such a manner as to give just cause for scandal or
offence
and/or otherwise conducted himself in a manner unbecoming a bishop. The Most
Reverend Bernard Malango accepted 38 different instances of these offences
with
different complainants, in about December, 2003 as warranting a hearing in
the
provincial court.
At the start of the trial hearing against Bishop Kunonga the charge of
incitement by him to have certain persons killed was withdrawn only because
of
an argument in chambers before the judge between the lawyers about the prime
witnesses giving evidence by video and audio-recording material from outside
the
country.
With the prior approval of the judge arrangements had already been made for
the
electronic interview to take place live in court. The objection raised by
the
defence was that this is not admissible in terms of the Zimbabwean law of
evidence. This was not accepted by the prosecutor but in the interests of
speeding up the trial he withdrew the charge reserving the right to bring it
to
court again. In fact the Civil Evidence Act [Chapter 8:01] of Zimbabwe
stipulates that in civil proceedings in any of the courts in Zimbabwe,
recording
material is admissible as evidence of things recorded thereon.
Some of the other allegations against the bishop are that he unlawfully
brought
a civil court case against the cathedral churchwardens and councillors,
members
of the cathedral and a commercial bank; unlawfully intimidated, threatened,
suspended, caused or ordered to be suspended or dismissed or prohibited from
attending meetings without good cause or reason a number of priests,
churchwardens, councillors and others in the diocese; banned the cathedral
Shona
choir from performing; dismissed, all heads of diocesan institutions,
chairpersons of boards of governors, members of mission boards, members
seconded
to the Bishop Gaul College board; unduly interfered with the affairs of that
college; unlawfully failed to follow proper procedures laid down in the laws
of
the diocese in several instances; and caused, by unprocedural means,
attempts
to
be made to have laws amended with the apparent intent to gain more power and
greater control over the diocese and its members.
Canon 24 states that a bishop may be tried in a church court for various
offences. No mention is made of "purely administrative" and "purely
canonical"
issues.  Bishop Kunonga stands accused of committing the following offences
listed in the canon:
S Wilfully contravening any provincial or diocesan laws. [COMMENT:
This
refers to any contravention of administrative, legal, ecclesiastical.
financial,
canonical or spiritually-related laws and all duties, obligations and
procedures
laid down in both canon and diocesan law.  Failure to obey and follow these
laws
of the province is a breach not only of the laws but also of the oaths sworn
by
clergy, bishops and archbishops].
S General neglect of duty. [COMMENT: "duty" includes carrying out
administrative, as well as any other type of duty and behaviour normally
required or expected of any priest or bishop or archbishop].
S Conduct giving just cause for scandal or offence, or otherwise
unbecoming a clergyman. [COMMENT: This offence goes far beyond the two
artificial, non-existent categories quoted by the archbishop in his letter
to
the 12 bishops. No differentiation is made in the laws of the province
between
these two categories in respect of offences. If the archbishop disputes this
and
infers no administrative act or omission can be regarded as an offence, even
if
such act or omission is in fact contrary to the canons, acts, rules and
regulations of the church, he is openly giving permission in such instances
to
bishops to ignore the church laws with total impunity. It is an invitation
to
treat with contempt laws laid down for the efficient and effective,
practical,
caring, just and faithful running of a church or diocese or the province,
notwithstanding the oath to be bound by the church laws.]

OTHER RELEVANT CHURCH LAWS
The constitution, canons and rules of the Church of the Province of Central
Africa ("the laws of the province") support the contention that the
archbishop
does not have the power or authority to close off the trial of Bishop
Kunonga
or
the right to hold back from the bishop and the complainants what they are
entitled to, namely the right to be heard in open court.
All clergymen, including bishops and archbishops, have to sign an oath
agreeing
to abide and be bound by the laws of the province and the diocese and to
seek
to
further the proclaiming of the Gospel and the care of God's people in love
and
faith.
These laws cover the spiritual, moral, financial, legal and administrative
aspects as well as the duties, obligations and behaviour of the clergy.
There
is
no segregation of the "purely administrative" and "canonical issues" to
which
the archbishop alludes in his letter.
They state that bishops and archbishops promise to submit to any sentence
passed upon them, after due examination by a tribunal established for this
purpose. Thus the provincial court (or tribunal) is obliged to carry out a
proper examination of the evidence and hand down judgment in the case of a
bishop. The archbishop does not have this power and cannot by himself reach
a
verdict, let alone close a case.
Proceedings instituted in a church court against a bishop may deal with
matters
involving his moral conduct and performance of duty. If at least three
priests
and three communicants of the diocese file complaints alleging any offences
have
been committed a trial must be held.
In the case against Bishop Kunonga, over 90 indigenous persons - priests,
churchwardens, church councillors and ordinary communicants - signed a
document
containing 38 different instances of offences allegedly committed by the
bishop.
The archbishop himself acknowledged this document and ordered that a trial
be
opened in the provincial court.
Yet he now takes it upon himself to abort the trial, thereby exonerating
Bishop
Kunonga and condoning any offences for which he may, or may not have been
found
guilty had evidence been led through the complainants and the bishop's
witnesses.
The laws also state that the archbishop may sit as the judge with two
assessors
in the provincial court for the trial of a bishop. If he decides not to sit,
the
provincial chancellor is to sit as judge, also with two assessors.
The archbishop elected not to sit and the chancellor of the province also
declined. Instead, the archbishop, as he was entitled to, appointed as judge
the
Honourable Justice Kalaile SC of Malawi and Bishop Albert Chama and Bishop
Leonard Mwenda, both from Zambia, as assessors in the trial of Bishop
Kunonga.
The tribunal was thus lawfully constituted and the archbishop was not part
of
that forum. He is precluded by the laws of the province from giving
judgment,
as
he is not a member of this court. His declaration to the 12 bishops that the
Kunonga case is to be closed and cannot be revived is of no force and effect
because he has no right to say this.
The judge is called upon to swear he will do justice. The two bishops who
are
assessors promise to give a true verdict according to the evidence given.
Matters of fact are decided by the judge and assessors.
Decisions on matters of law, practice and procedure are to be made only by
the
judge sitting in the provincial court. In this case the judge is required to
comply with the Zimbabwean law of evidence in order to give appropriate
rulings
on practice and procedure.
 Justice Kalaile, however, disapproved of the approach towards practice and
procedure by one or both lawyers appearing before him in the trial. In such
circumstances it is generally the practice for the judge to adjourn the
case,
call both lawyers into the judge's chambers, admonish them in private and
resume
the hearing.
In his wisdom the judge in the trial of Bishop Kunonga abruptly made up his
mind in open court to recuse himself from the case rather than calling the
lawyers into his chambers. His oath will not have been fulfilled until his
replacement is sworn in to sit on the case and do justice when the trial
resumes.
No verbal evidence has yet been given in the trial of Bishop Kunonga.
Neither
the assessors nor the judge have heard matters of fact as they are required
to
under the laws of the province and so have not yet fulfilled their mandate
and
promises. They are still obliged to sit and hear the evidence because the
laws
require verbal evidence from both sides to be heard in public so that
justice
can be seen to be done as part of the proceedings in the court. It is not
open
to the archbishop to ignore or flout these laws.
  Only the provincial court can give judgement and find the defendant
guilty or not guilty: the archbishop does not have that right although
passing
sentence is reserved to him, preferably taking into consideration any
recommendations by the trial court. Neither can he decide to close the
court:
it
sits until all the evidence has been heard and judgement given.

TRIAL OF BISHOP KUNONGA TO RESUME
In the case of Bishop Kunonga Archbishop Malango has prejudged the issue,
acted
outside the scope of the laws of the province without being aware of all the
evidence. He declined to sit as a judge, yet now purports to act as one. He
has
no jurisdiction to interrupt or close the trial, which he himself ordered to
take place, nor does he have the right to usurp the authority of the court.
He
does, however, have the right and duty to make sure the case is resumed.
Indeed in order to restore the wounded reputation of the church and comply
with
the laws of the province the trial of Bishop Kunonga must continue
forthwith.
Failure to allow the court to resume and hear evidence amounts to undue and
unlawful interference in the independence of the court and the conduct of
proceedings, which have been lawfully instituted by a large number of
complainants.
It shows complete disregard and contempt for the procedure laid down in the
laws to ensure that justice is done. It deprives the bishop and the
complainants
of their right of access to the court, which amounts to a breach of the laws
of
the province. Proof of the guilt or innocence of the bishop is what the
court
was originally called upon to determine.
Surely the bishop wishes once and for all to have the opportunity as soon as
possible to establish beyond doubt in an open court that he did not commit
any
of the offences with which he has been charged, if that is the truth?

BISHOP AWARE OF COMPLAINTS OVER THREE YEARS AGO
Bishop Kunonga was served with a document containing the 38 charges in
January
2004, but a year before that, in February 2003, both he and Archbishop
Malango
and the current registrar of the diocese were informed in outline of some of
the
allegations.
At that time the bishop and archbishop were requested to rectify matters but
chose to ignore that opportunity. They cannot be said to have been taken by
surprise when, inevitably, complainants eventually brought the 38 charges,
most
of which fitted into two main offence categories set out in Canon 24, -
namely,
wilfully contravening provincial and diocesan laws; and conduct giving just
cause for scandal or offence or otherwise unbecoming a clergyman. Although
these
were served on the bishop in January, 2004 he ignored them until about July,
2005 when the trial was about to be set down.

THE WAY FORWARD
The archbishop needs to be called upon to comply with the laws of the
province,
appoint another judge immediately and reconvene the court forthwith. Any
pleadings, which may require to be completed, should be attended to now in
preparation for the resumption of the case. In this regard the laws of
evidence
of Zimbabwe shall apply but the prime object is to ensure the case can
proceed
without hindrance or delay, without frivolous or vexatious obstacles being
put
forward by either party.
It is therefore necessary to hear all the evidence carefully, impartially
and
fairly, in open court, to ascertain the truth or otherwise of the
allegations
and to acquit Bishop Kunonga if he is found not to have committed the
offences,
or to find him guilty if he has.
To find out whether the allegations are justified or not is the task of the
provincial court whose members have promised to do justice and give a true
verdict according to the evidence of the witnesses. This is the way the laws
of
the church require the matter to proceed.

R A STUMBLES
CHANCELLOR
DIOCESE OF HARARE

20 February, 2006

ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Mr Bob Stumbles is the chancellor of the Anglican diocese of Harare and
deputy chancellor of the Anglican Church of the Province of Central Africa covering
Botswana, Malawi, Zambia and Zimbabwe.
Both offices entail providing free legal advice in the best interests of the
church, sitting as a judge or assessor in the diocesan or provincial court
and seeing that justice is done at all levels of the diocese. The Most Reverend
Khotso Makhulu, when he was Archbishop of the Province, bestowed on Mr
Stumbles the Order of Epiphany, the highest honour in the province, for outstanding
services rendered to the church and its people.
A well-known lawyer, he has been adviser to national presidents, government
ministers, officials and others especially in Malawi and Zimbabwe.
President Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe appointed him in 1985 to the country's
Judicial Service Commission, (a position he held for 15 years) and in 1987
to the three person "Willowgate" Commission to investigate irregularities in
the motor trade.
In 1999 the president appointed him to be a commissioner of the Zimbabwe
Constitutional Commission. The Zimbabwe government made him chairman of the
National Association of Societies of and for the Disabled (NASCOH), a
position he held for 10 years. He is or has been chairperson of many charitable
organisations.
For over 40 years Mr Stumbles has advocated the elimination of racial
discrimination, the advance of genuine racial harmony, respect for one
another
and the protection of human rights. As World President of an international
service organisation in 1973/1974 his speeches throughout the 43 countries
he visited reflected his concern that practical ways should be implemented to
bring about better understanding, goodwill and peace among all men everywhere,
regardless of race, colour or creed.
His desire has always been to remove racial and tribal polarity, build
trust, goodwill and respect between all ethnic groups, and to promote human rights,
ensure justice is done and seen to be done everywhere and encourage all
people to act and behave in the best interests of society as a whole.


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Time to sort out monsters like Mengistu

Sunday Herald, Scotland

Trevor Royle on the proper prosecution of war criminals

Africa has been the scene of so much blood-letting and unforced human
tragedy that it's difficult not to disagree with the director of a
non-governmental organisation (NGO) who once told me that it might be better
to pull everyone out of the continent's many disaster areas and return in a
100 years to see what happened. Like many others of her breed she
experienced the occasional overwhelming sadness that all her agency's work
was in vain because of the African predilection for violence, and that there
was no remedy for epicentres of butchery like Darfur. In her moments of
deepest despair, Africa was indeed the heart of darkness.
Of course, it's not always like that. Africa is home to many success stories
where people have worked long and hard to produce a better life, but for
every Julius Nyrere, who transformed Tanzania, there is a monster like
Colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam who marked his arrival in power in Ethiopia in
1974 by sending the existing government to the firing squad. Worse followed.
In order to rid the country of assorted imperialists and counter-
revolutionaries, Mengistu instituted the "Red Terror", a savage programme of
extermination of anyone who opposed his administration, known as the
 "Dergue" or "Committee".

Thousands of people were eliminated, and throughout the 1970s the streets of
the capital, Addis Ababa, were regularly cluttered with dead bodies as
Mengistu's hitmen went about their bloody work. Famine in the north of the
country in the following decade simply exacerbated the suffering as Mengistu
ordered a mass relocation programme which turned out to be a cover for a
policy of genocide. During his time in power, more than a half a million
Ethiopians are thought to have died.

The outside world did not intervene. On the contrary, due to cold war
rivalries, the Soviet Union provided Mengistu with arms the better to kill
his people. It was not until 1991 that the Dergue was brought down by the
Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front and Mengistu fled the
country just before the fall of Addis Ababa. By any standards he should have
faced up to the consequences of his actions, but by evil chance Mengistu
chose another mad dictator as his saviour - Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe. For
the past 15 years, Mengistu has lived high on the hog in Harare and that
means he won't be present when he is sentenced this week in Addis Ababa for
the war crimes he committed all those years ago.

In fact, the whole prosecution of the Dergue regime has been tardy and badly
managed. When the new government came to power in 1992, it established a
special prosecutor's office to investigate suspected war crimes and crimes
against humanity committed during the Mengistu period. But it proved to be a
slow and wearisome business.

By 1997, 5198 suspects had been charged but of that number 2952 were charged
in absentia and the rest were detained in conditions which alarmed
organisations such as the Human Rights Watch. There have also been concerns
about the judicial process, with complaints about unnecessary delays,
obfuscation of evidence and an unwillingness to let suspects have access to
legal representation. Another concern is Ethiopia's retention of the death
penalty for crimes involving murder.

As it happens, Mengistu is unlikely to be troubled by the verdict when it is
handed down to him. The Zimbabwe government has made it clear that it has no
intention of extraditing him and previous Ethiopian attempts to assassinate
him have failed dismally. If ever there was a need to get an international
standard for the prosecution of suspected war criminals and bringers of
genocide, Mengistu provides it.

21 May 2006


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High Court judge Benjamin Paradza fears for his family

OhMyNews

      Zimbabwe's Human Rights Activists Under Siege

      Ambrose Musiyiwa (amusiyiwa)

      Published on 2006-05-21 14:22 (KST)

Former High Court Judge Benjamin Paradza fears for his wife and three
children who are still under the surveillance of security agents in
Zimbabwe.

He has reason to be afraid.

Since coming to power in 1980, President Robert G. Mugabe's government
has always dealt severely with opposition political parties and their
supporters, real or perceived.

In April 1983, for example, the regime's Fifth Brigade military unit
targeted defenseless civilians, who Mugabe referred to as supporters of
dissidents, and subjected thousands of them to severe beatings and destroyed
their homes. The Fifth Brigade went on to murder more than 2,000 civilians.

The military unit would routinely round up dozens, or even hundreds,
of civilians and march them to a central place, such as a school or a
communal borehole. There, the civilians were forced to sing songs praising
the ruling political party, Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU), while at
the same time were beat with sticks. The gatherings invariably ended with
the public execution of officials from the opposition political party,
Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU).

The regime's heavy handedness and hostility towards political
opponents or ordinary Zimbabweans who disagreed with how ZANU was running
the country did not end with the signing of the Unity Accord between ZANU
and ZAPU in 1987. The accord led to ZAPU merging with ZANU and the formation
of the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) and was
part of efforts to stop the mass killings of civilians by Mugabe's Fifth
Brigade in the Ndebele provinces of Matabeleland and the Midlands during the
early to late 80's.

The regime has used its parliamentary majority to amend the
constitution more than 20 times to tighten Mugabe's hold on power and quash
all forms of dissent -- the most notable amendment being the abolition of
the prime minister's position, which led to the creation of an executive
presidency in 1987. Repressive legislation such as the Access to Information
and Protection of Privacy Act (2002) has made it a crime to practice
journalism without a government license.

Paradza did what all judges in Zimbabwe are supposed to do: He looked
at the cases before him and interpreted what the law said.

In the 1990s, he allowed Econet, an independent telephone services
provider, to set up a mobile telephone network contrary to the regime's
intention to retain control of who can have access to or provide telephone
services. In 2000, Paradza declared the land reform program illegal and, in
the same year, he ruled that the state-owned Zimbabwe Broadcasting
Corporation's monopoly on the airwaves was illegal.

The following year, he declared as unconstitutional a ban Mugabe
imposed on challenging in court the results of the much-contested 2000
parliamentary elections.

In July 2002, Paradza acquitted a journalist in a media test case and,
in the same month, he sentenced Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa to three
months in jail for contempt of court because the minister had failed to
appear in court to respond to charges relating to his criticism of the High
Court.

The following year, Paradza ordered the release of Elias Mudzuri,
mayor of Harare, and a member of opposition party Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) and 21 other MDC members who had been arrested for holding a
town meeting under a provision of the draconian Public Order and Security
Act (POSA), which dictates that police permission must be obtained for any
gathering of more than two people if the police declares the meeting to be
"a threat to public order."

Mudzuri signaled that the nation's capital had become an MDC
stronghold when he became the first executive mayor of Harare. He also
became the first target in a campaign by the Mugabe regime to destroy the
MDC.

By being impartial and refusing to be influenced by outside forces,
Paradza was setting himself up for a major confrontation with Mugabe's
regime.

And it wasn't long before the regime made its move.

A month after Paradza ordered Mudzuri's release, police raided the
judge's chambers, arrested him for allegedly obstructing the course of
justice and for allegedly trying to influence three fellow judges to release
the passport of a business partner awaiting trial on a murder charge.

Paradza became the first serving judge in Zimbabwe's history to be
arrested for alleged misconduct.

Under Zimbabwean law, a sitting High Court judge cannot be arrested
before an inquiry into the alleged criminal misconduct has been set up and
has established the truthfulness of such allegations. In a subsequent
application to the Supreme Court on his arrest, the Supreme Court ruled that
the arrest had indeed been improper and that a commission of inquiry had to
be established before any action could be taken by law enforcement agents.

Human rights organizations say Paradza's arrest was politically
motivated and signals ongoing efforts on the part of the Mugabe regime to
harass, intimidate and force out judges who have handed down judgments which
are contrary to the regime's policies and who are perceived to be supporting
the political opposition.

In 2000, the regime forced the resignation of Supreme Court Chief
Justice Antony Gubbay following rulings that had gone against the
government. A number of senior judges, like Judge Fergus Blackie, have also
been forced to leave the bench following political pressure, physical and
verbal attacks, arrests and other means of intimidation and harassment.
Others have fled the country after receiving death threats for ruling
against the interests of Mugabe's regime.

Paradza will remember his days in prison for a long time.

On his experiences in jail, he said: "There were lice and mosquitoes,
and the communal toilet did not flush. The smell was unbearable. I felt
humiliated and degraded."

Dato Param Cumaraswamy, the Special Rapporteur on the independence of
judges and lawyers of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights,
expressed grave concern over the criminal charges and their implications on
judicial independence and the rule of law in Zimbabwe.

"What is common and very conspicuous about the alleged charges against
Justice Paradza and retired Judge Blackie is that the principle witnesses to
prove the alleged charges are fellow judges. This is pitting judges against
judges and setting the members of the judiciary on a collision course
between what will be seen as the independents and the complaints,"
Cumaraswamy said.

When Paradza was released on bail, he fled the country, first to South
Africa and then to Britain before being granted refuge in New Zealand. He
could not settle in South Africa because South Africa refuses to acknowledge
that Mugabe's regime is violating human rights laws. South Africa also has
an extradition treaty with Zimbabwe and has been routinely sending
Zimbabweans, including asylum seekers, back into the hands of Mugabe's
secret police, the Central Intelligence Organization.

Britain would not allow Paradza to submit an application for political
asylum because asylum laws meant he had to seek refuge in South Africa. Nor
would the country allow him to accept a 40,000 pound-a-year university
fellowship in London.

Arnold Tsunga, director of the Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights said
the Mugabe regime arrested and imprisoned Paradza to demonstrate to other
members on the bench that if they did not comply with the political
leadership, they would not receive protection from the state.

"To decide whether he received a fair trial, look at the way the case
started. He was arrested in chambers by a constable in a manner that is
highly irregular, and he was humiliated in the process of being arrested.

"By running away, I think he is saying he did not get a fair trial. He
felt his colleagues won't have enough clout to withstand political pressure,
and I guess it explains why he's on the run," Tsunga said.


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More steel in the men of God: Despite police threats the Church goes ahead with Commemoration

Sokwanele - Enough is Enough - Zimbabwe
PROMOTING NON-VIOLENT PRINCIPLES TO ACHIEVE DEMOCRACY

Sokwanele Report: 20 May 2006

Banner - prayer procession, 18 May 2006, BulawayoChurch leaders in Zimbabwe's second city, Bulawayo, achieved a remarkable victory today in keeping to their original plan to stage a peaceful protest march and hold public prayers, despite the most severe intimidation from Mugabe's security forces. Many similar events planned by churches and civic groups in other parts of the country to commemorate the anniversary of the regime's infamous Operation Murambatsvina were either called off or postponed in the face of massive police intimidation. But the steely resolve of the pastors leading an informal group called Churches in Bulawayo, and the courage of several hundred church members who turned out in support enabled the Bulawayo protest to go ahead notwithstanding.

Gathered in prayerOn a bright Saturday morning as the streets of Bulawayo's oldest township, Makokoba, were just coming to life, a small group of protesters started to gather at St Patrick's Church. Within an hour a crowd of between two and three hundred had assembled. After a full briefing from one of the pastors the procession set off towards the city. Those in the procession were in high spirits. They were obviously not cowed by the presence of many uniformed police in and around the church grounds and along the route they walked - to say nothing of the dictator's omnipresent secret police, the Central Intelligence Organization or CIO.

This event was but one of the several organized across the country by the Zimbabwe Christian Alliance, an informal ecumenical alliance seeking a united Christian response to the current crisis. The objective - shared by many civic groups including Crisis in Zimbabwe - was to focus attention on the plight of victims of ZANU PF's purge of the poor, one year on from the nationwide campaign of destruction which saw hundreds of thousands rendered homeless and destitute. The United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan called it "a catastrophic injustice to as many as 700,000 of Zimbabwe's poorest citizens".

The organizers of most of the other commemorative events planned for this weekend eventually succumbed to police pressure to call them off. Not so the pastors who lead Churches in Bulawayo. When the police whom they had consulted on a courtesy basis, withdrew their original permission and purported to ban the procession and prayers the pastors responded with a strong public statement. They expressed their serious concern at the "about turn" which they said they viewed as "an infringement of our freedom of worship".

The statement continued: "If police are to ban church services, which are exempt under the Public Order and Security Act, such a development will have serious implications on the Church's right to carry out its God given mandate. Such action serves to clearly demonstrate the desperate position of the regime."

The pastors complained of the repeated interrogation of individual clerics and the intimidating tactics employed when they were all subjected to a two hour harangue by thirty senior security officers who were members of Mugabe's Joint Operations Command, comprising police, army and CIO. Two of their number, Pastors Lucky Moyo and Promise Maneda, were arrested by the police on Tuesday and released later on the same day.

The greater the credit of the Bulawayo church leaders who persevered despite the unlawful but nonetheless frightening threats made by the police. Clearly they believed in the justice of their cause - their divine mandate to be a voice for the voiceless poor. But apart from this important dimension of their contest with Mugabe's security apparatus, they believed that the law (such as it is) was also on their side. The draconian Public Order and Security Act (POSA) to which they made reference in their public statement provides the police with wide-ranging powers to control or ban public gatherings of three or more persons. Gatherings for "bona fide religious purposes" however are exempted from the controls. The pastors were strongly of the view that their procession and public prayers were not subject to police control. When the police purported to ban these events under POSA therefore they brought an urgent application to the High Court to have the police action declared unlawful. And a High Court judge sitting late into Friday evening, within hours of the proposed gathering, pronounced in the pastors' favour. Their confidence in their legal right was duly vindicated.

An interesting question remains to which we cannot know the answer; how different would today's events have been had the High Court judge ruled against the pastors ? The police would then undoubtedly have done everything in their power to prevent the procession from taking place. And would the pastors still have walked, in obedience to their "higher calling"? And would a few hundred church members have walked behind them? Would we have witnessed a direct confrontation between Church and State on the streets of Bulawayo? It is interesting to speculate, and our entire reporter can add is that from his contacts with the pastors he understands they had every intention of walking, with a favourable verdict from the Court or without. Their prolonged exposure to the appalling suffering of the victims of Mugabe's tyranny has put a new steel into these men of God.

The Christian protestors walked from St Patrick's Church into the city. It was an orderly and peaceful procession as the organizers had been at pains to ensure. From "Nkosi Sikeleli Africa" the procession moved on to a number of Christian songs, which quickly gained the friendly attention of passers-by. Police details provided an ironic escort, ostensibly to protect the walkers from the traffic.

When the procession reached its destination at the Brethren in Christ Church in the city those taking part settled down outside to listen to speeches, song and even a poem in commemoration of Operation Murambatsvina. The banners proclaimed "Churches in Bulawayo: we still remember", and "Standing in solidarity with the poor". A number of texts were also displayed focusing on the Biblical injunctions to defend the rights of the poor.

Fr Danisa Khumalo, a Roman Catholic priest said "we shall never forget the smoke that rose from Killarney" (one of the informal settlements razed to the ground by Mugabe's armed security units); "we shall never forget how the churches opened their doors and welcomed the homeless" …"we shall never forget the so-called transit camp" …"we shall never forget the displaced people … are we not all victims?" … "And is Zimbabwe a better place because of the so-called clean-up operation?"

Pastor Albert Chatindo reeled off a long list of statistics of internally displaced persons who have been forcibly removed to a range of remote rural destinations where they have no roots, no school or health facilities and are now almost totally dependent on food and other hand-outs from the Church. Reference was made to those who have been moved several times - one family seven times - and the resulting trauma, stress and depression.

In answer to the question whether one single displaced family from the records of Churches in Bulawayo had received any state assistance under the regime's much-vaunted re-build programme "Hlalani Kuhle", Baptist Pastor Ray Motsi answered emphatically, "No, not a single one."

The crowd also heard from some of the victims themselves of the Mugabe regime's crime against humanity. Those telling their horrific stories were hidden from view, an elementary precaution to protect their identity and save them from possible retribution from the security forces. Prayers were offered up on behalf of these victims, the homeless, the sick, children whose education has been cut short, the bereaved, and those who have given up all hope.

A message of solidarity was read out from Archbishop Pius Ncube who would undoubtedly have been in the procession himself had not a prior engagement taken him from the city, and from the British-based TEAR fund which is in a partnership agreement with local churches, providing support for their relief work among the displaced.

For many of the unfortunate victims of Operation Murambatsvina and hundreds of internally displaced persons the Church has become their only refuge and security in a turbulent time of deep crisis. They are grateful, and we as a nation should be profoundly grateful that the Church is there for them. That the Church is taking up its divine mandate, not only to care for the victims of the most gross human rights abuses but also to challenge and confront the arrogant tyranny responsible, is a cause for general rejoicing.


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Zimbabwe Vigil Diary - 20th May 2006



Solidarity with those at home demonstrating on the anniversary of the start
of Murambatsvina was the theme of the Vigil.  People brought new banners and
posters expressing outrage at the forced removals. The Zimbabwean artist
Kate Arnold joined us on a showery and blustery day: four of her dramatic
pictures on the subject of Murambatsvina were on display.  We were in
contact with people involved in the Churches in Bulawayo procession.  They
reported that they were challenged by the authorities on their right to
proceed with the procession.  They took this to court and the judge allowed
that the procession should go ahead.  Throughout the procession they were
accompanied by Police who directed them through a new route via back roads.
The planned prayer meeting went ahead with around 300 attending.  Recorded
testimonies were played to protect the people involved from the teeming CIO
at the service.  There was a moving final ceremony where homeless women
built a house from bricks in the church to symbolise their hopes for the
future.

Despite our energetic drumming and singing we had to compete with megaphones
in front and behind.  Fortunately the one in front, wielded by an eccentric
former boxer, soon failed.  He used to be vehemently pro-Mugabe but we think
we are winning him around.  More vociferous were a group of pro-Palestinian
demonstrators outside Charing Cross Police Station behind us, who were
clamouring by megaphone for the release of an arrested supporter.

It was a full day.  Patson, Jenatry, Victoria, Charles and Chipo from
Leicester came down to London early to put on a 'Vigil Performance' in the
morning at a London further education college.  It was well worth it - they
were much appreciated.  But it took its toll - by the end of the Vigil, the
lion-hearted Patson was croaking like a frog.   We were pleased to be joined
by the Chair of MDC-UK District, Washington Ali, who came to urge everyone
to attend a meeting arranged for next Sunday to be addressed by the MDC
leader, Morgan Tsvangirai who is paying a brief visit to the UK.  (A venue
has been found and details will be circulated early next week.)

Finally grateful thanks to Ben Evans without whose help we would all be much
wetter.  He is about 8 foot tall and helped us put up our tarpaulin in the
swirling wind.  His theatrical production 'Qabuka' runs from 28th June -
15th July at the Oval House Theatre (Box Office 020 7582 7680).  The
production is devised from the personal stories of over 100 Zimbabweans in
exile.  Vigil supporters are in the cast.

For this week's Vigil pictures:
http://uk.msnusers.com/ZimbabweVigil/shoebox.msnw.

FOR THE RECORD: 72 signed the register.

FOR YOUR DIARY: Zimbabwe Forum, Upstairs at the Theodore Bullfrog pub, 28
John Adam Street, London WC2 (cross the Strand from the Zimbabwe Embassy, go
down a passageway to John Adam Street, turn right and you will see the pub).
Monday, 22nd May, the speaker is Explo Nani-Kofi of ALISC (Africa Liberation
Support Campaign) and on the editorial board of Kilombo, a magazine
published by ALISC and sympathetic to pro-democracy groups in Zimbabwe.  He
will be speaking about how we can make links with other African groups in
the UK. Monday, 29th May public holiday so no forum.

Vigil co-ordinator

The Vigil, outside the Zimbabwe Embassy, 429 Strand, London, takes place
every Saturday from 14.00 to 18.00 to protest against gross violations of
human rights by the current regime in Zimbabwe. The Vigil which started in
October 2002 will continue until internationally-monitored, free and fair
elections are held in Zimbabwe. http://www.zimvigil.co.uk


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10 000 cast votes in Budiriro by-election

Zim Standard

      BY OUR STAFF

      ABOUT 10 000 people  - a fifth of the registered voters - were
estimated to have voted in the heavily-contested Budiriro by election at the
close of voting at 7 PM yesterday, The Standard has established.

       Constituency elections officer, Simon Muchemenye, however
declined to give official figures. Official sources said this was designed
to ensure that voting figures were properly managed after electoral
authorities failed to explain irregularities in polling figures of March
last year.

        Muchemenye said there was an isolated incident of drunken
people who fought near a polling station in Budiriro 5, while last night,
police were detaining a youth who was reportedly found observing elections
without proper accreditation.

      Besides the two incidents, the election was relatively peaceful
and the results are expected later today. Tallying of the ballots and vote
counting began soon after voting.

       While low voter turn out tends to favour the ruling Zanu PF, all
three candidates and their polling agents claimed the seat. The three
candidates battling it out in Budiriro - Gabriel Chaibva, Emmanuel Chisvuure
and Jeremiah Bvirindi - were very optimistic of their chances of getting
into Parliament.

      Chisvuure, candidate for the MDC anti-Senate faction, said: "I
am going to win this election irrespective of the fact that the people did
not come to vote in their numbers. I can assure you that the result is going
to shock (Robert) Mugabe and all his Zanu PF cronies."

       His rival from the MDC pro-Senate faction Chaibva was very
confident, noting: "Things are going on smoothly and if anything I would be
the last one to complain. I would not have contested if I was not
 confident."

      Bvirindi, the ruling Zanu PF party candidate was also very
optimistic and denied there were attempts to rig the election.   "There have
been some ugly incidents of violence near polling stations but that does not
deter me. I am very confident of winning this election," he said.

      The Budiriro seat fell vacant after the death of Gilbert Shoko,
of the opposition MDC faction led by Morgan Tsvangirai, in February this
year.

      Zanu PF has lost to a united MDC in the past elections in
Budiriro by wide margins. In the 2000 Parliamentary elections the MDC polled
21 053 votes compared to Zanu PF's 4 410. Two years later, Zanu PF only
managed to get 4 082 against the MDC's 20 749 during the 2002 Presidential
election.

      Last year, during the March Parliamentary elections the ruling
party polled 4 886 while the MDC garnered 17 053.

      Zimbabwe Election Support Network chairman, Reginald
Matchaba-Hove, said Zanu PF could win the elections if there was voter
apathy.

       He said: "Judging from what has happened in the past in the
same constituency, the battle is really between the two MDC factions.
Budiriro is still an MDC stronghold, but we are very concerned about the
number of people who have been turned away."

       The voters were turned away various reasons, among them not
being in possession of valid identification documents, while others did not
appear on the voters' roll.


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VP Msika seriously ill, say officials

Zim Standard

       BY GIBBS DUBE

      BULAWAYO - The City Council has shelved plans to grant Vice
President Joseph Msika  Freedom of the City following indications by the
Ministry of Local Government that the Zanu PF stalwart is seriously ill.

       The ceremony - to confer Msika with the civic honour - had been
scheduled for last Friday in the city but was postponed indefinitely due to
what the city fathers described as "unforeseen circumstances".

      Authoritative council sources said the Ministry of Local
Government, Public Works and Urban Development, which was organising the
event in conjunction with the local authority, indicated last Tuesday that
Msika was not in a position to attend the function due to ill-health.

      "Initially, the event was supposed to be held on 19 May," said
one of the sources. "We were asked by the Ministry to shift the date to 20
May but then on Tuesday we received a call from Harare indicating that Msika
will not attend the function. We were told that he was very sick and
therefore the officials asked us to postpone the event until further
 notice."

      The source said it appeared as if the Vice President's family
requested the postponement after realising that Msika needed special medical
attention for an undisclosed ailment.

      "We had no alternative but to shelve plans for granting him the
Freedom of the City status after Local Government officials insisted that
the request was made by the Vice President's family," the source said.

      Another council source indicated that all the necessary
preparations had been made for the event, which was to be held at the Tower
Block Grounds.

      He said although the council was expected to spend at least $500
million on the event, the total cost of the ceremony was pegged at $1
billion. The city's public relations officer, Phathisa Nyathi, confirmed
that the event was postponed "due to unforeseen circumstances".

      Former PF Zapu military intelligence guru and ex-Cabinet
Minister, Dumiso Dabengwa, said: "I have been spending most of my time in
court (in a case filed by Professor Jonathan Moyo) this week and therefore I
have no idea about the postponement of the ceremony to honour Msika and his
ill-health.

       "I suggest that you talk to his family and relevant
authorities," Dabengwa, widely tipped as a contender for the Vice
Presidency, said.

       On Wednesday evening, one of the family members who identified
herself as Msika's daughter, said her father was not taking calls.

      She said: "I wish to inform you that my father does not want to
take any calls. I believe that we have to stick to his request."

      Pressed to explain the circumstances leading to the postponement
of the Bulawayo ceremony and her father's health condition, the irate
daughter said: "Listen, I am talking on behalf of my father and I mean
exactly that . You have to respect his privacy as I have shown a lot of
respect to you. I won't say anything further than this. Why don't you
contact officials at my father's work place?"

       Officials in the Vice President's office declined to shed light
on the issue or Msika's work schedule and referred all questions to the
Ministry of Local Government.

      Msika, who was treated in South Africa a month ago, said in an
interview with The Sunday Mail, recently that he was as fit as a fiddle.

      "As you can see, I am quite, quite fit. I did have some
ailments, you can call them, but far from being cardiac ailments. I have
never suffered from heart problems."

      He added that he was not quitting active politics following
reports that he had informed President Robert Mugabe that he wanted to
retire and look after his grandchildren. However, top Zanu PF officials in
Matabeleland, the former PF Zapu stronghold, are believed to be already
fighting for the Vice Presidency with Dabengwa or John Nkomo heavily tipped
to land the post when Msika retires.


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ZCTU threatens crippling strike

Zim Standard

      By CAIPHAS CHIMHETE

      THE Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) yesterday resolved
to stage crippling mass protests if employers fail to award workers salaries
above the Poverty Datum Line (PDL).

      The resolution was adopted at the labour union's sixth Ordinary
Congress, which ended in Harare last night.

      ZCTU chairman, Lovemore Matombo, said: "We will take to the
streets to force employers to award their workers minimum salaries that
tally with the Poverty Datum Line."

      The Consumer Council of Zimbabwe (CCZ) said a family of six now
requires about $42 million a month to meet basic requirements.

      The congress also resolved to put pressure on government to
repeal obnoxious laws including the Public Order and Security Act (Posa),
which curtail peoples' freedom of movement, assembly and association.

      During the congress, the General Agriculture and Plantation
Worker's Union (Gapwuz) also revealed that all farm workers would, within
the next two weeks, down tools to protest against low wages and poor living
conditions.

      Getrude Hambira, Gapwuz secretary general, said: "Farm workers
are now worse off and if we try to help them we are labelled
anti-government. They can not send their children to school anymore, let
alone afford a decent meal."

      Farm workers earn $1,3 million a month but they are demanding
$10 million and that they  be resettled.

      Matombo said the ZCTU would support farm workers' protests."We
will give them our maximum support whatever day and time the protests
 start."

      Election of new office bearers was expected to take place late
last night but the secretary general's position, currently held by
Wellington Chibebe, was not up for grabs as it is full-time job.

      Most of the office bearers were expected to retain their
positions.

      Threats by ZCTU and Gapwuz add to a growing list of institutions
that are protesting against the economic meltdown and the impoverishment of
Zimbabweans.

       Last week, police arrested students who were protesting against
high tuition and examination fees. The latest in the clampdown on students
was the arrest of six student leaders from Chinhoyi University of Science.

       Police had also banned churches from marching in Bulawayo to
commemorate last year's home demolitions exercise by government fearing they
would turn into mass anti-government protests. There was a change of heart
and the march was granted approval at the eleventh hour. The march went
ahead peacefully.

      n Meanwhile, the National Constitution Assembly (NCA) filed an
urgent High Court provisional order for the release of 103 members who were
arrested on Thursday in Harare while commemorating "Operation Murambatsvina".

      NCA lawyer Andrew Makoni said: "At least three of the women have
little suckling children. The children are suffering for no apparent good
reason."

      He said some of the people, who have not been charged three days
after the arrest, needed urgent medical care, which they are being denied by
police.

      NCA chairman Lovemore Madhuku said: "It is unlawful for them to
spend any more time in custody, and in any event the 48-hour period has
already expired without even a docket being ready."


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Mugabe's Malawi visit stokes controversy

Zim Standard

      BY WALTER MARWIZI

      POLICEMEN sitting at the foot of the defaced plaque marking
Robert Mugabe Highway road in Blantyre are a quick reminder to Malawians of
the controversial four-day State visit by the long serving Zimbabwean
President.

      The plaque, vandalised on Tuesday night by about 20
machete-wielding men who beat up police officers guarding it, was unveiled
by President Mugabe three weeks ago. Malawian President Bingu wa Mutharika
renamed the Midima road after Mugabe, ignoring a groundswell of criticism
from fellow Malawians.

      And at a lavish ceremony where a red carpet was rolled out for
Mugabe, the two Presidents lashed out at critics. Mutharika praised Mugabe
as a true son of Africa who had to be honoured "because of his relentless
war against colonial domination, not only in Zimbabwe but also throughout
Africa and the entire world".

      Claiming to be 200% African, an exuberant Mugabe said those who
didn't want him to be honoured in Africa were working for white masters.

      Powerless to stop Robert Mugabe Highway from being a reality,
civic society organisations and disgruntled ordinary Malawians just watched
as Mugabe used the opportunity to attack the European Union which reportedly
funded the construction of the highway. But it appears they are not willing
to let up on the issue.

       Reports from Malawi indicate that three weeks after Mugabe
returned to Zimbabwe, the issue remains a "hot potato".

       Five civic society organisations: the Centre for Human Rights
and Rehabilitation, Centre for Youth and Children Affairs, Civil Liberties
Committee, and the Transport General Workers' Union recently released a 2
500-word statement explaining why Mugabe should not have been honoured.

      Under the banner, the Concerned Civil Society Organizations
(CCSO), the five NGOs said wa Mutharika had made a unilateral decision to
honour Mugabe who already has a road crescent named after him in Lilongwe.

      "Clearly, the decision to honour President Mugabe with a State
visit and the naming of the Midima Road after him do not have the
concurrence of all the Malawi people," the CCSO said.

       The organisation said many Malawians had suffered as a result
Mugabe's policies, making it inappropriate for the government to honour
Mugabe.

      "Malawian labourers and their families were adversely affected
when the Zimbabwe government began the enforced eviction of white farm
owners in the run-up to the 2000 Parliamentary election.

      "Only last year, during the Zimbabwe government's controversial
urban 'clean-up' campaign, thousands more families, many of them Malawi
nationals or Zimbabweans of Malawi origin, were left homeless and their
properties demolished," the CCSO said.
       Newspapers in Malawi carried reports which were highly critical
of Mugabe's visit.

       Kondwani Kamiyala, a Malawian journalist, writing in  The
Nation said: "This anti-imperialist icon, it would appear, left Malawi with
nothing but the bashing and trashing of Western ideas. Such attacks are
always part of his baggage wherever he goes."
       Kamiyala said though Mugabe had received wild cheers from wa
Mutharika's supporters when he urged Malawians to shake off the fetters of
colonialism, his message did not make sense.

      "We had our independence a long time ago and today to claim to
be fighting against colonialism is, to say the least, bizarre. In Malawi,
our biggest challenge is neither Tony Blair nor George Bush. Sir Roy
Welensky is out of the question . Malawians are today asking themselves if
this is really the democracy they sought in 1993."

      While Kamiyala had the freedom to write his comments after
Mugabe's departure, another journalist who mustered courage to ask the
Zimbabwean president a question appears to be in serious trouble.

      The Daily Times of Malawi reported that Malawian News Agency
(MANA) acting managing editor Don Napuwa faced dismissal after he asked
Mugabe to explain how he wanted to handle his succession debate.

       The paper said government officials moved in swiftly to end the
Press conference, fearing that journalists from the private media would take
advantage and fire tougher questions at Mugabe.

      Principal Secretary for Information Beaton Munthali dismissed
the allegations but the local chapter of the Media Institute of Southern
Africa (MISA) is investigating the issue.


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Mbare residents up in arms against Harare commissioner

Zim Standard

      BY GODFREY MUTIMBA

      TENDAI Savanhu, a Zanu PF Politburo member and deputy
chairperson of the Harare Commission, is under fire from Mbare residents who
accuse him of ordering the eviction of 15 families from the Annex flats.

      Angry Mbare residents told The Standard that they were surprised
to see council officials at their doorstep  ordering them to move out of the
houses they have occupied since Independence.

      When The Standard crew visited Mbare recently, some of the 15
families were sleeping in the open with their property stacked outside their
former homes.

       Sinikiwe Charamba, who said she had been staying at the Annex
flats since 1978, told The Standard:  "We were surprised to see council
officials coming here  to tell us that we should move out and pave way for
people who had been allocated houses by Savanhu."

      Sarudzai Maruva, a 17-year-old orphan who was staying in her
parents' home, broke down when she narrated her ordeal.

      "I don't know where I will take my two brothers and sister. They
said we no longer qualify, so we must find somewhere to stay," she said.

      The victims' representative, Kainos Nyambera, said Savanhu had
offered the houses to Zanu PF loyalists who supported the ruling party
during last year's Parliamentary elections.

      "Savanhu promised ruling party supporters that he would find
them accommodation for campaigning for the party. After the elections he
decided to fulfil his promise by hijacking our project. We are told that
some are Savanhu's employees and relatives," he said.

      Savanhu, who lost the Mbare constituency to MDC legislator Gift
Chimanikire,  denied the allegations.

       "Those are baseless allegations. You know people always want to
abuse the name of the party and its officials. The flats you are talking
about are a government project and no Zanu PF supporter has benefited.
Actually those who benefited were the people whose houses were demolished to
pave way for the construction of new flats and only a few individuals who
were not home owners," said Savanhu.

      The victims however maintain that there is corruption and have
since appealed to the Ministry of Anti-Monopolies and Anti-corruption.

      Their petition reads: "Honourable Minister (Paul Mangwana), this
corruption has taken root in Mbare and we therefore inform you that our
party politburo member is now giving these houses not to actual
beneficiaries. Members from the party District Co-ordinating Committee (DCC)
have benefited while homeless people were removed from the list."

      Mangwana was not immediately available for comment.


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Malnutrition kills 33 in Bulawayo

Zim Standard

      BY OUR STAFF

      BULAWAYO - Thirty-three people, mostly children below the age of
five, died of malnutrition in Bulawayo in January this year, according to
the Bulawayo City Council.

      The latest council minutes say 14 boys and 15 girls - all aged
below four - and two girls in the 5-14 age group, succumbed to malnutrition
owing to lack of adequate food. Two other people in the 40 -70 age group
also died of malnutrition in the city.

      The latest council minutes say: "Following the decentralisation
of the Registrar of Births and Deaths activities in June 2004, it became
apparent that delays in returning mortality figures from various sites were
experienced meaning the data was incomplete."

      Japhet Ndabeni-Ncube, the Bulawayo Mayor, confirmed the 33
malnutrition-related deaths but said: "We could not get the statistics
(during the past two years) but everything is back to normal."

      Thokozani Khuphe, the vice president of the MDC anti-Senate
faction, noted that the deaths revealed that most families in the city were
living in abject poverty as the country grapples with serious food
shortages.

      Khuphe said: "The fact that we are talking about
malnutrition-related deaths shows that families are living in abject poverty
and have no food. There is no food in the country."

      David Coltart, MDC MP for Bulawayo South, echoed the same
sentiments saying: "The government has been in a state of denial.

      It denies that there are food shortages. But this very hard and
harsh (council) report gives the lie to the denials that Zimbabwe is facing
a serious catastrophe with innocent citizens suffering the most. The only
solution is for the regime to acknowledge that it has failed and that it has
no solution to the plight of the suffering citizens."

      The Resident Minister and Bulawayo Metropolitan Governor, Cain
Mathema, refused to comment on the issue.


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Child victims of 'Murambatsvina' drop out of school

Zim Standard

      BY CAIPHAS CHIMHETE

      CLAD in a tattered pink dress and with feet cracked by the cold,
Linear Mureriwa (11) sits in the morning sun reading her old school English
textbook.

       Four more children from the dilapidated compound join her and
being the eldest, Linear starts teaching them how to write their names on
the dusty ground.

      Speaking in Shona she says: "I would like to go back to school
soon and join my classmates. I hope my parents will get the fees or someone
can help pay."

      This time last year, Linear was in Grade IV at Makomo Primary
School in Epworth before the government embarked on the internationally
condemned "clean-up" exercise, destroying people's homes and livelihoods.

      Her parents' small carpentry shop in the same suburb - the
family's only source of income - was not spared, leaving them destitute.

      Only last week, the 11-year-old girl was thrown out of school
because her parents were unable to pay fees.

      Her mother, Gloria Mureriwa, said she managed to pay the child's
fees in the past from donations by well-wishers.

      She said: "Soon after the operation many people were willing to
assist us but now they are no longer forthcoming, even with food. They have
forgotten about us."

      For Linear and other children who have dropped out of school,
hope lies in New Hope Zimbabwe, a local non-governmental organisation that
has been providing community assistance to the children. The organisation
provides affected children with school fees, food, blankets and medical
facilities.

       Joshua Mahachi, a programme assistant, said: "We paid fees for
over 100 children in different schools last term in Epworth alone but the
list is so long that we cannot cope because more are dropping out every
 day."

      He said the problem in Epworth mirrors other demolished
settlements in areas such as Hatcliffe, Mbare, Kuwadzana, Dzivarasekwa and
Kambuzuma.

       "The problem is further exacerbated by the fact that most
schools have increased their levies and fees, further straining the already
economically struggling parents," Mahachi said.

      According to the UN special envoy Anna Tibaijuka's report more
than 300 000 children - mostly of informal traders and families in cities -
were forced to drop out of school because of the clean-up exercise.

      When The Standard visited the affected settlements during a
commemoration tour organised by civic organisations last week, several
children of school-going age were milling around the compounds during school
hours.

      Maria Katiyo (12) of Kuwadzana Camp said she has not been to
school since May last year.

      "We just live here (shack) and we survive on crushing stones
which we sell to builders," said Maria, who stays with her 64-year-old
grandmother, Ambuya Phiri.

      On a good day, she said, they make about $100 000 a day, which
is inadequate to cover food and her school fees.

      Raymond Majongwe, the Progressive Teachers' Union of Zimbabwe
secretary general, said thousands of children are still dropping out of
school because of the operation.

      "If you go to any school you will find out that the roll call
position has dropped but it's difficult to give the exact number because
they are dropping out everyday," Majongwe said.


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Rural hospitals bear the brunt of health crisis

Zim Standard

      By Valentine Maponga

      THE majority of hospitals and rural health centres in
Mashonaland East and Manicaland provinces face critical drug procurement
problems and serious financial constraints, which have hindered their
service delivery.

       This emerged during a recent tour of health centres in the two
provinces by the Parliamentary Committee on Health and Child Welfare.

      The committee heard that most of the problems faced by these
institutions related to drug procurement, retention of skilled personnel and
fuel shortages.

      Following the visits the committee also established that there
was rampant corruption during recruitment of nurses at training
institutions.

      During the tour, which began at Mwanza Rural Health centre in
Goromonzi, the committee members were able to see that most of the hospitals
faced similar problems.

      At Mwanza, the committee met and consulted a number of community
health activists and it emerged that if communities were involved, the
health system in the country would improve significantly.

      The committee later proceeded to Nyadire Hospital, where it
heard that the United Methodist-run institution faced a serious shortage of
health personnel, impacting negatively on the quality of nurses graduating
from the centre.

      The committee heard that politicians and other influential
people from the community were forcing hospital administrators to recruit
unqualified students. Health regulations stipulate that everyone who wishes
to train as a nurse should have a minimum of five "O" levels, including a
science subject.

      The committee also visited Marondera Provincial, Bonda Mission
and All Souls Mission hospitals to assess, first hand, evidence of the
numerous problems most rural health centres face in the two provinces.

      Hospital officials also complained about power failures. They
said the use of generators was being hampered by shortages of diesel.

      At Marondera Hospital, construction of a maternity wing, which
started more than 10 years ago, is yet to be completed due to financial
problems.

      Blessing Chebundo, the chairperson of the committee, said the
drug supply situation in the hospitals they visited was critical and the
issue of corruption was worrying.

      Chebundo remarked during the tour: "The question of health
personnel training is very critical in the provision of health services and
all these corruption stories are very worrying. We are also concerned about
the issue of drug supply."

      The committee established that the equipment at the hospitals
visited needed upgrading.

      The committee expressed concern that the government was
castigating skilled personnel leaving the country  as "unpatriotic", instead
of addressing the real causes of the brain drain.

      Chebundo said: "These people are professionals. They want
salaries that are comparable to their status and experience. They want job
security and they want personal security."


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Zimbabwe joins worldwide effort to end child hunger

Zim Standard

      BY OUR STAFF

      THE United Nations World Food Programme (WFP), together with its
corporate and humanitarian partners and various civil society groups, are
teaming up around the world to show how one collective footstep can help
transform the lives of the world's poorest children.

      Today (Sunday, 21 May 2006), more than 700 000 people in over
100 countries across 24 time zones are expected to literally walk the world
to fight child hunger. This number includes some 100 000 children who are
expected to walk in Sub-Saharan Africa, most are beneficiaries of WFP's
innovative and successful School Feeding Programme.

      "Walk the World" calls attention to the estimated 300 million
children who suffer from hunger all over the world. In 2005, more than 200
000 people in 266 locations participated, raising enough funds to feed 70
000 children.

      This year, the WFP aims to raise US$5 million for its global
school feeding programme which helps children in poor countries grow into
healthy and educated citizens.

       In Zimbabwe, WFP staff will be joined by hundreds of people for
a 3, 4 km walk which will start and end at the Harare Gardens. Participants
include Boy Scouts, primary school children, representatives from government
and non-governmental organisations and local celebrities.

      WFP currently provides a daily meal to nearly 700 000 children
across Zimbabwe. Funds raised in today's walk will go towards continued
support for Zimbabwe School Feeding.

      WFP warns that hunger is the biggest threat to health. Last
year, for example, more people died due to hunger and malnutrition than from
AIDS, malaria and tuberculosis combined.


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Mash central mission hospital to launch anti-retroviral treatment programme

Zim Standard

      BY OUR STAFF

      HOWARD Mission Hospital in Mashonaland Central province is one
of five sites that have been selected to begin anti-retroviral treatment
programmes.

      The programme will benefit from technical support from the USAID
and the Centre for Disease Control and Prevention.

      The support is in the form of laboratory capacity and equipment,
data management and supply chain management of medicines and condoms,
clinical training in comprehensive HIV care, and voluntary counselling and
testing strategies.

      Howard Mission Hospital and its five mobile clinics serve more
than 500 patients on anti-retroviral treatment, using both US government and
Ministry of Health drugs.

      Howard also receives support from other donors and is considered
an excellent example of how partnering assistance programmes can create an
effective and successful response by using and managing the variety of
resources available in Zimbabwe.

      The new USAID's partnership project is designed to pool together
not only donor activities, but dedicated Zimbabweans and local organisations
that bring a whole range of expertise and understanding, as well as an
enhanced long-term vision.

      Although Zimbabwe's infection rate remains severe, US government
agencies, according to the American Embassy in Zimbabwe, are supporting the
country's extensive public health infrastructure as it works to expand its
own HIV care, treatment and prevention programmes in a difficult
humanitarian and economic environment.

      Earlier this year Dr Mark Dybul, the deputy Global AIDS
Co-ordinator and chief medical officer, visited Zimbabwe.


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Enter the Oligarchs

Zim Standard

      By deborah-fay ndhlovu

      RUSSIAN businessmen are jostling to acquire key Zimbabwean
assets such as national telephone operator - Net*One - in deals that are
likely to ruffle the feathers of locals who feel they are being elbowed out,
Standardbusiness has learnt.

      A team of Russian businessmen, which jetted into the country two
weeks ago, is said to have expressed interest in acquiring stakes in
Net*One, Net*One and the uranium project in Kanyemba. The visit follows a
high-profile one to Moscow in April by a Zimbabwean delegation that included
the Governor of the Reserve Bank, Gideon Gono, and some Ministers.

      Although details were scanty, a government official on Thursday
confirmed that talks had been opened between the two telecommunications
parastatals and the Russian businessmen, while tours had been conducted for
mining concerns.

      Russia, part of the former Soviet Union, now has the highest
number of billionaires - known as oligarchs - in Europe, according to
reports. Many of them, who made billions from the sell of former Soviet
Union state assets, have been scouring developing countries, such as
Zimbabwe, in search of lucrative deals.

       Government last year announced plans to restructure its ailing
parastatals, which have long been a drain on the fiscus with both Net*One
and Net*One earmarked for strategic partners. A government official however
pointed out that the State would have flouted procedure if it struck deals
with the Russians without going to tender.

      "It's still talks and nothing has been concluded yet. POTRAZ has
not even heard about it. So far though there are indications that government
has not followed procedure because the issue of the disposal of their stakes
is something subject to public tender," the official said.

      Net*One MD Rambai Kangai refused to respond to the matter over
the telephone and insisted on written questions instead.

      "I do not talk about things like that over the phone," Kangai
said but later referred questions to the Ministry of Transport and
Communications.

      "We suggest that you contact the shareholder of Net*One for
these matters," Kangai said in a written response. The Minister, Chris
Mushohwe was however not available for comment. Phil Chingwaru,

      Net*One's Public Relations Manager confirmed the development but
would not shed much light about it.

      "Yes we have had the Russians but I have been out of the office
and I m not sure how far the talks are," Chingwaru said.


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New measures will not prevent, reduce carnage on the roads

Zim Standard

Comment

      THE introduction of new tougher road regulations, announced last
week, will not necessarily result in less carnage on Zimbabwe's roads. This
is because traffic accidents are a reflection of the general decay that
characterises everything in this country.

      It is unrealistic to operate a public transport system in an
environment where general road rules are ignored. It is also difficult to
operate a public transport service that is accident-free when the shortage
of spares is widespread, forcing operators to cut corners and put vehicles
that are not roadworthy on the road.

      The laxity on the part of law-enforcement agencies that allows
such vehicles on the highways plays a significant contributory role.

      This has encouraged motorists to behave as if they have a
monopoly on use of the roads. How many times are broken-down vehicles
abandoned or  attended to in the middle of traffic, when these should be
moved to safer places? There is general anarchy on Zimbabwe's roads.

      In reacting to the death of at least 43 people in less than a
week, the Minister of Transport and Communications last week annou-nced
measures that set out minimum ages for drivers of public service vehicles.

      As far as we are aware, no empirical evidence exists to
establish a direct link between drivers' ages and frequency of road
accidents. The Minister's announcement ignores the fact that other countries
not just in the region but worldwide, have young public transport drivers
but they have not recorded the same levels of road fatalities.

      Older drivers may have experience as an advantage, but it could
also be argued they are more prone to fatigue because of their age. On the
other hand younger public transport drivers, it can be argued, are more
alert and have a higher endurance rate for the rigours of driving public
transport.

      The causes of road accidents in Zimbabwe are more complex, with
both employers and the travelling public playing a significant contributory
role. Employers pile pressure on drivers by setting unrealistic targets that
encourage speeding. On the other hand, to the best of our knowledge no
passengers have arrested a bus crew for speeding or disregarding their
admonitions. Yet this recourse is open to passengers.

      The reason for this is simple: passengers are happy or even
encourage drivers to speed. This is fine as long as no tragedy occurs
because it gets them to their destinations faster. But the moment there is
an accident and lives are lost, passengers are the first to bay for blood.
This is rank hypocrisy.

      There is however a problem with such impetuous reactions as
embodied in the Minister's response. Public transport operators should have
been consulted on of how to curb the carnage on the country's roads. They
should have a significant input in the solution to

      the problem. In fact, they are better placed to suggest possible
solutions than the prescriptive measures from armchair theorists in the
Ministry of Transport. As it is, transport operators cannot claim ownership
and that is a recipe for plans to fail.


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Zanu PF is like a deranged mother who strangles her children

Zim Standard

      sunday opinion by Rejoice Ngwenya

       THIS is my last contribution to the world of journalistic
literary freedom, and this is neither due to a perceived and imaginary fear
of men in dark glasses nor because of disproportionately zero returns made
from long hours of editorial innovation.

      Besides having my very own dark glasses, the only fearful force
in the universe is God Himself. More over, the tattered nature of our
economy is such that there are few professions in Zimbabwe today - including
journalism for that matter - from which one can really derive maximum
monetary satisfaction. Journalism? - No way, - pure dedication to the cause
of free expression!

      Talking about freedom brings last week's Mothers Day memories
flooding. Feminists and over-zealous men fell over themselves in
commemorating a day that is totally alien to Africa, just like Christmas,
Valentine, Easter and all other anniversaries that to borrow from Tafataona
Mahoso's loose vocabulary, are littered with imperialist connotation.

       Mothers are important everyday of our lives, not least because
of their sacrifice, but also the pain experienced in foetal freedom. New
York University and Princeton graduate psychologists Arthur and Emily Reber
define pain as "physical or psychic distress . the experience that results
from certain kinds of physical stimulation".

      The Christian Bible, in Genesis, does not mince its words on how
much pain The Woman will suffer because of transgression, but if one has not
experienced that type of pain, it flips past as just another emotional
experience, a figment of gynaecological imagination.

      By simply observing proceedings in the delivery room of an
average maternity ward, an average man will begin to comprehend the
importance of bringing new life into the  world.  A woman's entire central
nervous system, her anatomical mechanics and emotional status quo are
focused on four letters - pain. She is either oblivious of a man's presence,
or has simply thrown him into the cauldron of blame for those responsible
for her biological and physical torture.

      Her muffled groans and contortions, coupled with spasmodic, yet
amazingly consistent screams pierce any man's membrane of emotional
obstinacy. In short, the phrase blood, sweat and tears was coined not for
egotistic, male chauvinistic military excesses, but for the process of human
birth that begins with a man in self-inflicted bliss and ends with a woman
in a proverbial maze of pain.

      So when Zanu PF stalwarts talk about how they have to be
rewarded because of the pain they suffered in order to bring independence,
those citizens who have a weak heart can easily get carried away. In this my
last contribution to the local press, I want to call their bluff. It is only
a deranged mother who can strangle her infant baby, throw him down a Blair
toilet, starve him or watch him wither away in poverty and malnutrition
while her cheeks blossom with good food.

      If Zanu PF wants us to share with them the pain of political
birth in 1980, they have to convince us that they, like a good mother, have
our welfare at heart. A mother, who eats all the food, covers her body in
warm blankets and breast-feeds a stray chimpanzee while her infant child
screams for attention deserves to be imprisoned.

      A mother who, when her infant child cries for attention,
tortures and locks him in a windowless room deserves nothing but
excommunication to the wilderness. A mother who sleeps in a comfortable bed
with clean sheets and soft mattress while her baby wriggles in wet napkins
on a hard floor deserves to be incinerated in shame.

      In short, there is no amount of birth pain that can give any
mother a licence to abuse her infant child. Such is the Zanu PF mother.

      When serious citizens see a mother committing such atrocities
against her defenceless child, should they stand back and say:

      "It's her child, after all." No! I do not know whether you want
to call it passive resistance, constructive engagement, civil disobedience
or democratic resistance. What's in a name?

      In civilised communities, every adult has a right to rescue an
abused child. It is a human right. Yes, Zanu PF (and ZAPU, naturally)
suffered untold misery and pain to dislodge a vicious colonial regime, but
that does not give them a right to abuse that privilege.

      Yes, somebody somewhere, votes them into power every five years.
So what? Haven't they overstayed their welcome like an unwanted visitor?

      When a child is born, it is a parent's responsibility to provide
a good life for the new person - health, education, food, transport,
enjoyment, security and comfort. In all departments, Zanu PF has failed the
Zimbabwean child.

      The forces of local, regional and international "social welfare"
are saying to Zanu PF: "Give away that child to a more responsible parent, a
more sensible foster home." Zimbabwe is in distress and no amount of
"recovery policy innovations" will save this child.

      Her parents, Zanu PF, should either give her away voluntarily,
or face the wrath of peaceful, but forceful social welfare tides. I have
personally nothing against a government that was voted into power, albeit
through a fractured, manipulative democratic process.

      There are thousands of citizens who believe Zanu PF has
fulfilled their missions, but there are millions more who languish in
despair, millions. Those are the ones who are saying: "Zanu PF, thank you
for the pain of political motherhood. We are now weaned and want our
separate lives. Leave us in dignity. Retire in peace and let us take charge
of our destiny. You have done your part - and failed dismally. It's time to
go."


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Mugabe's lessons for Africa

Zim Standard

      Sunday opinion by Brilliant Mhlanga

      EVENTS obtaining in Africa; from the Great Lakes region down to
the rest of Southern Africa are disturbing.  One can easily identify
President Robert Mugabe's bad influence. His uninformative collegiality
towards most second-generation leaders in Africa offers disastrous lessons
for Africa.

      The recent Malawian drama about a European Union-funded motorway
named after Mugabe, has nothing positive for us to learn from, let alone to
Malawi's President Bingu wa Mutharika, whose short stint in power is proving
to be disastrous, despite his expected knowledge of international politics.

      The same applies to President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, a product
of Julius Nyerere's teaching from the University of Dar-es Salaam.

      However, Museveni has crossed from the far right to the far
left. Every piece of legislation being coined in Uganda is reminiscent of at
least one in Zimbabwe.

      The offshoots are there for everyone to see. Mugabe and Museveni
have worked together before, notably in the Western sponsored deal to plead
with General Sani Abacha, not to hang General Olusegun Obasanjo. Both are
products of Washington's foreign policy.

      It is an open secret that President Robert Mugabe is a direct
beneficiary and a product of Western political machinations, thrust to
control Southern Africa. This explains his influence in regional politics,
for example, in Mozambique, Namibia and during South Africa's attainment of
independence.

      Mugabe also used this influence obviously derived from the
security portfolio in Southern African Development Community (SADC), to send
troops into the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).

      This marked the end of the glamour and respect his regime
enjoyed internationally as he was now walking on unholy ground, by
disturbing big multilateral interests. This signalled the fall of the
Zimbabwean dollar. This move was a blow to the Zimbabwean economy and
ignited views that Mugabe was helping put out a fire in the neighbour's
house when his own house was on fire.

      The reason for Mugabe's entry into DRC was because he felt
threatened by the moves of the two young Presidents from the Great Lakes
region, Museveni and Paul Kagame of Rwanda. These two men had set the stage
for Laurent Desire Kabila, with the help of Banyamulenge a Tutsi dominated
force, which Kabila was trying to flush out now that he was in power.
Following Museveni's bigger project that was funded by the West, his focus
had expanded beyond the Great Lakes region. He supported the SPLA. Now he
was focused on Southern Africa.

      This was aggravated by the democracy wave of the second
liberation blowing across the region. Countries like Malawi, Zambia and
South Africa had already succumbed. This move was a big threat to Mugabe at
the time. He sensed that these young men were likely to take advantage of
this ideation to sponsor a problem in Zimbabwe with the help of the West and
moved swiftly to block them, by disturbing their plans in the DRC.

      As if that was not enough, Mugabe was quick to notice the
cleavages between the two men, a move he exploited using Pan-African
rhetoric. Like a rat being lured with groundnuts, Museveni fell for it. This
marriage of convenience has benefited Museveni whose leadership style and
scale is continuously falling. He has now joined Mugabe's Bush-Blair comedy.
Museveni is the character that talks left and walks right. He has parted
ways with his former Army General and Chief Intelligence Officer, Paul
Kagame and has labelled Rwanda an unfriendly country.

       Museveni's new school headed by an old tired teacher (Mugabe)
follows the common law of nature which states that all human beings have the
potential to be bad. He has embraced his bad potential for the good of his
hold on power. Furthermore, he has made a lot of enemies and cannot afford
to leave power. Apparently, he is Mugabe's strange bedfellow.

      Apart from the fact that unlike Mugabe, Museveni has quite a
sizable number of skeletons in his cabin he has arrested his major rival
Colonel Dr Kizza Besigye, on charges of treason showing marked resemblance
to Morgan Tsvangirai's treason case in which the ruling Zanu PF had the
preposterous Ari Ben-Menashe as the State's chief witness.

      In this treason case Yoweri Museveni has roped in criminals from
the Lord´s Resistance Army (LRA) wanted by the International Court of
Justice for crimes against humanity - Alfred Onen Kamdulu and Aryemo - as
State witnesses.

      Initially he had arrested Besigye on rape charges purportedly
committed in November 1997. Interestingly the rape case was dismissed on 30
January 2006, with Justice John Bosco Katutsi ending the verdict by saying:
"Let me end this discourse by borrowing some words of Lord Bourgham's speech
in defence of Queen Caroline some three hundred years ago: "The evidence
before this court is inadequate even to prove a debt - impotent to deprive
of a civil right - ridiculous for convicting of the pettiest offence -
scandalous if brought forward to support a charge of any grave character -
monstrous if to ruin the honour of a man who offered himself as a candidate
for the highest office of this country."

      It can be gleaned from this verdict that the judiciary in Uganda
is free from any form of undue pressure. Museveni is yet to learn that
tactic from his Zimbabwean mentor.

      The Malawian drama by Wa Mutharika, an economist and former Head
of COMESA, shows that he has classically failed to understand international
trends in politics. The adage that he who pays the piper calls the tune is
still miles away from him.

      Inasmuch as we might want to shrug off aid-with-conditionality,
reality on the ground has it that the world is run along these lines.

      Wa Mutharika, whose relations with Zimbabwe apart from the claim
that Mugabe is said to be of Malawian ancestry, has another interesting
relationship prompted by his marriage to a Zimbabwean. This has also earned
him a piece of land obviously snatched from a commercial farmer in Kadoma.

      Impliedly, Mutharika is guilty of tacit acceptance of the
persecution and murder of innocent whites and those who died at the hands of
the Zanu PF at the time of land grabbing.

      As a son-in-law, he has decided to go native by emulating almost
everything. Malawi will definitely regret this move. He recently embarked on
the nefarious Pan-African zeal, and arrested his Vice President Cassim
Chilumpha with 10 others on charges of treason. This is due to power
struggles between the President and his deputy. Wa Mutharika who controls
the state's repressive apparatus once accused some of his cabinet ministers
in 2004 of plotting to assassinate him but later dropped the charges.

      He recently appointed Patricia Kaliati, a primary school teacher
by profession as Minister of Information - a move which left Malawians with
more questions than answers regarding the President's relations with this
woman. At the height of the EU funded motorway controversy, Kaliati is said
to have responded by suggesting that those opposed must hang, otherwise the
deal with EU did not specify how the motorway shall be commissioned. Yes,
that statement was true, but it was carelessly put and lacked diplomacy.

       In light of Mugabe's revolutionary teaching which lacks the
democratic tinge, his Pan-African raving which camouflages the reality
behind the kind of Jacobin-verbiage that promises much and delivers
remarkably nothing, one concludes that no positive lessons will be imparted
to the young leaders in Africa. Mugabe's untimely outbursts leave a lot to
be desired. They remind me of the following comments by Diescho:

      Friedrich Hegel said history is a slaughter house; Camus said
history is a world without meaning; Sartre said there is no exit to history;
Kafka wrote that history is a trial; James Baldwin looked at the black
people's history and screamed: "Nobody knows my name". History, Frantz Fanon
would say, is the story of the "wretched of the earth", wherein, Chinua
Achebe would add, "things fall apart and are no longer at ease". History is
"petals of blood", to invoke Ngugi wa Thiongo. The Namibian artist John
Muafangejo, stared our history in the face and wrote: "I am loneliness".

      It is our duty therefore to understand that history has already
judged Mugabe and his party. The world is currently exploring possibilities
of offering him amnesty if he agrees to step down. The question therefore
is; what happens to the sins committed in the 1980s, and the recent deaths
incurred during the struggle for democracy in Zimbabwe?

      Zimbabwe now offers lessons on how a culture of power and
authority can be groomed to substitute a culture of persuasion.

      What a shame to Democracy!


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Zim Standard Letters



Govt out to destroy tertiary education
      THE government's gang-ho tactics in dealing with crises in the
education sector must be exposed and condemned.
       Several weeks ago, the outgoing president of the Zimbabwe
National Students Union (ZINASU) Washington Katema described the Zimbabwean
state as a "vampire" that has no other agenda than the stalling of the
democratisation process in Zimbabwe. Subsequently, delegates to the ZINASU
congress were arrested and harassed by the police.

      Over the years it has become routine for student leaders to be
trailed by security agents and their meetings are prevented and or disturbed
by the police or the army, obviously at the behest of the government.

      The government has become a rogue band of lawless brigands who
have a high disregard of the rule of law, property rights and basic civil
liberties. They have devastated the economy and they have now turned their
attention and are intent on ruining the education sector.

      Over the past one month the government has clearly demonstrated
that it is no longer interested in the tertiary education system in
Zimbabwe; the deteriorating standards in colleges, the sky-rocketing prices
of education and the incessant strikes by lecturers point to a national
cancer that is debilitating the tertiary education sector in Zimbabwe.
Increasingly, students and students' organisations are seen, in the eyes of
government, as sources of opposition discontent that are to be thwarted by
any and all means necessary.

      Year after year student leaders continue to be terrorised,
tortured and suspended without regard to natural justice and due process of
law. Student unions, instead of being seen as platforms that can facilitate
dialogue and resolution of the crisis, are seen as threats to political
power by a government that has developed a dangerous laager mentality.

      Instead of viewing teachers' unions, students' unions and the
civic society organisations in general as sources of ideas and leadership to
resolve the national crisis the government has ostracised these key allies.

      The systematic attacks on the students' unions must remind the
pro-democracy movement that there is limited time to remain fragmented and
concentrating on displaying how  verbose we got in years past as we
sojourned the  length and breadth of the earth. The task remains in one
place and one place alone; the home front. This is where our experiences and
commitment are needed.

      The Zanu PF regime has no regard to how many speeches we may
deliver about Pan-Africanism or anti-imperialism. They have since moved from
the arena of winning hearts and minds through ideas to the arena of striking
fear and terror - here then is the challenge that must rally us.

      The expertise that we have gained, the capacity and experiences
of our training must all be harnessed so that there is a renewed energy
within the movement that a lot of Zimbabweans have suffered and committed
their lives to.

       My heart and solidarity goes out to the Secretary General of the
Zimbabwe National Students Union who is being held in solitary confinement
and his colleagues who have been denied food and access to their lawyers.
This is the evidence of a regime on the run. It is cannibalistic; this is a
regime that grotesquely feeds on its own sibling and has an insatiable
hunger for victims, but history teaches us time and time again that the will
of the people can not be stalled.

      Tinashe Lukas Chimedza
      Sydney
      Australia

------------
      There is space for everyone in opposition politics
            IT is not often that Zimbabweans are spoiled by
politicians who take their chances and agree to engage them directly in
public, and talking straight in the way Arthur Mutambara, President of the
pro-Senate MDC faction did in London on 9 May 2006.

             Zimbabweans in London turned out well for this meeting
which took place mid-week after work, braving the terrible traffic in that
part of London. Those interested in numbers were not disappointed. Much has
been said about Mutambara in the Press but you have to see the man to make a
better judgment.

            When Mutambara and his delegation comprising Welshman
Ncube and Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga arrived at the venue in Wood
Green, London, it looked as if they knew that Zimbabweans in the Diaspora
expected them to speak on issues not sloganeering and singing.

            Misihairabwi-Mushonga highlighted the dilemma of the
Movement for Democratic (MDC) after the 12 October National Council meeting.
She appealed for wisdom in solving issues of their differences with the
Morgan Tsvangirai-led MDC.

            Ncube admitted that no one was perfect in the current MDC
dilemma but he explained that, lack of accountability and transparency in
the way the Tsvangirai's leadership was operating had reached unacceptable
levels.

            He made reference to investigations by the MDC into
alleged violence perpetrated against members of party and its values  and
principles.  He regretted that it was more difficult to point out the wrongs
without being labelled as a sell-out, Zanu PF or tribalist and that it was
becoming impossible to hold Tsvangirai to account without risking the wrath
of the unaccountable youths at Harvest House.

            Mutambara began by saying: "I make no assumption of your
political affiliation". He urged Zimbabweans to stand up and be counted.

            Mutambara said: "Zimbabwe is in a crisis that requires
generational intervention. A new generation of Zimbabweans must step up  and
be counted. History will never absolve them if they do not rise to the
challenge."

            His message was that it is up to all of us, and in the
language that sounded inclusive, Mutambara asserted that there is enough
space for everyone, certainly in his party, and encouraged those ".people to
join my brother Morgan Tsvangirai if you wish or Zanu PF if that is where
you find resonance..."

            Mutambara recounted why he decided to return to Zimbabwe.
The message pricked the conscience of many in the room provoking the
Diaspora beyond their comfortable jobs because their dignity is at risk as
long the people back home are suffering. This was coming from a person who
was walking the talk, Mutambara went back home to try and play a role. He
said:

            "Diasporans have a meaningful role to play in the
development of their country by leveraging their remittances, expertise and
networks."

            Those who did not agree with him, Mutambara said, could at
least join any other group that will allow them to make a difference to the
lives of our people.

            Should everyone who comes along talking about change be
trusted?  This is the area that some people were not comfortable with,
because any debate of change in Zimbabwe would require comparing notes with
other political forces and the perception was that it was an attack on
Tsvangirai or Joice Mujuru. Mutambara challenged people to interrogate the
content and quality of change that the leaders intend to bring about in
order to avoid what is happening in Kenya.

            When the floor was opened for all, Mutambara lamented the
reluctance of the other faction to respond to all the initiatives firstly by
himself during his acceptance speech, and secondly by David Coltart.

             I have been an ardent supporter of unity among opposition
forces but after further discussions with other Zimbabweans who attended the
meeting, I was persuaded to think that breaking up could be a sign of
growth, and out of splits come great parties. Zanu PF was a breakaway party
from ZAPU.

            I hope that next time we will have Tsvangirai, Mai Mujuru
and Simba Makoni to talk about their ideas. There is space for everyone and
it is up to all of us!

            Msekiwa Makwanya
            United Kingdom

       --------------
            Where do writers stand on crisis?
                  EVERY now and then the role of writers operating
under oppressive regimes is often raised in the hope that they document
events as they see and believe them to be.

                  In our particular context the question still vexes
us. What is the role of the writer. is it to simply chronicle the
suffocating environment, which threatens to engulf us all, to assume the
role of a guerrilla writer employing "creative disobedience" or is it to
acquiesce and become a megaphone for the regime?

                  Soviet Russia produced Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn and
Leon Tolstoy among others. Solzhenitsyn once wrote: ". that our literature
has been enduring from censorship for decades .No one can bar the road to
the truth and to advance its cause I am prepared to accept even death."

                  Kenya produced Ngugi wa Thiongo, Micere Mugo, Ngugi
wa Mirii among many others. But in Zimbabwe, what is the role of the writer
during post-independence? Or is there a role at all in this hell that burns
us so fiercely?

                  We see the protest or militancy in the work of the
National Constitutional Assembly and the Women of Zimbabwe Arise. Where does
this leave the writers?

                  Not yet Solzhenitsyn
                  Pumula North
                   Bulawayo

            -------------
                   Government pension for civil servants a great shame
                        LIKE many civil servants, I spent a lifetime
serving my government and country. I spent 33 years in government as a
teacher and working harder than any other civil servants in other government
departments.

                        However, having worked for so long and
diligently, I expected a good package from my government in the form of a
handshake, but alas that was not to be the case.

                        The government shamelessly gave me a lump sum
of $2 million as my pension. This is the amount of money which today buys 48
king size bottles of Coca Cola. I could not even afford to throw a
retirement party for my family with two crates of minerals. How could I
throw a party when I could not afford the rice to go with it and the beer to
liven the merry-making with my relations, a whole beast, a good number of
chickens and dozens of loaves of bread?

                        I would have to be a multi-millionaire a
hundred times over to be able to throw such a party. So I didn't have a
party.

                        How could a government of the people allow
such a shame to be visited upon me? Pensioners during colonial times got a
better deal when they received a watch and a bicycle or a farm, items which
most of them have still got compared to my $2 million which evaporated the
moment I received it.

                        They were better off than I who worked for a
government of independence do now.

                         My black government should be ashamed of
treating me like trash/condom after using me. Today, I am living like a
pauper yet many of my products are living like kings, working for the same
government I worked for.

                        Where are the other government workers? Why
are they so quiet about their lot? Who can help us form an organisation
which will speak on our behalf while we are still alive?

                         Ashamed
                         Masvingo

                         -----------

                          Call to mark 'Murambatsvina' anniversary
                          THE campaign to declare 18 May International
Anti-Eviction Day is part of a series of campaigns and activities organised
by Zimbabwe's social movements and organisations to mark the first
anniversary of "Operation Murambatsvina" ( Drive out the filth) carried by
the government starting 18 last year.

                          We seek to use the time to rededicate
ourselves to the struggle for social justice and democracy in Zimbabwe while
at the same time eternally shaming the fatigued Robert Mugabe regime for the
callous, barbaric and cowardly acts it continues to visit upon poor
Zimbabweans in the name of trying to retain political power.

                          We also want to refocus attention on the
emergency in Zimbabwe marked by a severely acute political and
socio-economic crisis characterized by 80% unemployment and slave wages,
1049% inflation, spiraling crime and domestic violence, collapsed health and
education delivery systems, police brutality and draconian legislation.

                          Zimbabweans can do the following: Sign the
declaration in support of the International Anti-Eviction Day; Send protest
letters to the government of Zimbabwe and its embassies; Programme the theme
of "Operation Murambatsvina" and the criminalisation of poverty into your
activities for the months of May and June; Organise public meetings to
especially discuss how people power can be mobilised to make sure that
"Operation Murambatsvina" does not happen again.

                          They can also  organise a picket or symbolic
actions against the government of Zimbabwe; Join commemorative events
organised through Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition, CHRA, Zimbabwe Social Forum
and other movements and organizations; and Give your ideas and opinions on
how to strengthen the campaign.

                          The declaration will be presented to the
government and its embassies on a date to be announced. Dare to struggle -
Dare to win because another Zimbabwe is possible in our life time.

                          Briggs Bomba
                          South Africa

                           ----------
                          Meddling ruins sport

                          POLITICAL interference in every sphere of
existence in Zimbabwe has got us stuck in a quagmire. Sport has not been
spared either as political upstarts try everything to gain entry to some
influential positions in every sporting discipline.

                          We have lost so much at international level
in sport because personalities with questionable administrative background
and ability found their way to the top. These people only get involved in
sport in order to help themselves at the expense of the sports personalities
they are supposed to assist. No wonder  most sporting disciplines are worse
off than they were in the early eighties?

                          Sport the world over is highly rewarding but
it is only in Zimbabwe where  a star can die a pauper. Imagine the likes of
Henry Olonga in cricket, Agent Sawu in soccer and Wayne Black in Tennis,  to
name just a few.

                          It is therefore imperative that all the
sporting structures in this country be allowed to breathe again without any
political interference.

                          Lance Saungweme
                          Makomo Section
                           Epworth
                           Harare

                           -----------

                          Why not go all the way?

                          THE decision by the illegal commission
running or is it ruining the affairs of the City of Harare to extort a fee
of $100 000 a day for newspaper vendors was a stroke of genius.  But why
stop there if the idea is to raise revenue by every means possible? Imagine
the billions the municipality could be raking in everyday by charging
shoppers for breathing and walking on the pavements in the CBD.

                          Those intrepid First Street mall preachers
and stuntmen could also be a source of invaluable revenue.  Tourists too
should be made to pay  a fee specifically for enjoying our sunshine.

                           Bambazonke
                           Harare

                         ----------
                          Notable aircraft absent from aviation museum
                          A few of Zimbabwe's early examples of
military aircraft long withdrawn from service are gathered at the National
Aviation Museum in Gweru-forming a small but unique collection of mementoes
of our aviation history.

                           The museum serves to collect and preserve
Zimbabwe's aviation history thus affording ordinary Zimbabweans-who would
otherwise never get the opportunity to come close to an aircraft the chance
to view real aircraft on the ground.

                          The only aircraft currently on display at
the aviation museum are: a De Havilland Vampire FB-9 and its trainer version
the T-11; the English Electric Canberra B-2; the Hunting Percival Provost
Mk-2; the Harvard trainer Mk-24A; the World War 2 vintage Super marine
Spitfire F-22; the Hawker Hunter FGA-9; and an ex-Air Zimbabwe Viscount 748.

                          There is not even a single helicopter save
for an unlabelled and unsightly skeletal helicopter frame which has been
there for years. Yet the Air Force of Zimbabwe (AFZ) currently flies about
four different types of helicopters and even retired an entire fleet of
Augusta Bell AB-205 "Cheetah" helicopters in the mid 1980s.

                          The fact that there are such a few aircraft
at the museum when a lot more could have been there by now boggles the mind.
It shows clear negligence on the part of those whose responsibility is
sourcing aircraft for the museum in general and the AFZ in particular for
not timeously donating each type of aircraft they will no longer be in need
of to the aviation museum.

                          There are some types of aircraft which the
AFZ has flown since the Rhodesian era-several examples of which have since
been withdrawn from service. In addition, over the years-the AFZ has lost
examples of the BN-2s, F-7s, SF-260s, Casa-212s, Alouette-111s and AB-412s
in accidents.

                          However, examples of all these aircraft are
conspicuously absent from the aviation museum. Notably absent are the
Douglas    C-47 Dakota, the Riems Cessna F-337G Lynx and undoubtedly the
most deserving aircraft - the inimitable Aerospatiale Aloutte-111
helicopter.

                           The Aloutte-111 is the legendary workhorse
of the war of liberation and both the Mozambican and the Democratic Republic
of Congo campaigns. Even more, the late Retired Air Vice-Marshal Ian Harvey
made it into the Guinness Book of Records after having logged the most
operational flying hours-over 4000-in the Aloutte-111.

                          These war birds served long, well and
splendidly only to be denied their rightly deserved places at the aviation
museum. Does the AFZ have trouble setting aside at least one type of
aircraft, withdrawn from service, for the museum? After all it is also their
own heritage they are struggling to preserve.

                           Three types of aircraft: Hawk-60s, Hunter
FGA-9s and a Riems F-337G were destroyed when saboteurs hit Thornhill Air
Base in Gweru in 1982. Surprisingly, only one type of the aircraft affected,
a Hunter FGA-9 is on display at the museum. I believe that the authorities
at Thornhill should seriously consider donating other types of aircraft that
were caught up in the sabotage: a Hawk-60 and an F-337g Lynx to the museum.
Displaying these three types of aircraft together will tell a complete story
of the tragic and regrettable dent in Zimbabwe's otherwise impressive
aviation history.

                          The aviation museum should make an effort to
display each aircraft together with its relevant ordnance and accessories;
bombs, missiles, rockets, drop tanks, engines and guns.

                          Given the amount of space still available at
the premises, the museum needs not restrict itself only to aircraft but
cover all aspects of military aviation including anti-aircraft guns,
surface-to-air missiles, radars, parachutes and other similar things.

                          There is need to have a souvenir shop
selling aviation books, videos, aircraft models and posters to visitors. It
is also essential to have well-informed and enthusiastic attendants who have
the love of aviation at heart in attendance at the museum.

                          There is definitely a Hawk, a Lynx, a
Dakota, Casa, F-6, F-7 or an Aloutte-111 somewhere, that the AFZ no longer
needs, stripped of all essential parts, parked in the open, exposed to the
elements and above all, neglected. If only the war birds could be relocated
from their current sites to the National Aviation Museum where they will be
restored and made available to the current and future generations on display
as Zimbabwe's aviation heritage.

                          Cassius  Sande
                           Harare

                           -------------
                          Couple showed true Zimbabwean kindness
                          ON Sunday, 30 April 2006, my friend's
husband was on the balcony when he observed a person slumped at the foot of
their gate.

                          My friend - his wife - asked him to
investigate with caution, especially not knowing what to expect in these
dangerous times.

                          The person slumped at the gate was a man and
had passed out so my friend's husband called out for some water. As they put
the cup to his lips, the man was able to whisper "sugar".

                          My friend rushed back to the house because
she realised he was diabetic and for sure after taking the sugar he was
revived. The following is what he was able to narrate to them.

                          He lived in Shurugwi. However, his house was
struck by lightning and burnt down. He made his way to Harare with whatever
little resources he had. He was hoping to find an uncle so that he could
help him secure a job, which would enable him to raise enough money to
rebuild his home.

                          Regrettably, his uncle has since moved to
Kariba. His next plan was to go to Highlands police to see if he could get a
bus pass for his return journey to Shurugwi. This was after he tried a few
houses for work but without success. The police were not sympathetic and he
was advised to go and find work!

                          So he went about trying to look for work. As
he moved along his health began to suffer and he finally slumped at my
friend's gate.

                          My friend made a parcel for him with food
and drink for his journey back home. The gardener next door was so touched
by the man's plight and by what my friend and her husband had done for the
unfortunate stranger. He gave the man $500 000. The neighbour from across
the road also gave the man $800 000 to help him get home to Shurugwi. On
accepting the gifts from these kind Zimbabweans the man broke down and
started crying.

                          These are true Zimbabweans we know and love,
not the hijackers and thieves that roam this lovely country. We know times
are hard but these four people showed great kindness to a total stranger,
whom without their help would have surely died.

                           Molly
                           Harare

                           -------------
                          How short our memories are
                          I was intrigued by press reports of
President Robert Mugabe and his delegation in Uganda for President "sad
 term" Yoweri Kaguta Museveni's inauguration. How short can our memories be?

                          Uganda and Rwanda killed  many Zimbabwean
soldiers in the conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo so much
that even the government has kept secret the number of our losses. Can we
forget so easily the grievous loss to families and relatives of sons,
brothers and fathers?

                          This is why some of us insist that children
of our political leaders should take part in such military incursions. Would
they have been so ready to embrace Museveni if they had lost their sons in
the jungles of the DRC to Museveni's army? I doubt it.

                          What were our  sacrifices for when today
Mugabe and Museveni can toast - to what? The loss of Zimbabwean soldiers?
                          My heart bleeds

                          Tirivanhu Mhofu
                          Emerald Hill
                          Harare


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'I will help you,' he said. Then he asked for sex



Tanya is just 18. Raped in Zimbabwe and rejected by her husband in the UK,
she fled the marriage and sought asylum. Then she faced a new ordeal. The
official handling her case said he would help her claim. But he also wanted
sex. Jamie Doward and Mark Townsend on a horrifying abuse of power

Sunday May 21, 2006
The Observer

Tanya is the sort of person you notice in a crowd. She has a big, blinding
smile and exudes a magnetic aura, a captivating calmness uncommon among
normal 18-year-olds.
But then Tanya's short, tragic life has been far from normal. When she was
11, Tanya's father died. When she was 15 she was raped by an important donor
to Robert Mugabe's Zanu-PF party. The man pulled strings to ensure the
doctor's report into the rape - and Tanya's allegations - disappeared.
Things got worse. Tanya was accused of making the rape up. People spat at
her in the street. She was branded a 'slut' who was trying to blacken the
name of a respected member of the local community. She plunged into
depression.

At 16, she ran away from home. Her family had arranged for her to leave
Zimbabwe to marry a man in England she barely knew. He was a member of the
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), the political organisation that the
Zanu-PF is intent on destroying. His family was relatively wealthy and
promised money and cattle to Tanya's family in return for her hand in
marriage. Tanya's uncles wanted the marriage to proceed. She claims that
they found her, locked her in a room and beat her with whips until she
agreed to the marriage. Three years later she still has scars on her hands,
legs and back.

She entered the UK on Christmas Day 2003. Upon discovering his bride was not
a virgin, Tanya claims her husband turned on her. 'He always kept going on
about how he was going to get another wife because I wasn't a virgin, how I
never really got raped because I had come on to the man,' Tanya said. She
alleges that her husband, who had successfully claimed asylum, regularly
ensured there was no food in the house they shared in the West Midlands. She
had no money and often went hungry.

Tanya left him after one month of marriage. But her options were limited.
She could not return to Zimbabwe - her rape allegations against the Zanu-PF
donor, and her marriage to an MDC member, meant she was an obvious target
for the country's notorious security services. And she was also in a legal
limbo - her husband withdrew her application for British citizenship shortly
after she fled.

A male friend who knew Tanya's husband offered her a roof over her head. 'He
ended up being violent,' Tanya said. 'I felt I had to keep having sex with
him for him to put me up. There were times when I tried to leave. I went to
the Refugee Council but they couldn't give me a place to stay because I
wasn't an asylum seeker.'

With no money, nowhere to go and few friends Tanya's only option was to
follow her solicitor's advice and claim asylum. She had no choice but to beg
the country she called home not to return her to a brutal dictatorship, a
place where a bang on the door in the small hours pressages rape, torture
and murder.

What happened next constitutes a disturbing abuse of power and raises
fundamental questions about practices within the Immigration and Nationality
Directorate (IND).

Lunar House in East Croydon is an ugly building to house so many people's
dreams. But it is here, behind the concrete walls of the towering office
complex, that those seeking asylum in Britain come to plead their case. What
the officials say and, more importantly, what they do, helps determine an
asylum seeker's fate. Theirs is an extremely powerful position, an asymmetry
between applicant and official emphasised by the reinforced glass screens
from behind which IND staff grill the asylum seekers.

On 5 May, as she nervously clutched her forms detailing her home office
reference number, a letter from her lawyer and a potted, scrawled chronology
of the ugly events that led to her seeking asylum in a faceless office in
Surrey, the Zimbabwean teenager cut a forlorn figure in the Lunar House
waiting room.

James Dawute spied Tanya almost instantly. The chief immigration officer
signalled to a security guard for her to be brought forward. Tanya was
searched and given a ticket with a number on it. Moments later Dawute
approached the teenager and gave her another ticket with a different number.
Instantly she jumped up the queue by several hundred places.

Soon she was being interviewed by a female immigration official only for
Dawute to take over. Once his colleague's back was turned, Dawute passed a
scrap of paper with his telephone number on through the window and asked for
her number in return. She complied.

Tanya claims Dawute suggested he could find accommodation for her in Croydon
that day, but she declined, saying she had no money. Instead he signed some
forms allowing her to claim accommodation and emergency benefits from the
Refugee Council.

Dawute rang two days later, telling Tanya he liked her and wanted to see
her. Tanya claims Dawute he offered to help sort out her leave to remain. He
also transferred £50 into her bank account, the first of three such payments
he was to make over the subsequent fortnight. The following day Dawute
called again saying he couldn't wait to see her and arranged to meet Tanya
in Croydon.

Tanya was torn. She held no illusions about what the man wanted. But she was
terrified of being sent back to Zimbabwe. 'He said he was a really
influential person,' Tanya said. 'What if he could get me my papers and get
me sorted like he promised? But then I realised they could take the papers
off me at any time if it was found out I had to do things with him to get
them.' Her friends in the Zimbabwean community persuaded her to talk to The
Observer with a view to exposing what had happened. Nervously, Tanya agreed.

The self-styled king of Lunar House shaves off his white hair to make
himself look younger. He claims to be 47 but is actually 53. As he sidled up
to Tanya, waiting for him in a platform cafe at East Croydon railway station
last Wednesday afternoon, Dawute was looking forward to the next 24 hours.
He planned to show her off to friends who were meeting in a bar to watch the
Champions League final. He had already thought about the hotel where they
would spend the afternoon.

Over lunch in a noodle bar, the civil servant with five years' experience in
the IND promised to help the teenager. As he did so he took a phone call in
which he discussed booking a hotel room for later that day. 'I will do my
best to make sure you are OK,' he said. 'I know how to win your case.' At
one stage he claimed to be able to obtain her a Ghanaian passport. Several
times during the meal he admitted he wanted to have sex with Tanya. At one
stage Tanya said she could not have sex with Dawute unless he guaranteed to
help her. Dawute told her to 'trust him': 'I'm very honest and I keep my
word.'

Tanya was still unconvinced and asksed why she should go to a hotel with
Dawute. 'I will tell you when we are alone,' Dawute said. 'Because we are
going to have sex.'

When confronted by The Observer, Dawute denied any wrongdoing. He claimed he
was simply trying to put her in touch with an immigration charity and that
he could not help her with her asylum application even if he wanted to. He
denied discussing sex with her.

The Observer intends to hand its evidence to the authorities to let them
decide. In January this year the Sun splashed on 'sex-for-visa' claims made
by a former immigration officer who was based in Lunar House for four years.
'One girl came in and told us an admin officer had visited her flat and they
had slept together. She got indefinite leave to stay,' the whistleblower,
Anthony Pamnani, told the paper.

He revealed how female asylum seekers would ask for officials by name. 'A
Lebanese girl came into the office in a foul temper asking for one of the
guys who worked there,' Pamnani recalled. 'He had moved to another
department. She told us that he'd promised to give her an extension to a
visa and that they had slept together at her flat in Brighton.'

The claims prompted questions in parliament and an official investigation.
But on 14 March this year Baroness Scotland told parliament: 'I am pleased
to say that the investigation found no evidence to support the Sun's central
allegation that there was a corruption 'racket' in the public enquiry office
involving 'sex for visas'.

Scotland admitted the inquiry had unearthed examples of minor misconduct,
but went on to praise staff at Lunar House for their 'hard work' and
'professionalism'.

The civil servant charged with investigating the claims took pains to
emphasise the complexities of the immigration process. Lunar House, he
pointed out, had 140 staff who last year processed more than 120,000
immigration cases. This was separate from Lunar House's Asylum Screening
Unit which hears thousands of cases. Pressures on the system were obvious
throughout the report. 'The office continued to struggle with long queues,
packed waiting areas, lengthy delays for customers and generally poor
standards of service,' it stated.

The report also found evidence male staff had been jumping women to the
front of the queue. 'In several of these cases the unprofessional behaviour
alleged by the Sun is the most likely explanation,' the report disclosed,
before calling for the appointments booking process to be modified to
prevent officials bypassing the system.

But, despite this remarkable admission, little appears to have changed at
Lunar House. Pamnani told The Observer he felt the report had failed to
address his fundamental concerns. 'I felt it was a bit wishy-washy to be
honest,' he said. He was concerned no attempt appeared to have been made to
interview any of the applicants who had allegedly been asked by staff for
sexual favours.

The IND's security and anti-corruption unit is still investigating one
official in Lunar House following a specific allegation made by Pamnani.
When told of The Observer's revelations, Pamnani, who left Lunar House in
disgust at the practices he witnessed, expressed shock. 'This guy is from a
totally different department to the one I mentioned,' Pamnani said. 'This is
explosive; this will cause a lot of problems for the Home Office.'

The official report into the Pamnani affair concluded that questions had to
be asked 'about how IND learns lessons, and retains knowledge from such
episodes.' Given its recent turbulent history many would agree. The picture
that has emerged over the last 12 months is of a chaotic department in which
staff are stretched beyond capacity, bereft of guidance from senior
management and where systems for processing visa and asylum applications are
often ad hoc and open to abuse.

The government's recent failure to identify and deport foreign prisoners is
largely down to chronic problems within an over-stretched IND. Three years
ago, alarmed by mounting public concern over asylum seekers, the Home Office
transferred scores of staff out of deportation to assess asylum claims. And
the astonishing revelation last week by Dave Roberts, the director of
enforcement and removals at the IND, that he had 'not the faintest idea' how
many people were in Britain illegally confirmed the image of a department in
disarray. More embarrassment came on Friday when it emerged that illegal
immigrants had been working in the Home Office for years.

Amid the maelstrom, the government has hardened its stance on immigration,
introducing a new fast-track asylum application process. The statistics tell
the story. At Harmondsworth detention centre, for example, figures obtained
under the Freedom of Information Act reveal 99.6 per cent of fast-track
asylum claims are rejected.

The danger is that the voices of genuine refugees - those such as Tanya, who
will be subjected to violence and persecution if they are returned to their
native countries - are lost.


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Cholera outbreak hits Guruve district



May 21, 2006,

By ANDnetwork .com

GURUVE Hotel has been temporarily closed after an employee was taken
ill with suspected cholera while two other cases of the fatal disease have
been reported at Guruve business centre as officials battle to control an
outbreak that has claimed 15 lives in the district.

  The hotel employee was taken ill on Wednesday, prompting officials
from the Civil Protection Unit stationed in the district and health
officials to be on high alert.

Fruit and vegetable vending has been suspended while food outlets have
been told to suspend operations until the situation is brought under
control.

A Johane Masowe church sect meeting in Gota was also prematurely ended
as more cases continue to surface.

Although Dr Portia Manangazira, the acting co-ordinator in
epidemiology and disease control in the Ministry of Health and Child
Welfare, said the cholera outbreak in Guruve has been brought under control,
new cases keep surfacing.

She said the Ministry of Health was yet to determine the source of the
cholera. A total of 45 cases have been reported in the past two weeks while
15 have been fatal.

Dr Manangazira said the three new cholera cases reported last week
were still being attended to at Guruve District Hospital.

Cholera is an acute intestinal infection caused by the bacterium
vibrio cholerae.

It has a short incubation period, from less than one day to five days,
and produces an enterotoxin that causes a copious, painless, watery
diarrhoea that can quickly lead to severe dehydration and death if treatment
is not promptly given. Vomiting also occurs in most patients.

Experts say most persons infected with vibrio. cholerae do not become
ill, although the bacterium is present in their faeces for seven to 14 days.

When illness does occur, more than 90 percent of episodes are of mild
or moderate severity and are difficult to distinguish clinically from other
types of acute diarrhoea.

Less than 10 percent of ill persons develop typical cholera with signs
of moderate or severe dehydration. Contaminated water and food spread
cholera. Sudden large outbreaks are usually caused by a contaminated water
supply.

Only rarely is cholera transmitted by direct person-to-person contact.
In highly endemic areas, it is mainly a disease of young children, although
breastfeeding infants are rarely affected.

Most cases of diarrhoea caused by vibrio cholerae can be treated
adequately by giving a solution of oral rehydration salts (the WHO/Unicef
standard sachet).

During an epidemic, 80 to 90 percent of diarrhoea patients can be
treated by oral rehydration alone, but patients who become severely
dehydrated must be given intravenous fluids.

In severe cases, an effective antibiotic can reduce the volume and
duration of diarrhoea and the period of vibrio excretion. Tetracycline is
the usual antibiotic of choice, but resistance to it is increasing.

Other antibiotics that are effective when vibrio cholerae are
sensitive to them include cotrimoxazole, erythromycin, doxycycline,
chloramphenicol and furazolidone.

Unlike malaria that occurs in low-lying areas, the same cannot be said
of cholera. There are no safe zones when it comes to cholera outbreaks, said
Dr Manangazira.

"In the past, when a patient was diagnosed of cholera, we would ask
whether they had travelled outside the country to countries like Mozambique
or Zambia as those were the places more prone to cholera," she said.

The amount of water a person uses per day also affects the spread of
the disease. People with easy access to potable water are at a low risk of
contracting cholera, while those without access are at danger of contracting
the disease.

"Community education is the best tool of fighting further outbreaks.
Simple hygienic measures like washing hands before handling food and after
using the toilet, eating hot food and seeking treatment when suffering from
diarrhoea will go a long way in abating the occurrence of a similar outbreak
as well as reducing the number of casualties," explained Dr Manangazira.

She said diarrhoea often leads to dehydration with severely dehydrated
patients dying within an hour.

Drinking water should be safe and those who scoop water from
unprotected sources should boil their water to make it safe. Urban dwellers
should also desist from polluting water as some take advantage of burst
pipes, she said.

Cholera broke out in the Guruve district recently with the worst
affected areas being Kachuta, Matsvitsi, Gota, Mushumbi Pools and, more
recently, Guruve Centre.

Sunday Mail

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