'Mix up delays inflation figures'

http://www.zimonline.co.za/

by Nokuthula Sibanda Monday 25 May 2009

HARARE - Zimbabwe's government Central Statistical Office (CSO) has delayed
issuing inflation figures for April as a result of a mix up in data
collection, a senior CSO official has said.

The figures which were scheduled to be released on April 10, will now be
released at a later date.

"There was a mix up in the data collection so we could not issue the monthly
inflation figures for April," the CSO official, who did not want his name to
be published because he is not authorised to speak to the media, told
ZimOnline at the weekend.

CSO director Moffat Nyoni, could not be reached for comment.

Zimbabwe's month-on-month inflation for March shed 0.1 percentage point from
the February rate to minus three percent, as the cost of food and non-food
commodities dropped again.

Statistics revealed that month-on-month food inflation stood at minus 1.81
percent, shedding 0.99 percentage points on the February rate of 2.80
percent.

Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, who joined his long-time rival President
Robert Mugabe in a power-sharing government, has prioritised the rebuilding
the shattered economy, since taking office in February.

The southern African country has stopped measuring inflation in local
Zimbabwe dollar terms since the government legalised the use of the American
dollar alongside a basket of foreign currencies for all trade.

The last official assessment of Zimbabwe's inflation when the local dollar
was in use came in July last year when it was put at 231 million percent, a
figure that independent economists saw as a gross understatement.

Inflation, once described by Mugabe as Zimbabwe's number one enemy, had come
to symbolise a dramatic economic and humanitarian crisis also seen in acute
shortages of food and basic commodities, amid a cholera epidemic that
infected more than 90 000 people and killed more than 4 000 others.

Analysts see a unity government as providing the best opportunity to revive
Zimbabwe's economy once held as a model for other African countries.

The inclusive government says it needs more than US$8.5 billion over the
next three years to rebuild the crumbling infrastructure and haul the
country's economy from ruin.

But the new Harare administration faces an uphill task raising resources for
its recovery programmes with Western governments that have capacity to
bankroll Zimbabwe's reconstruction insisting they will not provide support
until they see evidence Mugabe is committed to genuinely sharing power with
Tsvangirai. - ZimOnline

Zanu-PF defies Tsvangirai

http://news.iafrica.com

Sun, 24 May 2009 08:35
The information ministry in Zimbabwe has insisted that journalists must have
a licence to work despite a directive by Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai.

The Ministry of Media, Information and Publicity is in Zanu-PF hands and it
has chosen to directly defy an order by Tsvangirai.

The prime minister raised the hopes of reporters this week when he said
foreign and local journalists did not need to have press cards.

He said the notorious Media and Information Commission, headed by Zanu-PF's
Tafataona Mahoso, no longer had a mandate.

On Saturday the information ministry told all reporters they would be
required to apply for press cards from the commission and if journalists
intend to cover the Comesa Summit next week foreigners will have to pay up
to R2000.

The battle for a free press in Zimbabwe is not over yet and it is being
fought at the highest levels.

Eyewitness News

South African Official Opposition demands release of Zimbabwe report

http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk

24 May 2009

By Ellis Ncube

Johannesburg-South Africa's official opposition party, the Democratic
Alliance (DA) has called for the South African Presidency to release the
report compiled by a group of retired army generals to assess the role of
the Zimbabwean security forces in exerting violence during last year's
elections.

The army generals were appointed by former President Thabo Mbeki as part of
South Africa's extended mediation team to resolve the political crisis in
Zimbabwe. They compiled a report which was submitted to the Presidency, but
the report was never released to the public despite numerous requests from
civil society groups.
Former South African President Thabo Mbeki failed to provide reasons for the
government's refusal to release the report.
"This report could go a long way in shedding the much-needed light on the
many human rights violations that characterised Zimbabwe's elections last
year. The victims of the political violence in Zimbabwe will never have
closure until those who were complicit in those atrocities are exposed" said
Athol Trollip, parliamentary leader of the DA.
"News reports continue to emerge to this day from Zimbabwe of political
intimidation and human rights abuses and the contents of this report would
help us understand the dynamics that lie at the heart of it, and the actions
that need to be taken to end any form of political intimidation or violence
in Zimbabwe" he added..
The previous administration's secrecy in dealing with the political
situation in Zimbabwe has created the perception that South Africa is
protecting Robert Mugabe's regime. If the Zuma administration does not
release the report, it will reaffirm this perception.
The DA said they will continue to pressurise the Presidency to ensure that
this report is made public.

Zuma facing first Zim test

http://news.iafrica.com

Article By: Jean-Jacques Cornish
Fri, 22 May 2009 12:07

President Jacob Zuma faces his first foreign policy test on Zimbabwe.

The troubled Southern African country has been given a seal of approval by
its regional neighbours as its unity government reaches the 100-day
landmark.

Regional group SADC has been asked to break Zimbabwe's deadlock over the
appointment of the central bank chief and the attorney-general.

With South Africa currently leading the 15-nation grouping, this puts the
load squarely on Zuma's shoulders.

SADC, headed by Zuma's predecessor Thabo Mbeki, brokered Zimbabwe's
power-sharing deal.

The development community's Tomaz Salamao says the region has not been
officially informed of any deadlock in Harare.

He insists SADC is very satisfied with the progress made by the inclusive
government.
Eyewitness News

Zimbabwe in Transition: A 100-Day Report Card

http://www.time.com/

By A TIME Correspondent in Harare Saturday, May. 23, 2009

It's been 100 days since Zimbabwe passed from crisis into the hands of the
strange and strained partnership of the President Robert Mugabe, who has
ruled autocratically since 1987, and Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, who
defeated Mugabe in a controversial election last year but, despite intense
international pressure, was not able to oust him from power.

Not everything is bad. Tsvangirai has made some progress in resurrecting
Zimbabwe's all-but-dead economy. Schools that closed in September last year
after teachers went on strike have re-opened. Zimbabweans can now buy basic
goods in shops that were not available for 10 years such as maize meal,
sugar, cooking oil and salt (these had to be purchased in neighboring
Botswana and South Africa and brought into the country). "I think they have
done a lot," says economist John Robertson, "but prices must go down and
that will only happen only when production improves." He adds, "Our [labor
costs] are still high compared to other countries in the region."

Infrastructure and sanitation remain huge problems. Major roads are still in
need of repair; large towns still do not have safe tap water. Meanwhile,
schools cannot provide students with textbooks; and civil servants grumble
over the $100 monthly salary they receive. Meanwhile, Zimbabwe owes
international financial organizations more than $1 billion. While the World
Bank has agreed to resume aid to Zimbabwe for the first time since 2000 with
a tentative $22m grant, bigger loans will only resume after Harare retires
its debt.

Western aid could help alleviate some aspects of Zimbabwe's perpetual
crisis. Zimbabwe is looking for about $8.5bn to revive its battered economy
but Western donors have refused to release meaningful amounts of development
aid until the new government shows evidence of true reform. Robertson
asks,"Is Mugabe willing to meet the conditions [set by the West] of rule of
law etc.... He has shown he is not ready to do so." He adds, "Unless the
west comes in, things like cholera outbreaks will remain as we cannot afford
to replenish our water and sewage system."

The sticking point is democratic freedoms, particularly the right of
journalists to report the news. Prime Minister Tsvangirai had declared that
all the banned foreign media organizations - such as CNN and BBC - were now
free to operate from Zimbabwe. But Mugabe's faction has not made operating
easy, especially for the local reporters that the foreign media often hire
to help gather information.

The plight of Zimbabwean journalists remains dire. Earlier this month, two
Zimbabwe Independent editors, Vincent Kahiya and Constantine Chimakure were
arrested for publishing a story the government said was "materially false
and meant to make the public develop hatred towards the police." The paper
had written a story revealing names of police officers who had allegedly
tortured human rights activists in jail. "It seems there is still a long way
to go in so far as human rights issues are concerned," says Leonard Makombe,
a political commentator."That might strangle the government as it depends on
Western aid for survival. That aid can only come if human rights violations
and media freedom is seen to be done and not talked about."

The government has not repealed draconian media laws nor introduced a new
media governing board as promised. Says Makombe, "The much talked about 100
days have gone by and it is still no show. All [politicians] talk about is
the economy and why so and so has not released funds yet they have other
major issues to address."

Meanwhile, Tsvangirai accuses Mugabe of making unilateral decisions in
appointing senior government officials such as the attorney general, the
central bank head and diplomats. The Prime Minister's political party, the
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), has since called on the Southern
African Development Community (SADC) - which brokered the power-sharing
deal - to mediate between it and Mugabe's party, the Zimbabwe African
National Union (ZANU). The MDC accuses Mugabe and Zanu of stonewalling on
issues such as the continued arrests of pro-democracy activists, lawyers and
journalists and the ongoing invasions of white-owned farms.

The government's response to charges of journalistic harrasment has been ask
for patience. "Journalists need to put everything into perspective," says
Webster Shamu, Zimbabwe information minister and a Mugabe appointee. "When
[the coalition] started we first needed to study and learn to trust each
other. We have achieved that and we are now looking at the problems our
people are facing. It would be wrong to say the first 100 days were wasted.
They were 100 days of serious hard work."

Unity govt making good progress: Tsvangirai

'Chekera's conclusion on Mukoko is wrong'

http://www.zimonline.co.za/

by Harrison Nkomo Monday 25 May 2009

OPINION: Since the abduction, torture and subsequent appearance of Jestina
Mukoko in court, a number of Zimbabweans, scattered all over the world,
possibly because of the unbearable economic turf in their mother country,
have penned articles expressing their opinions.

I come from a background where expression of one's opinion has to be
respected regardless of how nerve touching that opinion is.

I must emphasise that, all who have passed through a school of journalism
know that it is a cardinal rule that, the facts are sacred and should not be
tampered with. The comment is the opinion of the writer and s/he has all the
space in the world to express it.

Of all the articles that I have read both in print and electronic media, the
article by Silas Chekera cannot go unchallenged because it makes a wrong
conclusion of what happened or what is happening in cases that involve
Jestina and others.

For this, Chekera can be forgiven in the sense that he makes an admission in
his article that he has been observing the legal proceedings from a
distance.

However, as a lawyer who is defending Charles Taylor in the highest court of
the universe he cannot be forgiven for his wrong conclusion of the law,
which I shall deal with substantively here below.

To enlighten readers, I shall try to give a factual background of how
Jestina Mukoko specifically, Gandhi Mudzingwa, Kisimusi Dhlamini, Zacharia
Ndabaningi Nkomo (not Ezekiel), Andrison Manyere, Mukwezaramba Chinoto Zulu,
Broderick Takawira and many others (who have become known as abductees)
found themselves in police custody.

On December 3, 2008 at around 0500hrs, Jestina was asleep at her place of
residence when members of the Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) forced
her into the back of a Mazda 323 Familia.

The issue of Jestina's abductors, being members of the CIO was brought to
the defence's attention in proceedings in the High Court under Case No.
7169/08 by the state itself led by chief superintendent Magwenzi, who
apparently is the investigating officer in this case.

Brothers, sisters, friends and workmates, having carried a diligent search
on the whereabouts of Jestina for 19 days and 19 nights, Peter Magwenzi
received Jestina Mukoko whilst in her blindfold from members of the CIO, a
fact he admits in his affidavit. This portion shall be revisited later.

At the time of her abduction, Jestina was in her nightdress, without
undergarments also without her spectacles. She had no shoes on. She
requested to change, but her captors would not allow her.

Having been incommunicado for 19 days where various acts of torture in the
form of assaults under the feet, being held in a room where she would need
to ask her captors for a toilet every-time she needed to relieve herself,
she was handed over to the police on December 24, 2008 on a charge of
recruiting one person for the purposes of committing acts of insurgency,
banditry, sabotage and terrorism.

It will be helpful to the readership to know that, whilst she was still
incommunicado, a brave brother of hers, instructed lawyers to approach the
High Court on an urgent basis seeking among other things that, if the state
had her in their custody, and charging her with an offence, she should
immediately be taken before a magistrate.

These are basics in law, needless for me to emphasise that the law as it
entails in Zimbabwe required Jestina, if at all she had committed an offence
be arrested by the police (not abducted) and taken to court as soon as is
reasonably possible, not after 19 days without access to relatives or
lawyers.

The order was granted. Apart from that, a criminal act having been
perpetrated upon Jestina, a report of kidnapping was lodged with the Norton
Police Station.

The legal advisor to the Commissioner of Police, Chief Supt Nzombe on
December 8, 2008 wrote to the defence advising that investigations into the
abduction of Jestina had commenced under Report Received Book 0438167
(commonly known as RRB) and Crime Register 54/12/08.

The police, it was the advice, did not have Jestina in their custody and
were treating this matter as kidnapping. This can now be loosely tied to the
handing over of Jestina by her captors to Peter Magwenzi December 24, 2008.

If a docket had been opened in good faith, what a reasonable and impartial
police officer would have done was to immediately arrest the people who
brought the person whom by their own records admit that he had been
kidnapped. A very strange decision by the police.

The complainant, instead of being asked to explain her stay in captivity and
nail down those who had violated her rights, was locked up in Matapi Police
Station. Readers might also want to be reminded that Matapi Police Station
was condemned as unfit for human habitation by our Constitutional Court.

Various other applications followed but I shall confine myself to only
relevant ones for the purposes of this article.

As a result of the denial of her medication, torture and unlawful detention,
Jestina and all those in her umbrella fell ill whilst locked up in Chikurubi
Maximum Security Prison.

Various court orders for their release into hospital for examination and
treatment fell on deaf ears.

For Jestina specifically, upon her abduction, medical reports show that she
was weighing 70kgs. Whilst in Chikurubi, her weight deteriorated to 52kgs,
and she had to continue languishing in remand prison, with the Attorney
General making public comments that Jestina was the most dangerous criminal
under this sun.

A constitutional application was filed and before the main argument on the
merits could be heard, the Chief Justice ruled she had no automatic right of
audience in the Constitutional Court as she was pending before another
court, the Magistrates Court.

Although I personally disagree with the learned Chief Justice's restrictive
and technical interpretation of Section 24 of the Constitution, and such
interpretation is not in line with precedents that is now the law of the
land.

An application was mounted in the Magistrates Court for the referral of the
case to the Constitutional Court and the magistrate duly granted that order.

Before both admission to bail and indictment, the Constitutional Court was
seized with Jestina's matter and on June 25, 2009, the court shall among
other things decide, whether, the circumstances surrounding her arrest
constitutes an inhuman and degrading punishment and to that end should she
be tried when in fact she is a complainant in a case of admitted abduction.

This now brings us to the issue that invited Mr Chekera to comment, a
comment that was published by the Independent Newspaper on page 6 of its
publication of 15-21 May 2009.

When the state sought to indict the abductees, an argument was raised as to
whether it was proper for the state to indict for trial at the High Court, a
person whose matter is pending in the Constitutional Court.

In his wisdom, the Chief Justice in his earlier ruling on the Constitutional
matter found that a person cannot be appearing before two courts
simultaneously.

This in my view applies with equal force to the current scenario. If the
Constitutional Court will order a permanent stay of proceedings on a day
where the High Court is convicting, what would happen to the justice
delivery system?

It goes without question that it will cause confusion, which might lead to
society revolting.

The second argument before the court was that the Attorney General must
extend the accused person's bail as the ultimate authority tasked with
prosecutorial powers.

These were the two strong arguments of the defence. It is a burning issue,
and so stands that upon their admission to bail, an officer from the
Attorney General's office called the defence and advised that he was
consenting to bail because JOMIC and the political actors had agreed that
the accused must be admitted to bail.

It is common cause that the arrest of the abductees is political. The papers
show that the abductees are being prosecuted because of their alleged
intention to cause instability so as to propel the MCD-T party and undermine
the then ZANU PF government.

After the formation of the GNU, it remains a fact that Morgan Tsvangirai, as
Prime Minister is part of that government. How then can Morgan be clean?

How can he shake hands, sit on the same table for the purposes of wining and
dining with President Mugabe when he wanted to remove him by
unconstitutional means.

How can Morgan be clean when those who support his cause to the extent of
trying to remove President Mugabe and install him as a leader are being
prosecuted?

Does it not stand to reason that, if it is accepted that Morgan had soldiers
on the ground to commit insurgency, banditry and terrorism, he is a
co-accused who ought to be in the dock.  Food for thought.

 Like it or not, the arrest of the abductees is political and there is
nothing wrong in the process of argument to raise it. Raising it shows
weakness on the part of the state case. It shows inequality before the law
and a serious traverse of justice.

It has always been, and so is the case, that each case must be treated on
its merits. An arrest that is politically motivated cannot escape political
comment right from arrest to conviction or acquittal.

Chekera speaks with certainty that there will be no immediate end to Jestina
Mukoko's woes. I should warn my brother that such statement is very
dangerous, especially coming from one who has been observing from a distance
and who also worked in the AG's office.

Does he know something we do not know? Such a statement can either come from
the Attorney General who claims to have a case against Jestina or the
defence under instruction to litigate on her behalf.

How someone sitting in The Hague, comes up with such conclusion, not only
conclusion but also conclusion with certainty, the mind boggles.

Mistake number 1. Chekera goes on to say that "Mukoko had been on bail after
months without charge".

Mistake number 2. It is a wrong conclusion of the law that a person can be
remanded in custody without a charge. I have no doubt in my mind that
Chekera is fully aware of it.

What I learnt from law school, in the moot room (which I have no doubt
Chekera passed through) is that, a charge "is the official notification
given to the individual by the competent authority of an allegation that he
has committed an offence".

Even a police constable coming out of Morris Depot, upon approaching a
person partaking of alcohol in a public place will say in Shona
"ndokucharger" or in Ndebele "ngiyakucharger". It means that a person is
charged at the time of his arrest.

Any suggestion that Jestina after being warned and cautioned and
subsequently remanded in custody remained not charged is wrong especially
coming from someone who is a lawyer and litigating at such high fora. For
missing the fact, he can be forgiven, but on this wrong conclusion, Chekera
cannot be forgiven.

For those of us who are in this unfavourable turf for practising law, we
expect those who had exposure, and firing their bullets from a distance to
assist in improving issues like the rule of law, good governance and
democracy.

Chekera conveniently left out how Jestina found herself in court for
indictment. A legal process in criminal cases does not start with
indictment.

The story of Jestina and others that I have given above shows that quite a
number of human rights issues call for consideration.

In Chekera's wisdom, it is a legal and not political process for a person to
be abducted, kept incommunicado for 19 days and only to be handed over and
be jailed at the end of the day.

If he does not agree with it, assuming he is a human rights lawyer of
international repute, why did he not respond and put pen to paper.

In the same article he also makes a fatal admission that shoots down his
entire argument. He says that "whether or not the charges against Mukoko
have any basis and going by history, I suspect there is none".

It is abundantly clear that Chekera admits that the charges against Jestina
are not derived from a legal conviction. If not a legal conviction, what
other basis is there?

The inescapable conclusion is that her charges are politically motivated,
making it difficult for anyone dealing with such cases to confine himself to
that road alone.

They say experience is the best teacher. It is easy to comment from afar
than really execute the mandate on the ground.

The Coltarts of this world will bear testimony of how difficult it was to
handle such cases during the Matebeleland atrocities.

I challenge him to lead by example on how to handle such cases by referring
to a Zimbabwean case of the same magnitude that he has handled.

No offence intended, but am hoping to learn from the big brother who
obviously has done so well to the extent of being appointed Charles Taylor's
lawyer.

Finally, Chekera's conclusion of the law for once, as regards indictment is
correct. He tenders his advice duty free, that instead of making political
statements, the defence should have applied for bail which was not opposed
as it turned out.

This casts aspersions of doubt on his ability. How on earth then was the
defence supposed to apply for bail that was not opposed.

For the record, bail was opposed and knowing that only the High Court had
jurisdiction to entertain bail, exactly 30 minutes after their committal to
prison, the High Court had received 18 separate bail applications for the
people who had been indicted.

There is no way the defence would have made a bail application before the
magistrate because Section 66 of the Criminal Procedure and Evidence Act,
clear as it is, provides that the application is to be made to the trial
court, in this case the High Court.

How could the defence have simply made a bail application before a
magistrate, who according to the law had no jurisdiction to entertain it, if
the AG is opposed to it?

Incarceration of Jestina could have been avoided by the state advising the
court upon indictment that it was extending bail to the accused until
conviction or acquittal.

It is factually wrong for Chekera to conclude that bail was not opposed.

The AG's office advised of its change of attitude after it had had sight of
the bail applications when the matter had already been set down the
following day before Justice Mtshiya.

**Harrison Nkomo is one of Mukoko's lawyers and Partner in the firm of
Mtetwa & Nyambirai  -- ZimOnline

Generous packages for axed governors

http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=16888

May 24, 2009

By Gift Phiri

HARARE - Zimbabwe's bankrupt administration is to fork out a huge severance
package to each of  six Zanu-PF aligned provincial governors who were axed
from government last week.

The golden handshake will include a cash payoff of US$1 200 to each of the
six officials. The package has been boosted by the offer of two motor
vehicles each, as well as allowances for housing, cell phones, electricity
and rates, The Zimbabwe Times has learnt.

The governors will leave with a tax-free payout of US$1 200, or 12 months
pay at the current allowance of US$100 per month which government is paying
to all civil servants.

The government initially offered the six retired Zanu-PF governors six
months pay and other benefits but official sources say the final payout
figure was agreed after President Mugabe and the governors settled on a 12
month package. The governors undertook not to pursue any further claims
against the government.

Prime Minister Tsvangirai on Thursday announced a cocktail of surprise
concessions made by President Mugabe including agreeing to several key
appointments that had for long been demanded by his Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) and resisted by Mugabe.

Mugabe reversed his unilateral appointment of 10 provincial governors all
selected from his Zanu-PF party. The MDC will now fill five of the posts
with Arthur Mutambara's MDC appointing one.

Tsvangirai announced the line up of new governors appointed by the MDC.
James Makore was appointed to replace Harare Metropolitan governor David
Karimanzira of Zanu-PF, while Seiso Moyo will replace Bulawayo metropolitan
governor Cain Mathema also of Zanu-PF. The MDC national council member and
former Women's Assembly chairperson, Lucia Matibenga, is now the governor of
Masvingo Province, taking over from Titus Maluleke.

Hwange East legislator Tose Sansole will replace Zanu-PF's Thokozile
Mathuthu as Matabeleland North governor while Julius Magaramombe, the MDC's
losing candidate for Buhera North Constituency in the March 2008 elections,
will replace Christopher Mushowe in Manicaland.

Zanu-PF retains governors in the three Mashonaland provinces as well as in
the Midlands, while the MDC led by Mutambara is still to name a governor for
Matabeleland South.

Official sources say the appointment of governors and other concessions were
designed to pre-empt the appeal by the MDC to the SADC and the African
Union, guarantors of the power-sharing deal that gave birth to the inclusive
government, to forestall outside intervention in the resolution of other
outstanding issues.

Prime Minister Tsvangirai told a news conference at Munhumutapa Building
Thursday: "In accordance with the formula agreed between the negotiators for
the respective parties, namely, five (governors) for MDC-T, four for Zanu-PF
and one for MDC-M, the provincial governors will be sworn in at the soonest
opportunity. In addition, the principals decided that the six governors
whose tenure is to be terminated as a result of this agreement will be paid
an agreed compensation."

Official sources privy to the severance package told The Zimbabwe Times that
the entire cash pay-off for the governors will be tax-free.

"This has been a slow and frustrating process," Tsvangirai told the news
briefing Thursday.

Joint PACENET –ZESN interim statement on 2009 Parliamentary and Presidential elections

Mugabe: Who will cast the first stone?

http://www.zimbabwejournalists.com

24th May 2009 17:15 GMT

By Chenjerai Chitsaru

AS he witnessed the inauguration of Malawi 's Bingu waMutharika last week,
President Mugabe must have wondered if he would see another inauguration of
his own presidency - for the umpteenth time.

Mutharika is serving his second term in a country which has had only three
presidents since independence in 1964.- 45 years ago. But that was only
because, like Mugabe, the first president, Kamuzu Banda, would not give up
power until he had no choice.

Mugabe has been in power since independence in 1980, and for  more or less
for the same reason: he would not give up until he was left with no choice
but to do so.

Banda, Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia and Mugabe, were in the same one-party,
one-leader political mould, pioneered by Kwame Nkrumah. It might also  have
had something to do with the ill-fated federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland
, the struggle against which all three cut their political teeth.

On the other hand, it might have been something entirely individual: all
three men were latent control freaks but probably didn't recognise this
obnoxious trait until it was too late.

WaMutharika was not always known by that name: he had a perfectly ordinary
Christian first name, but changed everything to disguise his identity
because he did not want one person to trace him: that man was Kamuzu Banda,
whose 30-something-year reign of Malawi was marked by much bloodshed of
Malawians, including unarmed, innocent citizens.

In Zambia, Kaunda  cannot be said to have presided over the bloodshed of
many of his fellow citizens. To be sure, there was an attitude towards
political opponents which was extremely hostile, to say the least.

Kaunda's one-party obsession ended only when the economy sabotaged it:
people didn't believe he had given their independence the kind of meaning
they had hoped for: enough food on the table, enough schools, enough
hospitals, enough jobs, enough shelter, and even enough freedom of
expression, of association of everything.

Incidentally, exactly the same gripe has undermined Mugabe's dream of an
eternal one-party political system in Zimbabwe.

His own party seems to be rising against him, if reports of loud,
acrimonious bickering in the highest organs of the party are to be believed.
There is no way these reports could be the figment of an editor's
imagination, or the work of "the country's enemies", the ubiquitous,
invisible, but apparently powerful saboteurs who have caused so much damage
since independence.

In nearly 30 years in power, Mugabe cannot honestly claim any remarkable
achievements, apart from keeping his party in power. Neither economically
nor politically can he claim to have improved the country - until he acceded
to the inclusive government last year.

If he complains of backstabbing, cynics are bound to wonder why he would
expect integrity in this game, in which he has been involved for so long and
in which he himself has not performed with any remarkable "cleanliness"
either.

If there are any heavyweights working towards an accommodation by the
resurgent MDC-T, this should not shock anyone, at least not any one Zanu PF.
That party itself has been involved in worse political hanky-panky than
this.

What should worry ordinary people is the savagery  of the infighting and the
consequences to the political and economic atmosphere in general. Zanu PF
teems with corrupt elements, apart from people who are used to ruthless
guardianship of their positions..

There is so much at stake, for the old guard and the so-called new blood in
the party, neither side may put the welfare of the country anywhere near
what they consider their list of priorities of their political survival.

The responsibility night rest with the MDC-T to ensure that it is not
contaminated by the fast-spreading disease in Zanu PF. Incidentally, it
ought to be acknowledged in the high echelons of the opposition  that they
are as vulnerable to temptation as any of the Zanu PF members.

The evidence of this was the fiasco over the second-hand cars offered by the
RBZ to MPs. The emotion with which some opposition  MPs reacted was
dangerously "Zanu PF".

Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara were counseled to be firmer with
their members. Any lowering of discipline and integrity to the levels the
people have become accustomed to seeing

in Zanu PF would be disastrous for both formations come election time.

What makes the potential for an explosion in Zanu PF a real possibility is
the party's long-established propensity for violence. The late Simon Muzenda
once warned that if there was an open challenge to

Mugabe's leadership there would be bloodshed. He was probably right, but
only because violence has always pervaded most Zanu PF conflicts.

Yet the party could learn valuable lessons from the South African  example:
Thabo Mbeki's ouster by Jacob Zuma did cause a rupture, but not enough to
plunge the party into a bloody crisis.

In the subsequent elections, the ANC did lose ground, but not enough to lose
power entirely. It's now up to Zuma how to ensure that the population in
general does not turn against the ANC, because of the usual failures of
African political parties: not enough food on the table not enough schools
jobs . so on and so forth.

The Malawi elections had their bizarre elements. The sudden closure of the
borders was almost vintage Kamuzu Banda. Any sign, however insignificant, of
opposition gains, had to be nipped in the bud.

To many observers, the chances of waMutharika being beaten by a coalition
featuring Bakhili Muluzi and John Tembo seemed distinctly remote. Tembo took
over the Malawi Congress Party from Kamuzu Banda and that party's reputation
remains one of corruption and violence.

Muluzi burnt his bridges when he tried for a third term after serving the
two terms allowed him under the Constitution. He also seemed to have had
personal problems during his presidency.

To many Malawian voters, a combination of the two seemed highly undesirable.

The bigger picture must be that the party which brought independence to
Malawi , the MCP, may never regain power again, just as Kaunda's UNIP in
Zambia , may never win another election ever.

There must be Zanu PF members acutely aware of the same fate befalling their
party. Under Mugabe, they could never win another election. Even under any
other leader, their chances of winning must be judged to be problematical.
Zanu PF is now bound to go the way of the MCP and UNIP.

What lies behind the failure of the three parties constitutes what might be
described as a universal dilemma for African political parties all over: the
failure to translate independence into enough food on the table, enough
health care, enough schools.etc etc etc.

Zimbabwe Vigil Diary – 23rd May 2009

The Vigil has been protesting outside the Zimbabwe Embassy every Saturday for going on 7 years – come rain or shine. Today it was shine but, despite the formation of the government of national unity 3 months ago, the Vigil is agreed that we must continue our weekly demonstrations.

Many passers-by stopped to look at our display of photographs. As always, people were horrified. They saw a pageant portraying a society degenerating into savagery: torture and starvation victims, the grotesque torched bodies of victims of election violence, the bloody faces of victims of farm invasions, the emaciated victims in the holocaust jails – victims of a regime that still shows no sign of respecting the rule of law.

The Zanu / MDC government says it would like to normalise relations with the donor countries – meaning the West. Who else is there? Thanks China for US $5 million. But can the coalition government deny the reality of what our photo gallery is telling the world every week?

A large group gathered after the Vigil for the first of our planned monthly forums to discuss the way forward. The overwhelming message was: we will continue until there is real change. Sadly, the general view was pessimistic. Many people thought the MDC should pull out of this government. 

The forum discussed the asylum question. Many were concerned that some people were using the Vigil to get help with asylum claims and once they were successful they disappeared.  Supporters at the meeting reaffirmed that we were about human rights in Zimbabwe.

Supporters were given explanations from Vigil Co-ordinator Rose Benton about the message of the Vigil and from Luka Phiri of the Vigil management team about the role of our partners, the Zimbabwe Association. Ephraim Tapa, President of Restoration of Human Rights in Zimbabwe, arrived in time from a meeting in Milton Keynes to explain the position of ROHR.

It was an auspicious start for our monthly meetings.  Thanks to the following who signed the register: Batson Chapata, Chipo Chaya, Fungayi Mabhunu, Moses Kandiyawo, Francesca Toft, Patson Muzuwa, Dumi and Gugu Tutani, Arnold Kuwewa, Luka Musaka, Luka Phiri, Kimpton Samkange, Reginald Gwasira, Addley Nyamutaka, Dennis and Rose Benton, Ephraim Tapa, Judith Makonza, Edward Mhangwa, Perkins Matereke, Charles Gasa, Hazvinei Kanyowa, Edwick Office, Stewart Chikwature, Annah Zinhuka, Luke Chinopfukutwa, Ritha Chitapi, Audrey Ntoto, David Kadzutu, Jennifer Hukura, Orpay Mkandhla, Thelma Madzimbamuto, Sarak Makedenge, Ian Pocock, Maxwell Muganhiri, Corsini Togaraseyi, Rugare Chifungo, Chido Brighton Mbwizhu, Tapiwa Chakare, Lynnet Bororwe, Aggrey Gazi, Succeed Mutandwa, Josefina Deka, Molly Mujati, Edna Mdoka, Opah Gwashavanhu, Peter Sidindi – and to others who had to leave for far-flung places before the register was passed round.

We are planning Vigil forums on a monthly basis. Upstairs at the Theodore Bullfrog is booked for Saturday 27^th June and Saturday 25^th July.

Finally three members of the Vigil management team are celebrating their birthdays this week – happy birthday to Chipo Chaya, Luka Phiri and Addley Nyamutaka.

For latest Vigil pictures check: http://www.flickr.com/photos/zimbabwevigil/

FOR THE RECORD: 223 signed the register.

FOR YOUR DIARY:

·   Central London Zimbabwe Forum. Monday 25^th May. No forum because it is a public holiday.

·   ROHR Northampton and Kettering general meeting. Saturday, 30th May from 1.30 – 5.30 pm.  Venue: St Mary's Church, Abbey Road, Northampton, NN4 8EZ. Rohr President and Executive plus a well known lawyer present. Substantive committee to be elected. Contact: Norian Chindowa 07954379426, A Chimimba 07799855806, Willard Mudonzvo 07591686724, Marshall Rusike 07884246888, Hazvineyi Masuka 07795164664, P Mapfumo 07915926323/07932216070.

·   ROHR Brighton general meeting. Saturday 30th May from 1.30 – 5.30 pm. Venue: The Community Base, Queens Road, Brighton. Some committee gap fillings to be done. Contact: Sinikiwe Dube 07824668763, Phyllis Chibanguza 07908406069/07535936460, Seph Mpofu 07786164808 or P Mapfumo 07915926323/07932216070.

·   ROHR West Bromwich launch meeting. Saturday 6th June from 1.30 – 5.30 pm. Venue: West Bromwich Town Hall, High Street, B70 8DT. Contact: Pamela Dunduru 07958386718, Rejoice Moyo 07884126754 or P Mapfumo 07915926323/07932216070

·   ROHR Bournemouth general meeting. Saturday 6th June from 1.30 – 5.30 pm. Venue: East Cliff Reformed Church, Holdenhurst Road, BH8 8AW. Come in numbers lets make it our Zimbabwean Day soon after Africa Day. Zimbabweans lets Roooooh together in this Struggle for ROHR. Contact: Mike Mhene 07774521837, Abigail Nzimba 07917458873 or Gift Pfupa 07909831158
ROHR Liverpool general meeting. Saturday 6th June from 1.30 – 5.30 pm. Venue:  Prescot Lodge, 52-56 Prescot Road, Liverpool L7 0JA. Contact: Desire Chimuka 07917733711, Anywhere Mungoyo 07939913688 0r Patrick Kushonga 07900857605

·   Service of solidarity with the torture survivors of Zimbabwe.  Friday 26^th June from 7 – 8 pm. Venue: Southwark Cathedral. This is the 8^th year the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum has marked UN International Day in Support of Victims of Torture. For more information, visit: http://www.hrforumzim.com.

·   Zimbabwe Vigil Forum. Saturday 27^th June at 6.30 pm. Upstairs at the Theodore Bullfrog, John Adam Street, London WC2N 6HL.

·   Zimbabwe Vigil Forum. Saturday 25^th July at 6.30 pm. Upstairs at the Theodore Bullfrog, John Adam Street, London WC2N 6HL.

·   Zimbabwe Association’s Women’s Weekly Drop-in Centre. Fridays 10.30 am – 4 pm. Venue: The Fire Station Community and ICT Centre, 84 Mayton Street, London N7 6QT, Tel: 020 7607 9764. Nearest underground: Finsbury Park. For more information contact the Zimbabwe Association 020 7549 0355 (open Tuesdays and Thursdays).

Vigil Co-ordinators

The Vigil, outside the Zimbabwe Embassy, 429 Strand, London, takes place every Saturday from 14.00 to 18.00 to protest against gross violations of human rights in Zimbabwe. The Vigil which started in October 2002 will continue until internationally-monitored, free and fair elections are held in Zimbabwe. http://www.zimvigil.co.uk.

Muzhingi jubilant at winning comrades

http://www.iol.co.za/

    May 24 2009 at 09:00PM

Stephen Muzhingi rejoiced after winning the 2009 Comrades Marathon,
from Pietermaritzburg to Durban, in 5:23:26, the second fastest time in
history.

The 33 year-old Zimbabwean said he realised after Cowies Hill that he
was in with a chance and when he passed defending champion and record
holder, Leonid Shvetsov, he could tell he was in stronger shape and knew
then that he could win.

"Coming into the race, my only aim was to run sub 5:30. When I was
about 100 metres behind Leonid, I started to relax but when I caught him, I
knew I had the race."

He hadn't thought about the record, 5:20:41, set by Shvetsov in 2007,
but about three kilometres from the finish, spectators told him he had a
chance to go for it, so he ran faster. However, by then it was too late.

Muzhingi, who was third last year, said he always knew he had the
potential to be a successful long distance runner, but having a coach has
given his running a structure which he didn't have before and having a
sponsor means there is now food on the table.

"I'm still confused and don't know what's happening," said the
jubilant Muzhingi said after the race. "I will be investing the money in
various businesses in Zimbabwe," he joked.

He hopes to run a few races in Europe next.

"Maybe the Zimbabwe government will give me a cash incentive like they
gave the Olympic swimmer (Kirsty Coventry)," he said hopefully.

Shvetsov, who was having difficulty walking afterwards, said he wanted
to pay tribute to Collen Makaza, the Zimbabwean who set the pace for the
first half of the race.

The Russian always believed in running his own race, but when he
realised that Makaza was ten minutes ahead of him at the halfway mark, he
had to push himself more than he would normally have done to narrow the gap.

"I've always said you have to pace yourself and run your own race but
I didn't do it. It's proof that I am human and not invincible."

Shvetsov said he had sinus problems before the race and also
experienced a few niggles along the way, which he tried to ignore but he
struggled towards the end.

"The last 10km were the hardest 10km of my life. Every little hill
felt like Polly Shortts. I even walked twice during the race to try and
preserve some energy.

"It was so difficult, I thought I would die," he laughed. He admitted
to cramping badly after the race as well but, thankfully, not during the
race.

Charles Tjiane, the first South African home, had lead the race after
Makaza slowed down but he also faded just before Pinetown and did well to
come back and finish third in 5:34:20.

The women's race saw the Nurgalieva twins running neck and neck most
of the way but seven kilometres from the end, Olesya broke away from her
sister, Elena, to win the race in 6:12:11.

"We ran the Two Oceans six weeks ago so our energy was down. Seven
kilometres from the end, we were told that the next person was only three
minutes behind us so we went faster," said Elena, who finished in 6:13:13,
"but Olesya was stronger than me."

The 33 year-old twins said they would be back again in 2010 as they
enjoyed being in South Africa.

"We are not so well-known in Russia and we are happy to live a
low-profile, quiet life there," admitted Elena, "but we will continue to
race in South Africa and possibly enter the City to City marathon later in
the year."

Tatyana Zhirkova finished in third place (6:15:02) and the first South
African home was Farwa Mentoor, in fifth place, in 6:45:32.

The cut off time for the "down" run from Pietermaritzburg to Durban,
is 12 hours. - Sapa