Act on Zimbabwe — protesters

The Times, SA

Published:May 26, 2008

Tamlyn Stewart

Five hundred people marched to the Union Buildings in Pretoria yesterday
morning, calling on the government to take action to end the political
violence in Zimbabwe.

Gugulethu Moyo, from the Stand Up for Zimbabwe campaign, said: “We call for
immediate and effective action to end the political violence in Zimbabwe, by
South Africa and the SADC.”

“The point was made that much of the violence happening here [South Africa]
is against Zimbabweans because the largest group happens to be Zimbaweans
because of the crisis there.”

The march was planned for Africa Day as part of the launch of the campaign,
started by a group of non-government organisations based in Southern Africa
and concerned about the protection of human rights and democracy in
Zimbabwe.

How rhetoric has denied Africa dignity

Business Daily, Kenya

Written by Grace Kwinjeh

May 26, 2008: The post-election crisis in Zimbabwe and the unrest in
South Africa are a manifestation of deeper, complex issues to do with global
capitalism and its vampire-like tendencies.

At the root of the problems is the failure of African governments to
deal with these dimensions of the global crisis: food shortages and price
rises, oil speculation, financial meltdowns and higher interest rates.

These manifest themselves as rising inequality, unemployment and
competition between very poor people for scarce resources in places like
Alexandra, Tembisa, Diepkloof and the Johannesburg inner city.

It is only by addressing these issues that we can meet the aspirations
of the masses for freedom and decent lives.Forces both local  and global may
seem to be worlds apart in the definition and context of the Zimbabwean
struggle but we African citizens are all in an awkward position.

While fighting  the Robert Mugabe dictatorship, Zimbabweans have not
been spared the negative impact of global capitalism  especially in poor
communities — as we are currently witnessing in the xenophobic attacks in
South Africa.

The xenophobia exposes not only working-class fears  for lower wages,
higher crime and new cultural influences, as is the explanation at first
blush.

In addition, we can see in the attacks on non-nationals the
duplicitous role our national elites play in pushing us further to the mercy
of capitalist forces while they label the Opposition  as puppets of the
West.

The attacks are being condemned by progressive forces in SA, including
Cosatu secretary-general, Zwelinzima Vavi, who said: “I want to send out
this message: It is not the Zimbabweans (exiles) that cause the problems (of
the poor)”.

He cited the capitalist system as the problem and argued that South
Africa should focus on building an economic system that could “seriously
eradicate poverty”.

The same position was reiterated by the Anti-Privatisation Forum: “Let
us not forget that it is South African corporate capital – through the
framework of Nepad – that has, over the last decade, moved into other
African countries, most often causing many local, smaller businesses to
close down and, thus, contributing to a situation in which many poor people
have lost their jobs.”

There are over three million of us eking out a living outside Zimbabwe’s
borders, a result of the failure of our national leaders to deliver both
politically and economically for us at home.

The situation gets more ridiculous when looked at within the context
of the aspirations spelt out in the reformed African Union, in the New
Partnership for Africa’s Development, and its dream of an African
Renaissance.

These programmes are again full of empty rhetoric framed, more to
attract international donor funds and less to deliver dignity to African
citizens, negating our ‘ubuntuness’, which espouses compassion, value for
human life, and respect for each other.

Frantz Fanon prophesied back then on the dilemma of African unity in
post–colonial Africa: “Now the nationalist bourgeois, who in region after
region hasten to make their own fortunes and to set up a national system of
exploitation, do their utmost to put obstacles in the path of this ‘Utopia’.

“The national bourgeoisies, who are quite clear as to what their
objectives are, have decided to bar the way to that unity, to that
coordinated effort on the part of 250 million men to triumph over stupidity,
hunger and inhumanity at one and the same time.”

Fanon’s insight helps us to understand the failures of Mugabe and his
allies beyond their “leftist” rhetoric. They are forever trapped in the
awkward “talk left – walk right” jive as they remain arguably the best
custodians of capitalist/imperialist forces in our countries.

Mugabe flirted with the US military for many years, and until 1998 was
considered amongst the highest-performing of World Bank and International
Monetary Fund puppets, earning a “highly satisfactory” rating from the
Bretton Woods institutions in 1995.

Did he not use $205 million in hard currency in 2006 to repay the IMF
for failed loans?In Zimbabwe today, those suffering under the yoke of Mugabe’s
oppression are black citizens.

We are the homeless, the jobless, the battered and the bruised.  We
are in the majority of those whose vote is not respected, in a negation of
the national liberation struggle aspirations of ‘one man one vote.’

At the moment, Zimbabweans are just as good as people who did not go
out to vote. We remain at the mercy of the dictatorship, as Mugabe is
determined at each turn to reverse our hard-earned victories.

The elections did not deliver change. Instead, the moment of triumph
against Mugabe and his cohort soon turned into a nightmare after opposition
won against one of the most entrenched liberation movements on the
continent.

Parliamentary majority

We romped to victory with a narrow parliamentary majority, equal seats
as Zanu-PF in the Senate and a majority votes in the Presidential election
count. It was a great achievement given the odds against any possible
opposition electoral victory.

Zanu-PF, the liberation movement that defeated the colonialists in a
protracted struggle, somehow concluded  they should hold state power in
perpetuity. The era of democratisation has not yet arrived.

The elites in Zimbabwe, like their despotic friends elsewhere in the
world, disdain the notion that elections are the process through which
people elect leaders.

As Zimbabwe prepares for a run-off on the June 27, we expect once
again to be fed propaganda on patriotism.

Kwinjeh is an NEC member of the MDC  and the Chairperson of the Global
Zimbabwe Forum.

Mugabe fights for support

news.com.au

From correspondents in Harare

May 26, 2008 04:56am

Article from: Agence France-Presse
Font size: + -

Send this article: Print Email

ZIMBABWEAN leader Robert Mugabe called for unity in his faltering party
overnight ahead of run-off elections next month in a fiery speech in which
he also threatened to expel the US ambassador.

Speaking to a crowd of 2000 at his party's headquarters, he launched his
election campaign with a series of attacks on newly returned opposition
leader Morgan Tsvangirai, who he likened to a frog and described as a
coward.

Now fighting for his political life after losing a first round of voting in
March, he lambasted foreign "imperialists" who wanted to influence Zimbabwe
and took aim at US ambassador James McGee, whom he accuses of interfering.

"Tall as he is, if he continues doing that (meddling in our affairs), I will
kick him out of the country," the 84-year-old leader said as he stood in
front of giant banner showing him with a raised fist.

The independence war hero, in power since 1980, has acknowledged his loss in
a first-round poll in March was "disastrous" and his justice minister said
overnight the party was "fighting with our backs to the wall".

"Disunity, that's what is killing us," Mr Mugabe said, as he called for a
new push to win the second round run-off scheduled for June 27.

"We should gear ourselves for a formidable fight and that means a fight that
is waged through our support."

He faced a challenge from ex-finance minister and former party loyalist
Simba Makoni in the first round who polled about 8 per cent.

Opposition leader Tsvangirai arrived home yesterday after a more than
six-week absence during which he lobbied regional leaders to put pressure on
Mr Mugabe.

In an emotional speech at the funeral of 33-year-old activist Tonderai
Ndira, one of at least 40 activists the opposition say have been brutally
murdered in the past two months, Mr Tsvangirai promised not to betray his
memory.

"This (murder) is clear testimony of the callousness of this regime and the
extent to which they are prepared to go in order to stay in power without
the support of the people," he told mourners.

"They can kill us, they can maim us, but on June 27 we are going to vote
this man out. We will not betray the life of Tonderai."

The former trade union leader defeated Mr Mugabe in a first round of voting
on March 29, but not by enough to secure an outright victory.

The aftermath of the disputed first-round polls, the results of which were
delayed by nearly five weeks, has been marked by violence that the
opposition claims is designed to rig the run-off.

Rights groups and the UN have said the attacks are being directed at
followers of Mr Tsvangirai's MDC movement, with pro-government militias
accused of a campaign of terror in the countryside.

US ambassador Mr McGee angered the regime on May 13 when he organised a tour
of hospitals with other Western diplomats to see victims of political
violence.

"I think it is absolutely urgent that the entire world knows what's
happening in Zimbabwe," Mr McGee said afterwards.

On his return yesterday, Mr Tsvangirai made clear his position on several
lingering questions about his campaign.

Firstly, he rejected the idea of a coalition government with Mr Mugabe,
which some have suggested would allow the ageing president a graceful exit
and prevent further violence.

And he called for regional peacekeepers and election monitors from regional
body the Southern African Development Community (SADC) to be deployed by
June 1.

No Western monitors were allowed to oversee the first ballot and teams from
SADC and the African Union were widely criticised for giving it a largely
clean bill of health.

Mr Tsvangirai is threatened by a treason charge after he was accused of
plotting to overthrow Mr Mugabe, with connivance from former colonial power
Britain, in April.

Mr Tsvangirai, who was beaten unconscious while in police custody in March
last year, has faced treason charges on two previous occasions.

MDC activist Ndira buried as another body is found in Goromonzi

www.zimbabwejournalists.com

26th May 2008 01:20 GMT

By a Correspondent

HARARE - Tonderai Ndira, the well-known opposition MDC's security chief for
Harare, whose body was found dumped at the Parirenyatwa Hospital last week,
has been laid to rest.

MDC leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, who addressed hundreds of mourners, laid the
blame square on President Robert Mugabe.

Standing near Ndira's casket, Tsvangirai said the blood of political
violence victims that have been murdered by Zanu PF supporters will one day
come to haunt Mugabe and his people. The ruling Zanu PF party has said it
was not involved in Ndira's murder, adding the MDC was using such ploys to
attract international attention.

Said Tsvangirai;

"This is a clear testimony of the callousness of this regime. They can kill
us. They can maim us. But we are going on the 27th of June, our hearts
dripping with blood, to vote him out of office."

Zimbabweans go back to polling booths on the 27th of June in a run-off
election to chose the country's leader between Mugabe and Tsvangirai
following the failure by the two to garner the required 51 percent of the
vote in the March 29 elections.

Tsvangirai claims he won the required vote, however.  Ndira was kidnapped
from his home on the 14th of May only to be found dead at Parirenyatwa
hospital with his tongue and lips missing. MDC members have accused Mugabe
supporters of the attack, along with other election-related violence.

Meanwhile as Ndira was being laid to rest, Shepherd Jani, the Mashonaland
East Provincial Treasurer and Senate candidate for Murehwa North, who was
kidnapped last week was found dead with his body mutilated and dumped in
Goromonzi.

Jani was beaten and kidnapped last Thursday at his home by four suspected
CIO agents. The men were driving a blue twin cab truck registration number
AAA 9248.

He was abducted in full view of colleagues from the party who tried without
success to rescue him but backed off when the thugs pulled out guns and
threatened to shoot before disappearing with Jani in the car.

The Centre for Community Development in Zimbabwe issued a statement
condemning the murder.

“We are in great pain because to us Jani was more than a community leader
whom we relied upon to run our programmes in Murewa and the entire
Mashonaland East province.The leadership of CCDZ is shell shocked by this
barbaric act and urges the government to investigate the murder of Jani and
other civic activists who have been murdered since the 29 March elections.

“Jani showed and demonstrated ethical leadership and was committed to
positively impact the lives of ordinary citizens. We urge immediate
investigation and the prosecution of the criminal gangs that are targetting
prominent community leaders to instil fear in the whole electorate.The
attacks against the civic leaders are systematic and targetting opinion
leaders within communities to instil fear in the electorate and make it
difficult for people to identify with the MDC.

The death bring to 45 the death toll of MDC activists,the figure excludes
those that are missing.

Humanitarian crisis worsens at Mutare prisons

www.zimbabwejournalists.com

26th May 2008 00:19 GMT

By David Baxter

MUTARE – A police operation to restore order at the diamond fields in
Chiadzwa has stoked a humanitarian and human rights crisis amid reports
prison facilities and the courts are failing to cope.

Police have been accused of perpetrating human rights abuses during the
operation which also netted children as young as 12 and 13 years of age.

Remand and prison facilities in this eastern border city which can only
accommodate a maximum of 300 people are crammed with close to 1 500 people
some with untreated wounds from police dog bites.

Those arrested for illegally dealing in the diamonds are appearing in court
in groups of 10 to 12 and forced to make chorus pleas. The crisis has forced
human rights lawyers in the city to intervene in a bid to rescue close to 1
500 people detained in very appalling conditions at the remand prison.

Two weeks ago the police launched a massive operation to restore order at
the diamond fields in Chiadzwa, Marange, about 90 km south of Mutare.

Close to 1 500 illegal miners, dealers and vendors were netted within the
diamond fields and surrounding areas and were taken to Mutare.

In a statement the lawyers said armed police with specially trained dogs
invaded the Chiadzwa area and arrested hundreds of men, women and children
and detained them in conditions that are inhumane.

The lawyers, led by Tinoziva Bere, a senior member of the Law Society of
Zimbabwe, said in the process of arrest some were bitten by the dogs, others
were assaulted by the police officers and others sustained injuries from
falling as they were being chased by the ferocious police dogs.

“Many complain that they were arrested from the main road, their homes, the
grazing fields, shopping centres and villages/homestead in and around the
Chiadzwa area,” the lawyers, said in their statement in our possession.

“Some claim that they were vendors selling their goods in and around the
area while others were mere visitors to their relatives and friends in the
area.”

The lawyers said the police forcefully opened their homes and confiscated
foodstuffs and groceries some which was thrown away and destroyed.

“Those who had money on them claim that it was taken by the police without
being recorded,” the lawyers said. “Most accused/detainees claim that they
were taken to various detention places and police stations where they were
kept in crowded filthy conditions for as long as four to five days in some
case before being brought to court. The numbers were such the toilet and
bathing facilities were inadequate to non-existent. Most when brought to
court had not bathed since arrest and some had nothing or little to eat.”

They said most of those in detention carry visible injuries especially
vicious and deep dog bites and had not received any tetanus injection or any
medication at all.

“They still wore the clothes they were in when arrested and some had visible
bloodstains. A number had to be assisted to get into and out of court,” said
the lawyers, adding, at least 25 in every 100 prisoners are injured in one
way or the other.

“All those interviewed never had warned and cautioned statements recorded
from them and were simply told when they get to court to plead guilty to the
charges so that they would be asked to pay a mere fine for environmental
damage and be released. Many were not aware that in fact the charges
preferred were tied to a minimum sentence of 2 years imprisonment.”

The lawyers accused judiciary officers of failing to discharge their duties
properly when handling the cases of those netted in the police operation.
They said magistrates conducted fast track mass trials which were a
miscarriage of justice.

“There is chaos in the record keeping, the movement of prisoners, the
identities of prisoners, and the identification of appropriate courts where
proceedings should take place, there is no recording equipment, and there is
a terrible stench that one senses from the court house because of the
numbers of wounded, unbathed prisoners.”

The lawyers said the detained suspects had little or no access to their
relatives and lawyers were having difficulty tracing their clients or the
record or prison numbers or venues for their hearings.

“Prison service in Mutare has been overwhelmed seriously and Mutare Remand
Prison for instance now holds over 1100 prisoners instead of 300 which is
its capacity. The Farm is already at maximum capacity.”

“They had no advance warning of this blitz and have no space, food,
blankets, clothing, shoes, sanitary ware, toiletries, ablution facilities,
stationery, manpower, medication, transport and other resources needed to
run a human and safe remand prison.”

The lawyers said the detained people were still wearing bloodstained and
dirty clothes, some have not bathed for a while, and many sleep outside in
the prison courtyard.

“Because of food shortage and lack of transport feeding is a challenge.
Relatives who wish to feed their own are restricted by security
considerations which are severely constrained now because of the excessive
numbers,” said the lawyers

'Peacekeepers are mandatory'

The Zimbabwean

Sunday, 25 May 2008 18:39
Zimbabwe opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai called on Saturday for
peacekeepers and election monitors from the 14-member regional body SADC to
be deployed in Zimbabwe by the end of May, reports AP.

Tsvangirai is to face veteran President Robert Mugabe in a run-off
election on June 27 and has asked the South African Development Community
(SADC) to assist in organising a free and fair election.

"I have discussed with the chairperson of SADC as far as monitors and
other peacekeepers," he told a press conference.

"I am hoping that on Tuesday when they meet they will be able to
concretise but I told them by the 1st of June you should put these people on
the ground otherwise we don't need them.

"You can't have peacekeepers and observers two weeks before an
election they will not be of any benefit," he added.

No Western monitors were allowed to oversee the first ballot and teams
from the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the African Union
(AU) were widely criticised for giving it a largely clean bill of health.
imbabwe opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai called on Saturday for
peacekeepers and election monitors from the 14-member regional body SADC to
be deployed in Zimbabwe by the end of May.

Tsvangirai is to face veteran President Robert Mugabe in a run-off
election on June 27 and has asked the South African Development Community
(SADC) to assist in organising a free and fair election. "I have discussed
with the chairperson of SADC as far as monitors and other peacekeepers," he
told a press conference. "I am hoping that on Tuesday when they meet they
will be able to concretise but I told them by the 1st of June you should put
these people on the ground otherwise we don't need them. "You can't have
peacekeepers and observers two weeks before an election they will not be of
any benefit," he added. No Western monitors were allowed to oversee the
first ballot and teams from the Southern African Development Community
(SADC) and the African Union (AU) were widely criticised for giving it a
largely clean bill of health.

Majority is not always right

Zim Online

by Maggie Makanza Monday 26 May 2008

OPINION: The misleading notion that the majority are always right and
must have their way needs to be challenged in the face of yet another
imminent stalemate between the MDC and ZANU PF presidential contest.

While I acknowledge that it is logically contingent that the run-off
elections are in accordance with the amended electoral laws, the solution
needed for Zimbabwe, I believe, is now well beyond the capacities of these
two political parties.

As we go into yet another of the many tragic elections that have
failed to deliver a solution to Zimbabwe’s crisis, for me, the outcome is a
predictable surprise.

The election will happen amid the worst violence in the history of
Zimbabwe and deliver a disputed result. If ZANU PF wins through intimidation
and other tactics, the MDC will contest the result, alleging vote rigging
and election violence, Mbeki’s manipulation of the regional mediation
process and the interference from the army to retain President Robert Mugabe
in power.

If the MDC wins, ZANU PF will not accept defeat, resorting to the
usual strategy of protecting our national heritage and attack on Zimbabwe’s
sovereignty from British imperialism through their puppet in the form of the
MDC. This will give them the premise to escalate the current political
violence by a well trained youth militia throwing the country deep into
turmoil.

The first round of the presidential elections was merely a dry-run for
Mugabe to test the real popularity of the MDC but more importantly to try
out new rigging methods under the new SADC election guidelines.

The delay in the announcement of results and ignoring the 21-day
period for the run-off were ways of simply buying the rigging machinery
enough time to review, adjust and correct any mistakes based on what they
had learnt from the first round.

So, come July 28, we will be exactly were we where when the
presidential results were announced. This we know already before going into
these elections. A priori knowledge is independent of experience, while a
posteriori knowledge is dependent on experience.

 Based on what we have experienced and know as Zimbabweans, I would
have expected all parties to respond in a more mature and responsive
approach given the magnitude of the crisis. But again, a posteriori
knowledge tells us that our leadership is not known for acting in the best
interests of the nation.

Rather than simply say, the electoral laws require a run-off, we shall
therefore have a run-off, even when we know it will not resolve the crisis.
The presidential run-off elections are therefore an exercise in futility and
a mere waste of resources, perhaps courtesy of President Thabo Mbeki
government.

This scenario clearly reflects the lack of will by the political
leadership to look beyond themselves for a real and lasting solution to
Zimbabwe’s crisis of governance. There is an erroneous belief, largely fed
by the need for power, by both ZANU PF and the MDC that after the
presidential elections, one of the two candidates wins and his party assumes
power, get into office, and forms a government and its business as usual.

However, many things have happened to us as a people of Zimbabwe such
that it cannot be business as usual. Many defenceless people have been
beaten, killed or maimed, fled the country, raped, houses burned, crops and
animals destroyed. There is too much hurt and pain to move forward with a
majority government leaving behind minority voices and concerns.

We are a country torn apart, with record high inflation and
unemployment, lack of basic services and daily necessities. It is no longer
only about getting a new government into power, but about first creating an
environment for effective governance. Therefore, there are a number of
pre-requisite things that need to happen before we can return to majority
rule, primary of which is a new people driven constitution.

From a philosophical point of view, the doctrine that reality is
composed of many ultimate substances and the belief that no single
explanatory system or view of reality can account for all the phenomena of
life is particularly true in the case of Zimbabwe’s crisis.

Neither the ZANU PF nor the MDC arguments tell the full story of
Zimbabwe’s problems. Each side of the argument is a partial reflection of
the problems facing Zimbabwe, and each a narrow-minded perception of
reality.

Because ZANU PF and the MDC have dominated the political playing
field, the perceptions of many other stakeholders to the Zimbabwean crisis
have not been heard or considered in framing solutions to the crisis.

For Zimbabwe to move beyond the unhealthy stand off between ZANU PF
and the MDC, divergent thinking is required. You cannot do the same thing
repeatedly and expect to get a different result. You will get what you have
always gotten, in this instance, a disputed election. It is also referred
elsewhere as the state of being insane.

In terms of political growth in Zimbabwe, we need to move beyond the
politics of struggle and enter a new phase of constructive engagement that
is not polarised by party politics, history in the liberation or democratic
struggle, race, ethnicity or gender. A new phase that does not judge someone
based on whether you were with us in the struggle or against us.

We struggled against colonialism and racism; we struggled against an
oppressive ZANU PF government. But as we move forward, do we want to
continue to struggle against each other or should we rather unite and focus
on the real struggles against poverty, hunger, the HIV/Aids pandemic, gender
discrimination, and illiteracy.

These real struggles have taken a back sit while we call each other
names, kill and try to outsmart each other for use of words and modern
political language. There is no growth with negative politics, only
stagnation.

Hence, the either ZANU PF or MDC scenario needs to change by
broadening the participation in governance of other interest groups.
Zimbabwean politics is not the preserve of the political elite where the
voices of minority ideas and opinions are marginalised. We need a
pluralistic government (government by many).

The condition of being multiple or plural is a condition in which
numerous distinct ethnic, religious, or cultural groups are present and
tolerated within a society with the belief that such a condition is
desirable or socially beneficial. In political science, this is the view
that power is dispersed among a variety of economic and ideological pressure
groups and is not held by a single elite or group of elites.

Pluralism assumes that diversity is beneficial to society and that the
disparate functional or cultural groups of which society is composed —
including religious groups, trade unions, professional organisations, and
ethnic minorities — should be autonomous. R. Dahl (1961) used this term to
denote any situation in which no particular political, cultural, ethnic, or
ideological group is dominant.

The propositions for a government of national unity (GNU) by the
minority voices have been vehemently rejected by the majority, in some cases
dismissed with a sense of fury and indignation. According to those who argue
against it, the MDC must go for an all out win and get rid of ZANU PF or
anything that smells of ZANU – after all they have the mandate of the
people.

I ask myself, even if this route takes us 100 years, are we being
strategic here while people are being killed and their houses destroyed.
Previous elections, though rigged, did not usher the MDC into power, nor did
prior elections contested by forerunners Edgar Tekere, Margaret Dongo and
Enock Dumbuchena.

Have we not exhausted the election route? Is it not time for a heart
to heart tate-a tate or is it men to men talk (seeing they are all men
playing in this game) rather than the continued shouts of insults from afar?

Is there no middle ground that can take us to a place were we can
begin to change the politics of the country first before going for an
outright win. We have seen what an outright win for ZANU did to ZAPU and the
subsequent massacres in Matebeleland. How the voices of the minority (20
percent of the electorate) were silenced and later rendered impotent.

What is the ultimate goal that we aim for, a change of government or a
change of politics in Zimbabwe? I believe that it should be the later and
our priorities and strategies reflective of that. What price are we willing
to pay or are we willing to let the people pay, for a change of government.

One writer commented saying ‘ . . . both ZANU and MDC politicians are
sitting pretty and have the luxury of enjoying this fight while we suffer’.
While the leadership can afford this conflict, the masses cannot.

As Zimbabweans, we need to start raising the bar on political
standards. A GNU will present Zimbabwe with the opportunity to enter into a
new politics of positives rather than the destructive path of negative
politics whose fruits is violence, intolerance and hate. It is poisonous and
Zimbabweans have suffered from extreme exposures of negative thought which
breed scepticism, disbelief and mistrust of anything new or unknown
resulting in apathy and selective reasoning.

This political behaviour, typical in situations of long drawn
conflicts and wars, can be suicidal as people miss opportunities for a
solution when it is finally presented to them. Most people have developed
their theories of the political situation which they use as a frame of
reference to explain events around them.

Shifting these paradigms in the event of sudden developments requires
mental gymnastics which traumatised Zimbabweans are too fatigued to
undertake. Hence, responses to political events are reactive and lethargic.
It is safer and easier to go with the prevailing school of thought as group
thinking.

However, often growth happens not on the journeys travelled before but
by extending horizons, one discovers new shores. Growth and self discovery
often lie in the unknown.

What is this animal called GNU and how does it work, they will ask?
They will reject it simply because it is unfamiliar and its image not
consistent with what they have in their psyche.

Political pluralism is a participatory type of government in which the
politics of the country are defined by the needs and wants of many. In a
politically pluralistic society there is no majority.

The basic ideas of government are seen through the ideas of
individuals and groups to ensure that all the needs and wants of society are
taken care of. A politically pluralistic society develops a tolerance for
divergent thinking. There is no right or wrong idea, all ideas and beliefs
of the people are valid and evaluated based on their common good.

Hence, my affection for Simba Makoni’s candidature and proposal for
the creation of a National Authority. Possibly, the same vision attracted
the 8 percent minority who voted for him. With a GNU, we allow a process of
healing and reconciliation.

As the country stabilises and the economy recovers, basic facilities
and services restored, human rights entrenched in the constitution, we can
then gradually return to majority rule premised on a sound constitution
supported by strong institutional pillars of governance.

The obvious risk to political parties for this route is that, once
people are no longer hungry and diseased, have access to basic amenities,
their rights assured and space created for their voices to be heard, the
political outlook will be completely different. Political parties will be
judged by their programmes of action rather than a simple call for change or
rhetoric on invisible imperialist enemies. Politicians will have to work
harder to convince the electorate and debate on real bread and butter issues
which have tended to take a back seat in Zimbabwean elections.

I am therefore advocating for political pluralism as a way forward for
Zimbabwe through an inclusive consultative government of national unity.
They did it in Kenya, why not in Zimbabwe. It is the better option at this
point in time. I say better, not best, because I believe there may be other
creative solutions to our crisis, anything, but another presidential
election. Well, that’s the opinion of a minority which the majority will be
quick to dismiss. Remember that the majority are not always right.

The writer is a psychologist and social commentator based in Cape
Town. – Zimonline

Thabo Mbeki faces resignation calls over racial violence

The Telegraph

By Christopher Munnion in Johannesburg
Last Updated: 9:27PM BST 25/05/2008
President Thabo Mbeki faced increasing pressure to resign yesterday because
of his government's "ineptitude and incompetence" in dealing with the recent
wave of xenophobic violence that has engulfed South Africa.
Mr Mbeki was conspicuous by his absence during the worst of the violence. He
attending a bankers' meeting in Mozambique and then flew on to Tanzania for
a gathering of African heads of state.

In his first national comment in a nationwide television broadcast last
night, he described the events of the past two weeks as an "absolute
disgrace" and said a "minority" of people had destroyed the image of the
country as a "caring and humane society".

Jacob Zuma, his populist arch-rival who wrested control of the ruling ANC
from him last year and is the man most likely to succeed him, visited the
worst-affected areas for the first time.

Mr Zuma was given a torrid time. His speech calling for tolerance was howled
down by a large crowd in Daveyton east of Johannesburg.

Speakers and hecklers in the crowd wanted to know why "foreigners are
stealing our jobs" and getting preference in gaining government-subsidised
housing.

Johannesburg's Sunday Times, the country's best-selling newspaper, said in a
front page leader that Mr Mbeki had shown himself to be "not only an
uncaring leader but utterly incompetent".

The violence against black migrants from other African countries has claimed
at least 50 lives, left hundreds maimed and injured, and sent some 50,000
foreigners fleeing.

Yesterday the violence and intimidation showed no sign of abating. However,
in a church hall packed with broken and bereft refugees huddled shoulder to
shoulder beneath blankets, Grace Mulekwa had found something to smile about
for the first time in a week. "They are coming to take us home to Malawi,"
she said, referring to a visit earlier from a Malawian consular officials.

She was one of the more fortunate among those crowded into the Central
Methodist Church in Johannesburg's city centre where some 2,000 victims of
the xenophobic violence have sought refuge.

She had found a corner of a passageway to look after her two young children
, a girl and a boy, who were weeping beneath a threadbare blanket. "They are
very sick and very frightened," said Miss Mulekwa. "The people here have
been very kind but we need to find a new home".

Her story is typical of the persecution of foreign nationals that has
destroyed forever the "rainbow nation" of the Mandela era. She and her
husband, a construction worker who she believes managed to escape to his
native Mozambique, had lived in the squatter settlement of Ramaphosa east of
Johannesburg.

"We had heard stories about attacks on people who were not South Africans
but we did not believe them as we had lived happily with our community for
years," she said.

As she was speaking, the sound of rap music could be heard above the wailing
and groaning in the church. It was coming, mockingly, from a free concert to
celebrate Africa Day, which marks the continent's "unity and harmony".

Lessons for Mbeki

Independent, UK

Leading article:
Monday, 26 May 2008

There is a terrible irony in the recent tragic events that have gripped
parts of South Africa, where township residents have been turning on
economic migrants, killing some and driving away thousands of others.

It lies in the fact that Thabo Mbeki's government has bent over backwards to
remain onside with the Mugabe regime in Harare, downplaying its criminal
folly and blunting initiatives to rid Zimbabwe of its dictator. South Africa
is now suffering the consequences of Mbeki's policy, as Zimbabwe's misery
ripples outwards to encompass its neighbours and as millions of Zimbabweans
flee their country in search of jobs and livelihoods.

Of course, there are other elements to this grim saga, starting with the
inexcusable xenophobia of the men behind the violence. It is notable that
not all the incomers who have borne the brunt of these thuggish attacks have
been Zimbabweans. But the huge number of Zimbabwean migrants present in
South Africa, estimated to be at least 3 million, is a factor in the
bloodshed, placing enormous strain on the bonds holding the townships
together and adding to the competition for resources.

And when the question is asked, as it should be, about why so many
Zimbabweans have left their country for its neighbour, part of the answer is
that the Mugabe regime remains in power, and is busy completing the ruin of
Africa's former breadbasket, with the South African president's apparent
complicity.

Loath to bow to the former colonial powers, Mbeki has shielded Zimbabwe's
venal and selfish old leader from criticism, blind to the consequences. Now
that the wretched condition of Mugabe's dissolving state has been brought to
his door, one must hope the president sees this as a reminder of the need
for South Africa to play a more constructive role in helping its once
flourishing neighbour get back on its feet.

It is especially urgent that South Africa changes its tune on Zimbabwe now,
as Mugabe heads into a run-off presidential election with his nearest rival,
Morgan Tsvangirai. The leader of the opposition Movement for Democratic
Change returned to Zimbabwe for the campaign yesterday.

Arguably, this election should not be taking place; because Tsvangirai
appeared to win the first round. But we are where we are. As Zimbabwe
prepares to vote a second time, Mbeki must stop making excuses for his ally
and start expediting rather than blocking change in Harare. If he does not,
the impact of Zimbabwe's collapse will continue to have repercussions for
South Africa, and we may see more shameful scenes in South Africa's already
fragile, hard-pressed townships.