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Voter
Files Court Application to Force Mugabe to Proclaim Election
Date
http://www.voazimbabwe.com/
Gibbs Dube
04.05.2013
WASHINGTON DC — A Zimbabwean
voter registered in Masvingo Province’s Zaka
East constituency has filed an
urgent supreme court application seeking to
compel President Robert Mugabe
to proclaim the country’s general election
date by June 29 this
year.
According to the state-controlled Herald newspaper, Jealousy
Mawarire, who
claims to be a member of the Center for Election Democracy in
Southern
Africa, cited all unity government principals and the
Registrar-General as
respondents.
Mr. Mawarire claims in the court
papers that President Mugabe is supposed to
proclaim the dates by June 29
when the term of parliament and elected local
government officials come to
an end.
He says Zimbabwe will be run by an illegitimate regime when
parliament is
non-existent.
Human rights lawyer Matshobane Ncube said
it is not possible for the Supreme
Court to force President Mugabe to
proclaim election date.
Meanwhile, some political parties say
thousands of people are being left out
of Zimbabwe’s mobile voter
registration exercise being conducted by the
Registrar General’s
Office.
The two formations of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC),
say the
mobile voter registration centers were only advertised in the
state-controlled media Saturday, five days after teams from the
Registrar-General’s Office were deployed in various provinces.
Ellen
Shiriyedenga, elections director of the MDC formation of Industry
Minister
Welshman Ncube, said the adverts will not have any impact on the
voter
registration exercise as thousands of people have already been left
out in
some of the advertised centers.
The parties claim that the
process is going on smoothly in most Zanu PF
strongholds.
Obert Moyo,
Midlands elections director of the MDC formation of Prime
Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai, the voter registration exercise is chaotic in
the
region.
A senior official in the Registrar General’s Office
declined to comment
while Zimbabwe Electoral Commission officials were not
readily available for
comment.
Madzore to spend the weekend in
police custody
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Violet Gonda
04 May
2013
MDC-T Youth Assembly president Solomon Madzore will spend the
weekend in
police custody in Bindura, following his arrest Thursday for
allegedly
insulting President Robert Mugabe at a party rally in
Mushumbe-Mbire,
Mashonaland Central.
His lawyer Charles Kwaramba said
police accuse Madzore of calling Mugabe a
“limping old donkey” who is
blocking Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai from
doing his work in the
inclusive government.
Kwaramba said: “The police claim my client told
party followers at a rally
that Mugabe idhongi rinokamhina ririkutadzisa
Tsvangirai kutonga zvakanaka
muGNU.”
Madzore denies the
charges.
On Thursday, Zanu PF spokesman Rugare Gumbo criticised the MDC-T
youth
leader who he said “deserves to be arrested,” if he criticised the
President.
The youth leader is no stranger to arrest. He is currently
on bail, after
spending over a year in jail on charges of killing police
officer Petros
Mutedza, along with 28 other MDC activists. All deny the
charge.
Madzore also spent 70 days in jail in 2007 on petrol bombing
attack charges
in the run-up to the 2008 election. The state later dropped
those charges,
but the activist and others said they had been tortured in
custody.
Scores of people have over the years been arrested for
ridiculing President
Robert Mugabe who turned 89 in February and has been in
power since Zimbabwe’s
independence in 1980.
When asked if police
should arrest people who also insult Prime Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai, the
ZANU PF spokesman said: “There is a difference
between a Head of State and a
Prime Minister.
“If a man like the Prime Minister goes around the region
saying please stop
elections and so on, do you think people should not
criticise him?”
Zec
changes open new can of worms
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
May 3, 2013 in News, Politics
THE
controversial appointments of Justice Rita Makarau and Jacob Mudenda to
chair the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (Zec) and the Human Rights
Commission (HRC) respectively have opened a can of worms on how the MDC
formations fell for Zanu PF’s trickery during the negotiation process,
sources have revealed.
Staff Writer.
Sources in the MDC-T said
soon after the signing of the Global Political
Agreement (GPA), Zanu PF gave
the MDC parties an opportunity to choose
candidates for the two bodies
resulting in the appointments of Justice
Simpson Mutambanengwe and Regis
Austin as Zec and HRC bosses respectively in
2010.
However, Zanu PF
made it clear that if the positions were to fall vacant
within the lifespan
of the GPA, it would be its turn to appoint the heads.
“We were
negotiating in good faith and we thought Zanu PF was sincere by
allowing the
MDC to choose suitable candidates in order to level the
political playing
field since Zec has been blamed for poorly running the
2008 disputed
elections,” said a national executive member of the MDC-T.
“The MDC-T
decided to settle on Mutambanengwe and Austin hoping the two
would
professionally run the bodies as the country prepares for general
elections.”
However, Mutambanengwe was never in charge of Zec,
leaving his deputy Joyce
Kazembe to run the electoral body.
Sources
claim Zanu PF pushed Mutambanengwe to resign so it could appoint its
own
person.
Mutambanengwe eventually resigned citing ill health but sources
say he was
put under pressure by Zanu PF.
Austin also resigned as HRC
boss citing the commission’s lack of
independence as well as unwillingness
by the inclusive government to
adequately fund its operations. The pair’s
resignations gave Zanu PF an
opportunity to appoint its trusted lieutenants,
Makarau and Mudenda to run
Zec, and HRC respectively.
MDC-T president
Morgan Tsvangirai jumped to the defence of the controversial
appointments of
the two, known to have strong Zanu PF links.
“We checked whether he
(Mudenda) is still in the Zanu PF politburo or not;
he is not there,”
Tsvangirai said. “In fact, it is not about his past
because everybody has a
past; it is about qualifications. He is a lawyer and
professional, more so,
he is a member of the commission already.”
Close sources in the MDC-T
said Tsvangirai could not resist the appointments
of Makarau and Mudenda ––
who is still a Zanu PF politburo member –– since
it was agreed that in the
event of a vacancy, Zanu PF would appoint its
preferred
candidates.
Mudenda’s appointment drew a barrage of criticism directed at
the principals
in the inclusive government, especially Tsvangirai whose
party has been
calling for reforms in institutions such as Zec and
HRC.
Mudenda is a former Zanu PF governor for Matabeleland North and
served in
that capacity during the Gukurahundi era in which 20 000 of people
were
killed during the disturbances.
However, MDC-T chief negotiator
and Energy minister Elton Mangoma dismissed
reports that the MDC parties
fell for Zanu PF’s tricks.
“Who told you that? We do not publicise our
negotiations so I am not going
to comment anything on that issue. The best
person to comment is your
source,” Mangoma said.
Politburo
meets over primaries
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
May 3, 2013 in News, Politics
The Zanu PF
politburo will today hold a crunch meeting to finalise primary
elections
guidelines and other related issues which have divided the party
for months,
leaving the party’s de facto decision-making organ unable to
deal with the
issue.
Report by Elias Mambo/Brian Chitemba
The central committee
will also meet tomorrow for its first gathering in
2013 after its meeting
slated for March was postponed amid mounting tensions
triggered by factional
fights raging in the provinces.
Sources said the politburo is also
expected to debate findings of an
investigating team on problems rocking
Bulawayo and Manicaland.
A Zanu PF probe team led by party chairman Simon
Khaya Moyo, commissar
Webster Shamu, and deputy secretary for security Kembo
Mohadi was recently
dispatched to the troubled provinces.
Zanu PF
spokesperson Rugare Gumbo confirmed the party’s crucial meetings
today and
tomorrow as pressure mounts on its top leaders to finalise primary
elections
guidelines postponed since February and also quell renewed
infighting ahead
of crucial general elections.
Politburo insiders say the proposed rules
and guidelines for primaries were
delayed because of the constitution-making
process and also that they were
not favourable to the factional designs of
sitting bigwig MPs facing ouster
by ambitious “Young Turks” pushing to
replace them.
In 2008 Gumbo, former Education minister Aeneas Chigwedere,
ex-deputy
Finance minister David Chapfika and former soldier Claudius
Makova, among
other bigwigs, lost in the primaries.
Some were saved
after the politburo intervened on their behalf. A number of
senior party
officials currently fear defeat in primaries, while there is
debate on
waiving rules for some officials who do not meet the selection
criteria.
“The proposed rules will not by design ring-fence the
current MPs, so this
has created problems within the party where factions
are fighting to
position themselves in the primaries,” a senior party
official said.
“President (Robert) Mugabe has emphasised the need to avoid
the blunder made
by the party during the 2008 elections in which primaries
divided the party
and led to the fielding of more than one candidate in some
constituencies.”
The official said the politburo wants to ensure the
party is protected
against infiltration by “mischief-makers” who believe in
bhora musango
(sabotage), hence the need to have clear guidelines, a code of
conduct and
strict vetting.
Aspiring candidates have accused the
party’s old guard of deliberately
delaying the vetting process to deny them
time to campaign. Zanu PF has
banned aspiring MPs and senators from
campaigning until dates for primary
elections are set.
However, Gumbo
denied accusations his party was trying to frustrate aspiring
candidates.
“It is misrepresentation of facts,” Gumbo said.
“The politburo is still
working on modalities and rules for the primary
elections. As soon as all
those things are done, the field will be
levelled,” he said.
The
issue of primary elections rules and regulations have been on the agenda
since October last year when the politburo rejected political commissar
Webster Shamu’s proposal for them to be held in November after the Copac
Second All-Stakeholders’ Conference on the new constitution.
Shamu’s
proposals were strongly resisted by people believed to be in the
faction led
by Defence minister Emmerson Mnangagwa who argued the issue had
been tabled
out of the blue.
Shamu is believed to belong to the faction led by
Vice-President Joice
Mujuru and there were suspicions he wanted primary
elections at short notice
to aid his camp by catching the Mnangagwa faction
unprepared.
The Zanu PF politburo’s failure to conclude the primaries
guidelines in
April was said to have been fuelling internal political
tensions over the
issue as ambitious young aspirants are itching to secure
tickets to stand in
the general elections to be held between June 29 and
October 29.
The ongoing factional fights burning in provinces forced the
politburo to
delay conclusion of primary polls rules several times in a
frantic bid to
quell resurgent factionalism ahead of crucial general
polls.
Zanu PF insiders say problems bedevilling Manicaland and Bulawayo
provinces
will also take centre stage as the party frantically tries to
combat
factionalism. In Manicaland, Zanu PF secretary for administration
Didymus
Mutasa is pushing to oust provincial chairperson Mike Madiro who is
reportedly in the camp led by Mnangagwa. Mutasa is said to be in Mujuru’s
camp in the race to succeed Mugabe.
In Bulawayo, tempers continue to
flare over the removal of provincial
chairman Killian Sibanda at the
instigation of Zanu PF national chairperson
Simon Khaya Moyo who
orchestrated the appointment of his homeboy Callistus
Ndlovu.
The changes
are seen as part of a wider succession race in which Khaya Moyo
is setting
his base to become vice-president, replacing the late John Nkomo,
ahead of
his fierce rival Mines minister Obert Mpofu.
Tsvangirai
out to foil Mugabe Sadc coup
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
May 3, 2013 in Politics
PRIME Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai was out in Sadc this week to lobby regional
leaders to
pressure President Robert Mugabe to implement political reforms
required
before free and fair elections could be held later this year, while
trying
to counter Zanu PF’s diplomatic manoeuvres to influence the incoming
chairpersons of the regional body and its troika ahead of the crucial
polls.
Report by Owen Gagare.
Although Tsvangirai was concerned
about key reforms ahead of elections, Sadc
diplomats say the critical part
of his mission was to counter what appeared
to be a diplomatic coup by
Mugabe and his party in consolidating their
relations with incoming Sadc
chairperson, Malawian President Joyce Banda,
and incoming troika chair
Namibian President Hifikepunye Pohamba.
Banda takes over as Sadc chair in
August and Pohamba comes in as troika
chair during the same period on the
cusp of do or die general elections.
The two would play a critical role
on overseeing elections in Zimbabwe and
influencing Sadc’s verdict on
whether the outcome would be credible, free
and fair, and be seen as
such.
“While Tsvangirai’s mission is to lobby Sadc leaders to pile
renewed
pressure on Mugabe to implement the renewed pressure on Mugabe to
implement
the elections roadmap, the other key issue is that Tsvangirai
wants to
undercut Mugabe’s manoeuvres to ally himself to the incoming Sadc
chairperson and head of the troika,” a senior Sadc diplomat said this week.
“The issue is Banda, as incoming Sadc chairperson, and Pohamba, as head of
troika, would have influence on political and electoral process in Zimbabwe,
since they are coming during the election period. So it’s necessary for
Mugabe and Tsvangirai to put their ducks in a row in diplomatic
terms.”
Diplomatic sources say while Pohamba has always maintained a
“mutually
respectful” relationship with Mugabe, Banda – recently named the
most
powerful woman in Africa by Forbes magazine – initially appeared a
tricky
customer for Harare as she came into office in April last year
against a
backdrop of power struggles following the sudden death of Bingu wa
Mutharika.
Sources say Mugabe and his loyalist initially assumed a
cool attitude
towards as she was entangled in the death of their close ally,
Wa Mutharika,
and she was also supported by Western countries and donors,
before warming
up to her. Banda had initially stirred a hornet’s nest among
African
leaders, including Mugabe, for barring Sudanese President Omar
al-Bashir,
accused of war crimes, from attending an African Union summit in
Blantyre in
July last year before it was shifted to Addis Ababa, Ethiopia,
saying she
feared the “economic implications” if he the meeting in
Malawi.
Mugabe has always had good relations with Malawian leaders. After
the storm
around her rise and diplomacy subsided, Banda was last week
invited to open
the Zimbabwe International Trade Fair in Bulawayo. She was
treated like
royalty and judging by remarks she was totally charmed by
Mugabe who gave
her five-star handling from the moment she touched down at
the Harare
International Airport until she left.
Mugabe personally
welcomed her together with Vice President Joice Mujuru, a
host of ministers
and service chiefs among other people, while her visit
received generous
coverage in the state-controlled media.
She was honoured with a 21-gun
salute and inspected a guard of honour
mounted by the Presidential Guard
soon after arrival. During her stay, she
was taken to the first family’s
dairy farm, Gushungo Dairy. She also visited
First Lady Grace Mugabe’s
school and orphanage in Mazowe.
Banda was so impressed that she declared
she would send a delegation to
understudy the First Family’s highly
mechanised dairy project, Gushungo
Holdings, in Mazowe after touring the
farm. She also endorsed the
controversial land reform programme, hailing it
as a success. By the time
she left, it was clear she was now a converted
Mugabe admirer, a move which
fitted into Zanu PF’s diplomatic
designs.
Soon after her visit, Tsvangirai was jolted into to venture into
the region
to update Sadc leaders on the situation in Zimbabwe in the run up
to
elections and lobby for support, sources say. Tsvangirai visited South
Africa and met Sadc facilitator in Zimbabwe, South Africa President Jacob
Zuma who also sits on the troika. He also met Sadc troika chair, Tanzanian
President Jakaya Kikwete and was expected to Sadc chairperson, Mozambican
President Armando Guebuza and Namibian leaders although this appointment was
doubtful. Namibia deputises Tanzania on the troika and is going to take over
as chair.
Following resurgent political violence and a crackdown on civil
society
groups,
Tsvangirai in February sent MDC-T secretary for
international relations
Jameson Timba, who also a minister of state in his
office, to Botswana,
South Africa, Tanzania, Mozambique and Malawi to brief
the regional leaders
on the situation in Zimbabwe.
While Tsvangirai on
his current trip raised the need to implement
outstanding reforms, mainly
public media professionalisation, security
sector realignment and the
compilation of a clean voters’ roll, as well as
the need for the Zimbabwe
Electoral Commission to be professional and
efficient, sources say he was
anxious to maintain the support of Sadc he has
built over the
years.
Tsvangirai had managed to get direct or tacit backing of key Sadc
leaders
from South Africa, Mozambique, although it mainly neutral, Botswana,
Zambia
before the coming in of President Michael Sata, Tanzania, Angola,
Mauritius,
Seychelles, and DRC, among others, he was beginning to lose their
support
because of his cosy relationship with Mugabe.
Although Mugabe had
become isolated in Sadc, he continued to enjoy some
support mainly from
Malawi, Namibia, Swaziland, and Lesotho, from time to
time. Zambia has
supported or been against Mugabe depending on who is in
power. Mozambique
has been mainly neutral, while other countries across the
divide shifted
positions depending on the issues at stake.
Mangoma
statement on power generation
http://nehandaradio.com/
on May 4, 2013 at 6:38 am
Press
statement by Elton Mangoma, the Minister of Energy and Power
Development on
initiatives to boost the power situation
In view of the current
challenges besetting the efficient supply of power
nationwide and the need
to enhance the financial position of the electricity
utilities, the Ministry
of Energy and Power Development has come up with a
number strategies to
mitigate the power situation in the country.
The measures being taken
are divided into Generation capacity and supply
side activities, Demand Side
Management and Institutional changes. The
supply side is further split into
short, medium and long term measures.
The strategies
include;
STATUS OF GENERATION
The generation capacity of the
Hwange Power Station has improved
significantly with an average of five
units (580MW). This has allowed the
Zimbabwe Power Company (ZPC) to carry
out upgrade works and preventive
maintenance at the Kariba Power Station
without causing major power
shortfall to the system. The Kariba Power
Station has continued to maintain
a steady power
generation.
PREPAYMENT METERS
The smart/prepayment metering is a
valuable short term strategy which seeks
to improve revenue collection by
the utility and influence behaviour change
on how consumers use electricity.
The system also assists ZETDC to recover
accrued debts by deducting 20
percent on every electricity purchase going
towards servicing the debt,
among other benefits.
As of yesterday, a total of 150 000 prepayment
meters had been installed for
both domestic and commercial users. Government
issued a Statutory Instrument
44A on Electricity (unpaid bills, prepaid
meters and smart meters)
regulations, 2013 which aims, among other things,
to speed up the
implementation of the prepaid/ smart metering
programme.
The Statutory Instrument compels all electricity consumers to
purchase and
install smart meters with the exception of high density
customers, rural
customers and light load agricultural customers. The
Statutory Instrument
also deals with outstanding bills on the date on which
the prepaid meter is
installed as these will be transferred to the property
at which the prepaid
meter is installed.
In order to ensure
efficiency, ZETDC this week commissioned a new Vending
Platform supplied by
Itron of South Africa. The new Platform can accommodate
both smart and
prepaid meters.
Medium Term Power Generation
• KARIBA SOUTH
EXPANSION – The Zimbabwe Power Company (ZPC) and Sinohydro
have concluded
negotiations for the 300MW Kariba South Expansion Project. As
a result,
Sinohydro has commenced work at the site.
• HWANGE POWER STATION –
adjudication process for the 600MW Hwange Expansion
Project has been
completed and the project was awarded to CMEC. Work is
expected to commence
before the end of the year.
• 84MW DIESEL GENERATOR – A diesel plant
(84MW) that has operated for
100hours has been identified at a capital cost
of €37 million. This about
50% of the cost of new plant. The ZPC has made a
technical analysis and that
diesel generators are suitable for our system
and have the capacity of
reducing load shedding by 80MW.
• 30 MW
GAIREZI SMALL HYDRO POWER PLANT – The project is now at design stage
following completion of feasibility studies and official launch is expected
this month.
• 500MW CBM POWER STATION- ZPC has also floated a tender
for resource
mapping of coal bed methane. The tender was awarded to WAPCOS
of India and
it is ready to carry out the work. However, ZPC is awaiting CBM
special
grants documentation from the Ministry of Mines and Mining
Development.
Instead there are two grants awarded to one company Shangani
Energy and
another to China Africa Sunlight by the mines ministry. The
grants are
overlapping with the desired ZPC concession area. These
concessions were
granted after Cabinet granted ZPC concession but the Mines
and Mining
Development ministry is refusing to effect Cabinet
decision.
• 1000MW WESTERN AREA POWER STATION – China Railway
International (CRI) and
China International Fund (CFI) have signed a
Memoranda of Understanding
(MoUs) with the government to develop a 1000MW
thermal plants.
China Railway International came for site investigation
in December 2012 and
has submitted a draft contract for the project
development. The finalisation
of reinstating the Western Area coal
concession to the ZPC by the Ministry
of Mines is important. Again the
Ministry of Mines and Mining Development is
not cooperating, causing a delay
in the commencement of this project.
• 100MW ON-GRID SOLAR POWER – Some
suitable sites for the 100MW solar power
plant are being identified. The ZPC
has engaged the Plumtree Town Council
for land to construct the power
station. A tender for the 100MW power plant
is expected to be floated soon.
The tender will cover BOT, IPP, PPP and pure
debt basis.
LONG TERM
PROJECTS
• THE BATOKA HYDRO ELECTRIC POWER PROJECT –Zambia and Zimbabwe
have agreed
to undertake this project on a BOT basis. This was after
Zimbabwe agreed to
honour the EXCAPCO assets debt of $70.8 million. So far a
total of US$40
million has been paid towards the US$70, 8 million. The
Zambezi River
Authority called for Expressions of Interest to develop the
Batoka on a
Build Operate and Transfer basis. The response was extremely
good -25
companies showed interest and the majority from credible
international
organisations.
• THE GREAT INGA HYDRO PROJECT – is
proposed on the Congo River in the DRC.
This can produce around 100 000MW.
This project is too big for the DRC and
requires a regional approach. If
this is constructed it will change the
economic fortunes of the region.
Hydro power is cheap and it is worth the
time spent on promoting
it.
INSTITUTIONAL CHANGES
• RESTRUCTURING OF THE POWER SECTOR –
The restructuring of ZESA Holdings has
been approved by Cabinet. This is to
make ZESA more efficient and responsive
to the consumers, whilst at the same
time, setting up a mechanism to make it
easy for Independent Power Producers
to have a level playing field.
These developments will result in the
following.
• ZESA Holdings be collapsed into a National Grid Services
Company (NGSC)
and move all the legacy debts to this company. It will be
100% Government
owned and it will not be privatised. NGSC will be
responsible for
Transmission, Market and Systems Operation. It will have the
“reserve
supply” responsibility.
• ZETDC will transfer the
transmission functions to NGSC and transform to
Zimbabwe Distribution
Company (ZEDC) and be responsible for Distribution of
Electricity.
•
SUMMARY – Measures to consolidate the power availability and reliability
will continue. Such measures will include taking out plant for preventive
routine maintenance and equipment upgrade. Negotiations for firm power
imports from the region will be pursued by both Government and the power
utility.
The implementation of all power projects continue to be a
critical success
factor for securing self-sufficiency and reliability in
power supply to the
nation. To this end the Ministry is continuously
evaluating project risks
and working on mitigatory measures to ensure the
projects are realised.
‘Reforming’
land reform greatly needed
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
May 3, 2013 in Comment, Opinion
Four months
ago, a new book was released in the United Kingdom, entitled
Zimbabwe Takes
Back Its Land. It had three collaborating authors, Joseph
Hanlon, Jeanette
Manjengwa and Teresa Smart.
Report by Eric Bloch
Overall, they
enthuse about the success of Zimbabwe’s land reform, although
they
acknowledge that it “has not been neat”, and that “huge problems
remain”.
However, they imply that the benefits reaped from Zimbabwean land
reform are
considerable, and far outweigh the problems and the attendant
negatives.
They suggest that notwithstanding the remaining problems, the
favourable
counterbalance is that “245 000 new farmers have received land,
and most of
them are farming it. These peope have raised their own standard
of living;
have already reached the production levels of their former white
farmers;
and, with a bit of support, are ready to substantially increase
that
production”.
The authors support their positive stance by stating:
“Agrarian reform is a
slow process and it takes a generation for new farmers
to be fully
productive”, and suggest that over the years since the land
reform programme
was vigorously pursued, “Zimbabwe’s agricultural production
has largely
returned to the 1990s level”.
They reinforce that
contention by alleging that “small-scale black farmers
together now produce
almost as much tobacco as the big white farmers once
did.” They re-emphasise
that contention by stating that “driving into the
old white farm compound of
a particularly named farm – “Craigengower Farm”-
one arrives at a hub of
activity.
There are several buildings – grain and machinery stores,
houses for some
farmers, and a house for the agricultural extension officer
who serves this
and two other farms.
Although the authors undoubtedly
formed their opinions and expressed them in
good faith and they are
well-intentioned, those opinions and conclusions are
regrettably at
pronounced variance with the realities. Tragically, the
actualities of the
land reform are very markedly different due to the
outcomes to date of the
actions of expropriation and reallocation of
farmlands. One of the foremost
harsh facts is the magnitude of decline in
agricultural
production.
It must be acknowledged that slowly, but progressively,
tobacco production
has significantly recovered, having been as great as 237
million kg in 2001,
and over subsequent years declining to as low as 45
million kg. It has
subsequently improved to an estimated 150 million kg in
the latest season,
but nevertheless, this production is still considerably
below previous
attainment. The major factor that enabled a rise in the
dismal volumes grown
after land reform commenced has been that over recent
years, several of the
larger tobacco companies have provided essential
funding to contract
farmers.
However, similar transformation from
production decline has tragically not
materialised in respect of other crops
and agricultural output. Prior to
land reform, Zimbabwe was known as the
region’s breadbasket, producing not
only sufficient maize, wheat, and other
grains for the populace, but a
surplus exported to neighbouring countries.
However, since land reform there
has been a critical dependence on imports.
Approximately 1 800 000 tonnes of
maize are required annually to meet the
country’s needs against the current
national yield of a little more than 300
000 tonnes per annum. Government
seeks to justify the appallingly low yields
to adverse climatic conditions,
but even in years of ideal conditions, the
crop outputs have been low.
In like manner, volumes of cotton, sugar,
diverse vegetables, and many other
crops are lower than attained in pre-land
reform days, and the national
livestock herd is now estimated to be only 36%
of that of 2000. The awful
decline of almost all fields of agricultural
production has been occasioned
by diverse factors. The foremost contributor
to agriculture’s massive
decline is that the majority of the new farmers did
not have the capital
necessary to fund operations and could not access such
funding. By
peremptorily, in disregard of international law and property
rights,
expropriating all farmlands, claiming absolute title thereto, and
only
making the farms available to new farmers by way of leases, the state
denied
those farmers collateral security necessary to access the working
capital
required for viable farming operations.
Moreover, many of
those granted farm leases had very limited experience in
substantive
agricultural production and grievously lacked the necessary
equipment to
achieve that production. To make matters worse, there have been
minimal
opportunities for farmers to sell their produce at viable and
realistic
prices, not those prices being determined by government
parastatals such as
the Grain marketing Board (GMB). Repeatedly, government
also failed to
assure timeous availability of essential agricultural inputs,
and to
effectively initiate national irrigation resources. Such resources as
exist
are all too frequently unavailable because of recurrent disruptions in
energy supplies.
Now, very belatedly, and unduly slowly, the state is
beginning to address
some of the innumerable constraints on substantive
agricultural production.
The new constitution, overwhelmingly voted for in
the recent national
referendum, has provided for state-controlled farmland
leases to be accorded
negotiability and transferability (which in part
restores features which are
attributable to title deeds). However, the
constitution is yet to be
approved by parliament, let alone receive
presidential assent. New farmers
can anticipate possessing some collateral
security to source funding.
However, that will only be effective once the
leases have actually been
issued, for to date, the majority of new farmers
have only received offer
letters, but not comprehensive
leases.
Furthermore, access to funding will remain very limited until
such time as
significant money market liquidity is restored, which can only
occur once
Zimbabwe has considerable, consistent, and recurrent economic
stability and
growth, as well as ready access to international loan funding
and foreign
direct investment.
One reason the book’s authors justify
their contentions of success of the
Zimbabwean land reform is that, as a
result of that reform, 245 000 new
farmers exist, giving them enhanced
prospects of improved livelihood.
However, that alleged counter to poverty
disregards that in excess of 350
000 farm workers lost employment, and
therefore their source of income,
primarily because most of the new farmers
could not employ them. On a basis
that each of the former farm workers
supported themselves and an average of
at least five other family and
dependants, almost two million Zimbabweans
were reduced to extreme
poverty.
The economy has also been cataclysmically ruined by the
expropriation of the
lands without compensation, and in very many instances,
in disregard for
Zimbabwe’s obligations under numerous Bilateral Investment
Promotion and
Protection Agreements (Bippas), as a result of which many
potential foreign
direct investors have been deterred and discouraged from
investing in
Zimbabwe. This has been severely prejudicial to the economy as
a whole, and
therefore to a great majority of Zimbabweans.
The bottom
line is that, in contrast to the conclusions of the book’s
authors, which
are very considerably aligned with those of the initiators of
land reform,
and that of the programme’s continuing advocates, its benefits
are grossly
exceeded by its negative consequences.
Democratic
regime change agenda: Every citizen’s right
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
May 3, 2013 in
Opinion
Since 1980, we have seen a plethora of opposition political
parties, civil
society groups and human rights organisations as well as
dissenting voices
being criminalised, delegitimised and
brutalised.
Report by Thabani Nyoni
This culture of violence,
intolerance and impunity has thrived on
manufactured public anger and
aloofness. Stage managed investigations,
fabricated criminal charges and
incessant hate language; terms like
“dissidents”, “sell-outs”, “puppets of
the West”, “racists” and of late
“Western-sponsored agents of regime
change”, “threats to national security
and sovereignty” have given moral
legitimacy to justify political
persecution. In fact, the hate speech has
worked wonders for the
dictatorship creating a siege mentality to justify
and perpetuate a
political war against citizens and groups who hold
different views and
opinions.
This way the dictatorship has avoided
public scrutiny (or consent) and
destroyed the nascent signs of a vibrant
pluralist society with a healthy
political competition and co-operation. The
first target was PF Zapu and its
supporters in Matabeleland and Midlands
provinces where a state-sponsored
crackdown claimed over 20 000 lives, not
counting the lost limbs, raped
women, destroyed infrastructure and a whole
development decade lost.
The 1987 Unity Accord between Zanu PF and PF
Zapu was an elite pact that
gave an impression that there had been a war and
a peace settlement had been
reached and “dissidents” (and their communities
in Matabeleland and
Midlands) had been given amnesty! They must now move on;
the chapter is
closed, end of story. With benefit of hindsight and having
seen what
happened to the Zimbabwe Unity Movement and Patrick Kombayi, to
the MDC, and
now to the civic groups and human rights defenders (including
lawyers and
judges), we now know that we are governed by a dictatorship that
understands
one party, one leader, one ideology, one narrative prominence
and dominance
in politics.
After 33 years of Independence plus a
third wave of democracy in Africa,
Zanu PF has learnt nothing and forgotten
nothing. In fact, a 10-year-old
anti-democratic narrative has been sustained
with carefully crafted rhetoric
of what is termed “illegal regime change
agenda”. And yet we know that the
criminalisation of a democratic outcome
called regime change is meant for
Zanu PF regime retention, even against the
will and consent of its citizens.
In fact, it does seem, judging by Zanu
PF’s language to the citizens, that
electoral legitimacy is not important,
what is important are the liberation
war credentials. After all, the “war”
is still being prosecuted and we are
now somewhere around its third phase —
The Third Chimurenga.
There is obviously an element of denial as well.
Deny that opposition
political parties exist, deny that there are human
rights violations, deny
that citizens need to freely make their choices in
elections, deny that
regime change is legitimate and even deny the fact that
Zimbabwe is bigger
than Zanu PF and that the struggles millions are fighting
today are
different and require new non-violent methods.
Five years
ago, with guarded optimism, Zimbabweans voted for regime change
and the
result was a new historic reality — the inclusive government of the
triumvirate.
As we approach the twilight of the coalition government,
we realise that
Zanu PF has not changed, what has been changing is the
language and
behaviour of its former victims and partners — the two MDCs.
Four years of
constitution haggling shows that the legitimacy and
independence of civic
groups is not part of their agenda.
In fact, we
have seen desperation for politics of consensus giving the
triumvirate
political parties the centre-stage to join together in
destroying vibrant
political positions by categorising and paddocking civic
groups into three
political party affiliate groups.
It started with the manner in which
civic groups were invited to the
outreach, the first and second
all-stakeholders’ conferences. The civic
groups that chose not to take part
but to take charge were treated as
retrogressive elements and with very
limited levels of tolerance and
respect. If this is not convincing, consider
how Copac cajoled and coerced
civic groups onto the “Yes” campaign as a
condition to access and distribute
the draft constitution. There was no room
for a “No” vote. Was this not a
classic case of a manufactured
consent?
Ironically, the two MDC parties had earlier on joined civic
groups in
complaining about how Zanu PF had “manufactured, coached and
bussed” people
in order to control constitutional debates and its
content.
As we approach watershed elections, there is a disturbing
anti-democratic
crystallisation of collective passions between and within
political parties.
You read stories about how the various political party
hierarchies are
plotting to “block” new candidates, how factional candidates
are being
imposed and how rules of political competition change while the
game has
already begun and the balance of scales has tilted one
way.
Consider how certain political party leaders now fervently defend
certain
institutions that have been symbols and bastions of electoral
manipulation,
intimidation and violence to whip citizens into consenting.
These are indeed
alarming levels of complicity and complacency (and a naïve
and
self-destructive arrogance) that have emboldened the dictatorship to a
point
of even wanting early elections with measured and restrained violence
and
intimidation.
My disappointment with the inclusive government and
with the two MDC parties
is a function of expectations. I travel a lot
around the country and hear a
lot of people like me talk. They look at how
the two MDC groups have been
complicit in systematically suppressing
political pluralism. They see how
the fixation with “take part” positions
(as opposed to other alternatives)
has weakened the “vibrant clash of
political positions not as a means to an
end, but as continuity towards
democratic solutions”.
They observe the public silence you get when the
inclusive government
launches a crackdown against Zimbabwe Peace Project,
Zimbabwe Human Rights
Association, Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission,
human rights lawyers,
judges, South African President Jacob Zuma-led
mediation team and the
international community. They begin to wonder if the
violent resistance to
an open, vibrant and democratic public and political
space is still a
monopoly of one party.
As a parting shot, I think we
need to understand the meaning of concerted
attacks and crackdown on civic
groups, human rights lawyers, impartial
judges and opposition politics.
These institutions are part of a broad range
of institutions that demand the
government and politicians must be
restrained and be accountable in terms of
how far and how much they exercise
state power. To achieve this, they have
worked to expand, democratise and
maintain a vibrant and legitimate public
sphere. This is a legitimate
democratic regime agenda in service of the
long-suffering ordinary citizens.
We share their pain to a point that no
amount of or form of persecution, be
it bloody, brutal, political or legal
will make us apologise or give up this
struggle. Those violently opposed to
this are bent on undermining democratic
processes.
Nyoni is the
executive director of Bulawayo Agenda and spokesperson of the
Crisis in
Zimbabwe Coalition. He writes in his personal capacity.
MDC-T
policies offer recovery hope
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
May 3, 2013 in Opinion
THE policies that
will soon be launched by the Movement for Democratic
Change party led by
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai (MDC-T) will go a long
way in addressing a
myriad of governance issues that have stalled growth and
progress in the
past decade.
The MDC-T policies offer a glimmer of hope to a nation that
is distressed
and a people who have suffered for too long at the hands of a
corrupt and
self-serving Zanu PF leadership. The MDC-T will enunciate its
commitment to
cleaning up the mess of the previous decades and restore
Zimbabwe again on a
sustainable path to recovery.
MDC-T policies on
political and economic governance will fix, once and for
all, the problem of
corruption which has become a national cancer in our
country. The MDC-T’s
realisation that poverty cannot be addressed without
resolving the weak and
corrupt systems of governance is commendable.
The policies come on the
backdrop of rampant corruption particularly in the
extractive industry where
the proceeds from diamond mining are not being
channelled to Treasury.
Finance minister Tendai Biti is on record saying
that the money from
diamonds is being used to sponsor a “parallel”
government run by some
securocrats and Zanu PF officials.
The time has now come for all
Zimbabweans to reclaim their resources and
entrust the management of these
public resources in a national leadership
that is responsive to people’s
needs. This situation calls for a committed
leadership that is ready to
tackle the challenges head-on without fear or
favour.
MDC-T’s
attempts to inject a new culture of accountability in the government
of
national unity (GNU) has been frustrated at every turn by Zanu-PF.
Although
there has been a modicum of reforms in the GNU, the tough battle
lies ahead
to ensure that the new constitution and national institutions
such as the
Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission (ZHRC) and Zimbabwe
Anti-Corruption
Commission (Zacc) are allowed to execute their mandates
without any
hindrances. This is why Zimbabweans should be careful when they
make their
choices in the forthcoming general elections.
Some public officials in
the GNU became rich overnight and cannot explain
how they amassed their
riches. On the other hand, Zacc, which is supposed to
carry out
investigations and bring corrupt officials to book has been
suffocated and
denied quasi-judicial powers to enable it to prosecute the
offenders. In
other countries such an institution is given space to do its
work without
political interference.
The MDC-T policy blueprint will address the
problems of corruption,
patronage and cronyism which have led to collapse of
service delivery and
failure by government to fulfill its obligations of
providing basic goods
and services to its citizens. The conflation of the
state and Zanu PF has
led to a deliberate weakening of state
institutions.
The MDC-T policy thrust will address this governance
deficit by making sure
that all appointments to public office are done above
aboard in a
professional manner. Due diligence will be taken by an MDC-T
government when
making appointments to key positions like permanent
secretaries, ambassadors
and cabinet ministers.
The MDC-T policy
blueprint states: “Over the past three decades the
standards adhered to by
government in the sphere of governance has steadily
declined. Today,
corruption is widespread at all levels of the state; there
is a general
attitude of impunity and the justice system has deteriorated to
the point
where people no longer expect their grievances or the violation of
their
rights and the basic laws of the country to be respected. The state
has
become highly centralised and autocratic and our democracy, the result
of a
hard-won Independence struggle, is totally compromised.”
Many Zimbabweans
are excluded from participating in national issues because
of violence and
an intolerant political culture. Over the past three
decades, Zanu-PF
implemented exclusionary policies which discriminated
against and excluded
MDC-T supporters. Today women and young people still
cannot participate
meaningfully in the affairs of their country because of a
gerontocratic and
patriarchal leadership that has no respect for women and
the equal
participation of minority groups in public affairs.
The culture of
violence that has characterised our politics since the
colonial era will be
eradicated through reforming the abusive state
institutions, particularly
the state security apparatus. In a new Zimbabwe,
which the MDC-T envisages,
the public service will employ professionals who
are ready to serve the
country and not political parties. Those who are
responsible for instigating
rights abuses of a nature and on a scale that we
have witnessed in the
previous elections will be brought to book.
If given the mandate to
govern in the forthcoming general elections expected
later this year, the
MDC-T government will do away with a top-heavy
government such as the one
currently running the affairs of the country. A
top-heavy government is an
unnecessary drain in the fiscus and a luxury that
Zimbabweans cannot afford
at the moment. The MDC-T government will trim the
number of ministries and
only retain a few core ministries which will help
to promote economic
growth, human security and development.
The policy blueprint further
states that: “(The) MDC-T has learned while it
has been in government, that
institutional transformation is not easy.
However, it starts with leadership
at the highest levels of the state who
must be required to be open,
accountable and responsive to the people’s
needs. MDC-T is committed to
these principles and will hold all leaders, in
all spheres, to such
standards.
In addition, the principle of service delivery, client needs
and integrity
in all areas of public and private life will be demanded of
all public
servants.”
Public officials are accountable to the
citizens; they are in office to
serve the people and not private interests.
The MDC-T recognises the need to
re-orient public leaders so that they are
open, accountable and responsive
to the needs of the people. The leadership
question is a critical one if
corruption, patronage and cronyism are to be
addressed.
In the past, we have had instances where public officials are
appointed not
on merit, but because they share the same totem or come from
the same
district or province with the president. The MDC-T policy will
allow
individual citizens to scrutinise the names of individuals recommended
for
public office. This commitment to involve citizens in choosing their
national leaders helps to deepen democracy.
The MDC-T policy document
spells out the party’s commitment to bringing
government closer to the
people. This provision recognises the importance of
involving people in
decision-making at the provincial, district and
ward-levels. The MDC-T
sponsored the debate on devolution during the
constitution-making process
and fully embrace the provisions in the draft
constitution which recognises
the need to devolve power and decision-making
functions to local and
provincial governments.
The policy blueprint further states: “… the MDC-T
is committed to supporting
all established local authorities that will be
granted considerable
autonomy, additional functions and resources. In this
way, government
administration and decision-making will be devolved
downwards to where
people live and make their
livelihoods.”
Devolution of power to the local tiers of government goes
far in fulfilling
procedural and substantive democracy. Devolution helps
local authorities and
the provincial assemblies to participate in
decision-making, have autonomy
and have control over their resources. The
involvement of local people in
local economies will improve employment,
provide food and ultimately empower
the local people to have control over
their resources.
The removal of party politics from community development
structures is
important for the country to achieve the status of a
developmental state.
While mineral resources that are found should be
channelled towards national
development goals, every effort must be made to
exploit these resources in
ways that do not prejudice local communities.
Local communities should be
given priority when it comes to employment and
some of the proceeds should
be channelled towards developing the same
communities through building
schools, hospitals, roads, water and
electricity.
The indigenisation and economic empowerment policy being
pursued by Zanu PF
is meant to reward only a few party members while the
majority of people
continue to wallow in poverty. The MDC-T policy thrust
seeks total
empowerment of all Zimbabweans rather than a particular section
of the
population. So far it is largely Zanu PF cronies who have benefitted
from
the so-called indigenisation policies while the majority of Zimbabweans
suspected to be MDC-T sympathisers are denied operating licences in mining,
agriculture, tourism and construction industries, to mention a
few.
There is now a new bourgeoisie that has emerged post-2000 of
politicians and
businesspersons who are aligned to Zanu PF who now own
multiple farms and
have also grabbed lucrative deals in the mining industry.
This is the class
that is assisting and sustaining Zanu-PF to re-assert its
hegemony.
Pasirayi is a DPhil student at St Antony’s College, Oxford
University, UK.
Case study: Zimbabwe
http://blogs.fco.gov.uk/worldpressfreedomday/2013/05/02/case-study-zimbabwe/
May 2, 2013
On April 1, 2007, I was captured by the police and
dragged to the Harare Central Police Station’s notorious Law and Order
section.
I was pushed into a stuffy room and ordered to sit on a
dirty, green carpet. Behind the desk was a lick-spittle man – tall, dark, thin
and stern-faced. On the neat Mahogany desk was a plaque inscribed with the
police superintendent’s name.
Wearing a dull coloured Nelson Mandela shirt buttoned
up to the top-most fastener and putting on thick-rimmed spectacles, the
superintendent took a contemptuous glance at me and remarked, “Ah, he is a
kid.”
“Sell-out,” he roared at me. “Why are you selling out
your motherland to imperialists?” he barked, asking further why I was writing
“lies in your newspaper.”
In the previous edition of The Zimbabwean – a newspaper
printed in South Africa and carted into the country across the border every
Thursday – we had started a “Name and Shame” column, where we exposed the names
of top police officers who had savagely beaten up then opposition leader Morgan
Tsvangirai – now the Prime Minister of Zimbabwe – in police custody. And this
particular superintendent was one of the officers we had named. And he savoured
the moment, reminding me that he headed the “brutal” Law and Order
unit.
The superintendent personally tied me up in cuffs and
leg irons; and with almost a dozen other people, badly beat me up, interspersing
the beatings with a meticulous recording of answers to the questions that they
would have barked at me.
The questions were about my employer, The Zimbabwean –
a newspaper which they alleged was attempting to oust President Mugabe and
install a puppet regime led by Tsvangirai. It was of course all nonsense. They
wanted to know my sources, and this was one thing that precipitated the
beatings. I refused to give any names and they scaled up the beatings in a bid
to extract a confession.
Prior to this, there had been concerted efforts to
silence the newspaper, then the only independent daily in the country.
Government had tried everything, from imposing a punitive import duty on the
paper, in an apparent bid to limit its circulation and now this.
Earlier, a truck carrying a consignment of 60,000
copies of The Zimbabwean had been seized by gunman – believed to be members of
the feared Military Intelligence – and destroyed. The South African driver of
the delivery truck was gruesomely beaten up and the whole consignment of
newspapers doused with petrol and shot at using AK-47 rifles. The whole truck
went up in flames, and all the papers.
And as the Zimbabwe-based chief reporter of the The
Zimbabwean, I became the regime’s new target.
The beatings were sadistic. Bloodied and pleading that
the beatings stop, the superintendent assigned a delegation of plain clothes
detectives to go and search my house. In leg-irons, they took me home and turned
the place upside down, charging I had bought my property using “filthy lucre.”
They seized my computer and other memory storage devices, and dragged me back to
the police station.
For the next five days, I endured interrogations by
different cops, including members of the feared secret police, the Central
Intelligence Organisation. They used all tactics, from “bad cop, good cop”
strategies to outright violence whenever I refused to cooperate.
After the long day, I would be taken back to a dinghy
and filthy police cell reeking of urine and other human waste. For five days I
endured this mental and physical torture. On the second day, the High Court
issued an order to the cops to present me before a court of law. That order was
contemptuously defied.
On the third day, the Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights
– representing me on a pro bono basis – applied for another release order and
again it was duly granted. But then, it was defied again by the police. In fact,
the court order was torn to pieces as soon as it was handed to the
superintendent.
Then on day four, a final order was granted by the High
Court, this time instructing the cops that they will be charged with contempt of
court if they failed to produce me in court of law by 10 am the following day.
They had no choice.
Badly beaten, I limped into court on April 5, where the
superintendent told the prosecutor that he must oppose bail on the grounds that
I was a “flight risk.” He speculated that as soon as I was granted bail, I would
immediately skip the border to neighbouring South Africa and run to my
“handlers.”
In court, I was represented by gritty Harare lawyer
Beatrice Mtetwa – a leading Zimbabwean media rights lawyer who was won
international acclaim for her work. Back in the court room, magistrate Gloria
Takundwa – a young-fresh-out-of-university magistrate – immediately demanded
answers from the prosecution team why I was in such a battered state.
Mtetwa told the magistrate that the case cannot proceed
to trial until police explain why they had to savagely beat me up in custody.
The prosecution team promised to present a report at the next court
sitting.
Magistrate Takundwa excoriated the police for
“high-handedness” and granted me bail and advised that I be taken into hospital
right away. I was granted $100 bail. I heaved a sigh of relief, but I was in
excruciating pain. I was taken to the Counselling Services Unit (CSU), a
Harare-based legal clinic and NGO that keeps medical records of victims of State
torture.
They meticulously recorded everything that happened.
(Three months ago, police raided the legal clinic and confiscated all the
medical records at the clinic and detained staff who were later freed on
bail.)
Back to April 5, 2007, I was checked into Dandaro
Clinic, a private hospital in Harare, by the CSU, where I spent over a month
nursing soft-tissue injuries, and a broken finger. When the trial opened, I was
charged with publishing false news. My defence lawyer Mtetwa shredded the State
case in court, and I was acquitted.
Six years on, the status of press freedom is more or
less the same. When will we be safe to speak?
To mark the 20th anniversary of World Press Freedom Day
on 3 May, 2013, the Foreign and Commonwealth Office aims to “shine a light” to
highlight repression of the media and freedom of expression using personal
testimonies and other accounts from around the world.
For more information on our activities on freedom
of expression, and human rights more broadly, read our 2012
annual human rights report.
- The views in this blog are those of the author and do
not necessarily reflect the views of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO),
or its policies.
Gift Phiri