The ZIMBABWE Situation Our thoughts and prayers are with Zimbabwe
- may peace, truth and justice prevail.

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Mail and Guardian

Zim schools back down after Mugabe's threats

      08 May 2004 16:36

President Robert Mugabe's government has allowed most of the 46 private
schools closed down this week to reopen on Monday after they agreed to slash
their fees to official levels to avoid being seized by the government,
according to official statements Saturday.

The government-controlled daily Herald published a list of 36 schools which
had been been "cleared" by the education ministry and said pupils could go
back to school next week.

Education Minister Aeneas Chigwedere had denounced the schools as "racist"
organisations charging high fees to keep out blacks, and gave them until
Friday to cut their fees to prescribed levels or be "nationalised" by the

Officials of the Association of Trust Schools (ATS) which represents the
country's about 65 private schools, said heads of all the affected schools
had rushed to the education ministry on Friday to meet the deadline, but
several had failed, because ministry officials refused to stay at work
beyond the 4.30pm office hours.

Police, many with automatic rifles, manned the gates of the private schools
from Monday, barring pupils, staff and parents entry. At least 12 heads and
school board governors were arrested, some of them forced to spend the night
in police cells.

In an interview on state television on Thursday night, Chigwedere declared
that private schools were "factories to produce white Rhodesians," and were
owned by foreign organisations.

"The ownership is British," he said. "It is the very war we are fighting
against these schools," he said.

Chigwedere also told a group of anxious parents who met him earlier that "we
are doing to the private schools what we did to the white farms," a
reference to the regime's illegal seizure since 2 000 of nearly all of the
country's 11-million hectares of productive white-owned land.

Private school authorities have rebutted the allegations, and say all but
one of their schools is black-dominated, some by 95%, as are their boards of
governors. They also say they are completely locally-owned, and point out
that the fee increases at all schools were overwhelmingly approved by the

A circular to private schools issued Friday night by ATS urged all schools
to sign "acceptance certificates" with the ministry agreeing to prescribed
fees as "the fastest way to reopen the schools and avoid them being
nationalised by the government."

It said that the agreement was "only a short term solution as it leaves many
schools technically insolvent" and all schools will now have to look at ways
to cut costs.

Education experts say that the state school system is collapsing under an
almost total lack of government support, with teachers demoralised,
overworked and poorly paid, and classrooms dilapidated. - Sapa-DPA
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Cops guard the gates of Zim's private schools

      May 08 2004 at 10:43AM

Confusion reigned on Friday as President Robert Mugabe's government vowed to
"nationalise" private schools that had raised fees above state-stipulated
charges, while the country's high court declared the regime's closure of 46
of the schools was illegal.

Private school officials confirmed that at least nine school heads and
governors had been arrested since Wednesday, although most had been

A high court on Thursday declared that the closure of the 46 schools by
education minister Aeneas Chigwedere was "null and void", but on Friday
morning armed police were still stationed outside most of the private
schools affected, staff said, but were allowing children into only Hartmann
House, the Catholic junior school that had applied for the court order.

A report in the state-controlled daily Herald newspaper said education
authorities had been given permission to re-open, but it could not be
confirmed. Lawyer Beatrice Mtetwa said the order by judge Susan Mavangira
had been made with the agreement of state lawyers.

"The judge said that the minister's order was null and void. It means that
it doesn't apply just to Hartmann house, but in the case of all the schools
that were closed."

As schools opened for the new term on Tuesday, the government announced that
it had banned 46 schools with about 33 000 pupils from starting lessons
because they had not received official approval to raise their fees above 10
percent a year.

Armed police were stationed outside school gates to bar teachers and pupils
from entering.

Zimbabwe is in the middle of an economic crisis with inflation running at a
regular 600 percent, the highest in the world, and private schools say they
cannot continue running unless they raise their fees in line with soaring

Zimbabwe's most exclusive boarding school, the Anglican church-run
Peterhouse in the town of Marondera, 75km east of Harare, raised its fees to
Z$9,9-million (about R10 000) a term.

A letter obtained by Deutsche Presse-Agentur, and issued by the Association
of Trust Schools which represents all the country's about 65 private
schools, said that at a meeting with Chigwedere on Wednesday, he declared
that all schools that did not cut their fees to the state-set levels would
be "nationalised" on Friday.

It said he denounced the schools as "racist" and said they were trying to
keep out poor blacks. He demanded that they raised the ratio of black pupils
to 60 percent.

But the state-controlled daily Herald quoted school officials as saying that
they had advised him that they were already well beyond that, and that the
black-dominated parent bodies had overwhelmingly agreed to the fee

Members of a delegation from a private school parents organisation who met
Chigwedere on Tuesday said he had warned them, "You can go to court but we
will ignore the courts".

He also reportedly said that "we are doing to the private schools what we
are doing to the farms," a reference to the lawless, violent seizure of
nearly all the country's white-owned farm land since 2000.

Last month Mugabe attacked private schools for charging fees that were "a
burden" to poor children. Schools were now being ordered by the education
ministry to sign an undertaking they would keep their fees at the official
limits, or be kept closed.

Education experts say that the state school system is collapsing under an
almost total lack of government support, with teachers demoralised,
overworked and poorly paid, and classrooms dilapidated. - Sapa-DPA
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From BBC News, 7 May

The rise and fall of Zimbabwe's schools

By Joseph Winter

The enforced closure this week of some 45 private schools illustrates just
how far Zimbabwe's education system has declined in recent years. Following
independence in 1980, the government of former teacher Robert Mugabe was
widely praised for expanding education to the black majority, who had been
kept out of the best schools. By the 1990s, Zimbabwe had the highest
literacy rates in Africa and it remains high at 89% of the adult population.
But the economic crisis, compounded by the HIV/Aids pandemic, means that
school enrolment has fallen to 59%. "I am very worried by the drop-out
rate," the head of Zimbabwe's teaching unions Peter Mabande told BBC News
Online. The private schools - previously reserved for whites - were shut
down by the government after raising fees by up to 500%. The law says that
increases of more than 10% must be approved by the education ministry, while
annual inflation is currently more than 580%. The schools say the ministry
has been slow to approve their requests to raise fees and that if they don't
raise fees in line with inflation, the best teachers will leave and
standards will fall. Opposition MP and chairman of the Petra independent
schools trust David Coltart says that the latest fee increases were backed
by the parents, who want the best for their children. "There is no
justification for bringing private schools down to the absolutely chaotic
situation prevailing in public schools," he told the BBC Network Africa

State-run schools have also been feeling the pinch and last year raised
their own fees by between 200 and 2000%. Although fees in state schools are
sometimes nominal - $250 (5 US cents) a term - when the cost of books and
uniforms is added, many of Zimbabwe's poorest families can no longer afford
education. Unemployment has rocketed in recent years with the closure of
factories and other business and more than half of the population needs food
aid. The streets of the main cities are now full of children whose parents
have been killed by Aids and who are struggling to find enough food to eat
and so can't even think about going to school. Officially, those unable to
afford school fees will be given grants but the schools themselves are short
of money and so many children fall through the net. In order to cope with
the financial shortages, schools in overcrowded urban areas operate
"hot-seating". One group of children goes to school in the morning and
another group in the afternoon. In rural areas, there are not enough school
buildings and some children learn with only the shade of a tree to protect
them from the searing sun.

The government accuses the private schools of being racist and of trying to
keep blacks out by raising fees so high that only whites can afford them.
But the schools strongly deny this and say that most schools have a black
majority. Before many whites left after being demonised by the government,
they were just 80,000 out of a population of 12 million. So operating an
all-white school would not be a viable proposition. In Zimbabwe, politics is
everything and as his position has come under increasing threat in recent
years, Mr Mugabe has taken to blaming his problems on the white community
and their alleged backers in the UK. "We believe they are motivated not by a
desire to keep school fees down but by a desire to undermine the urban
middle class, which traditionally supports the opposition," Mr Coltart said.
The school fee policy is also an example of Mr Mugabe's general approach to
economics. As inflation has risen and risen, his government has not sought
to curb spending or encourage exports, as most economists would suggest, he
has imposed price controls. The prices of basic goods such as bread and
sugar have been set by the government. Last year, bakers were taken to court
after doubling the price of bread. They said the official price was below
the cost of production. So if the government let private schools get away
with breaking the law on fee increases, it would be setting a precedent for
all the other business trying to survive in a country where cynics say it
would be cheaper to use small denomination banknotes than buy toilet paper.
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Striking Zimbabwe players agree to mediation

      May 08 2004 at 02:21PM

Harare - Striking Zimbabwe white cricketers have reached agreement to accept
mediation of their dispute with the Zimbabwe Cricket Union (ZCU) in

The 12 players involved have agreed that they want to end the month-long
impasse since their captain Heath Streak was sacked.

The decision was taken after meetings on Friday between their lawyer Chris
Venturas and ZCU counterpart Alwyn Pichanick, along with Much Masunda, who
runs an arbitration organisation.

"We are almost agreed," player Stuart Carlisle said.

"However, there is still need for further discussion amongst us and there
are also other pertinent issues. We are hopeful of a resolution to this
before long," he added.

They will now almost certainly be available for the second Test match
against Sri Lanka, which begins on Friday in Bulawayo.

However, their preliminary decision needs to be finalised among them
formally and they are to meet once again on Monday.

Another player, Trevor Gripper, said: "We still want to go to arbitration,
and mediation would be a means to that end. This decision of ours is not set
in stone. We have not changed out stance on this issue at all. Arbitration
is legal binding and that's the objective and that's what we really want."

ZCU chairman Peter Chingoka declined to comment, except to say that no
letter had been received from the players' lawyer.

Chief executive Vincent Hogg said: "Typically they have gone public without
coming to us first. But let us hope we can now resolve this problem. I
certainly look forward to that."

The cause of the impasse was Streak's sacking on April 2 which followed his
demand for changes to the selection panel.

The players continued to demand his reinstatement as well as the changes he
wanted. The ZCU insisted neither issue was open for discussion. - Sapa-AFP

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Family seeks elephant inquest


THE FAMILY of an adventurous woman killed by an elephant in Africa is
pushing for an inquest to solve the riddle of her death.

A year after Kerrie Morrow, 29, was trampled by a rogue elephant in
Zimbabwe, her Sunshine family believes there are still inconsistencies in
the official version of the tragic incident.
A Zimbabwe magistrate will soon decide if an inquest will be held to further
probe her death.

Although the death was ruled accidental, her sister, Michelle Morrow,
believes something more sinister may have occurred.

She said there were inconsistencies in police reports, including the
distance between her sister and the elephant.

Ms Morrow questioned the qualifications of tour guides who took her sister
on a horse safari at Victoria Falls on April 14, last year.

Some reports say one of the two guides was a trainee, conflicting with other
reports saying both were experienced.

Photographs taken by her sister just before she was killed, show the
elephant was closer than guides had indicated.

Ms Morrow is lobbying the Australian government for help.


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Subject: Why Obusanjo is Supporting Zanu PF

Is this possibly why Obusanjo is supporting the current regime in Zimbabwe?
By his continued support, more farmers will be forced off their land in
Zimbabwe and are likely to consider moving to Nigeria to take up land
there. This would mean Nigeria is rebuilding their agricultural economy at
Zimbabwe's expense.


This Day (Nigeria)

Zimbabwean Farmers Get 200,000 Land Hectares in Kwara
From Stephan Hofstter in Ilorin

Kwara State government has allocated almost 200,000 hectares of prime
agricultural land to Zimbabwean commercial farmers wishing to relocate to
Nigeria - almost twice as much as they had bargained for.

"We will do anything in our power to make this project a success," said
Permanent Secretary of Lands and Housing, Mrs. Tayo Alao. "It will enhance
the status of our people, who will learn skills from the Zimbabweans," she

She assured the farmers no Nigerian villagers would lose their homes in the
process, but conceded movement of nomadic herders in the district would be

A second delegation of Zimbabweans whose farms were seized under Robert
Mugabe's land redistribution programme arrived in Kwara state this week.

Kwara governor Bukola Saraki has been vigorously courting Zimbabwean
farmers to kick-start commercial agriculture in Nigeria since the dramatic
success of their compatriots in Zambia late last year.

About 100 Zimbabwean farmers reportedly grew over 70 percent of Zambia's
2003 maize crop. On average Nigeria spends $1.5 billion on rice and dairy
imports a year, agriculture officials said. An import ban due to fall on a
range of agricultural products will leave a lucrative gap in the market.

At a meeting with the farmers in Kwara's capital Ilorin earlier this
week Alao insisted local residents would not be relocated. This apparently
contradicts an earlier remark by the state deputy surveyor-general Ezekiel
Ajiboye that some villagers would be resettled and compensated for land

"But we have made it clear to the Fulani nomads they must steer clear of
the Zimbabwean farms," said Alao.

Last weekend clashes in Plateau State between Muslim Fulani cattle herders
and Christian Tarok farmers over land and cattle reportedly claimed 100

About 20 000 people live on land earmarked for a proposed Zimbabwean sugar
cane estate, village officials said. The estate comprises about 10 percent
of total land allocated.

Alao was responding to concerns raised by the Zimbabweans their arrival
would coincide with land being seized from local peasants.

"We know what it feels like to be kicked off farms," said Alan Jack, who
led delegations sent by Zimbabwe's Commercial Farmers Union. "If the same
happens to the local [Nigerian] population the project will fail because we
will get a bad name, locally and internationally."

Other concerns included poor roads, lack of services such as clinics and
schools, and erratic electrical power provision and telecommunications.

"This is worse than the [Zimbabwean] Lowveld in "62 and worse than Zambia,
where the farms were already marked out," said Allain Faydherbe, who saw
his sugar cane holdings shrink from 700 ha to 35 ha and spent the weekend
in jail under Mugabe's reforms. "It's virgin bush."

But the farmers regarded the Nigerian invitation a golden opportunity,
despite the massive capital investment required.

An irrigation consultant who accompanied the group said it would cost 30
farmers a total of $80 million to irrigate 27 000 hectares of land.

Another $80 million would have to be found for building and farming
equipment costs.

Governor Saraki returned yesterday from a trip to Brussels to woo
investors.  The farmers will present financing proposals to the governor
later this week.


JAG Hotlines:
(011) 612 595 If you are in trouble or need advice,
(011) 205 374
(011) 863 354 please don't hesitate to contact us -
(011) 431 068
                                we're here to help!
263 4 799 410 Office Lines

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Please send any material for publication in the Open Letter Forum to with "For Open Letter Forum" in the subject line.


   "The principle of equality does not destroy the imagination, but lowers
its flight to the level of the earth."

 - Alexis De Tocqueville



Letter 1.  Subject: Salt

Dear Jag,

I gather that the Quinnel Case is going to be heard in the Court this
month. In real terms this case is a test for Human Rights, Property Rights
and The Rule of Law in the country with The Honourable Patrick Anthony
Chinamasa and The Honourable Joseph Made and the Attorney General as

It may well be opportune to point out that any Zimbabwean citizens, with
means, who support these principles and are "worth their salt" might
consider a putting their names to the Test Case by contributing the
equivalent of a loaf of bread towards the costs - in fact just half a loaf,
but with their names attached. I challenge any condescending CFU Council
members to make a stand for what is right (rather than be part and parcel
to a system of patronage) at the eleventh hour. The subscription list might
just be a great revelation of "who is who," in the final post mortem of the

Pro Justice.


Letter 2.  Subject: Not Cricket

Dear Editor,

It has been reported that the ECB Chairman of Corporate Affairs, and
Marketing Committee Mr. Des Wilson has resigned from the post and attacked
the ICC over their managerial style.

Interestingly, Mr. Vince Hogg has got a completely different perspective to
Mr. Wilson. He is reported as saying that
"Players would face sanctions if they failed to go along with the
arbitration process."

A much more interesting quote from Mr. Hogg is that "Grant Flower is being

There are a number of questions that Mr. Hogg and the world need to answer
before they decide where the real problem lies with the cricket in Zimbabwe.

*Who is the patron of Zimbabwe Cricket?

*Who sanctioned the Fifth Brigade to go into Matabeleland?

*Who sanctioned the actions of the Fifth Brigade?

*Who sanctioned the actions of the late Hitler Hunzvi?

*Who sanctioned the losing of about 300 000 jobs on the farms by destroying
commercial agriculture?

*Who is ultimately in charge of the CIO?

*Who is ultimately responsible for Andy Flower and Henry Olonga not playing
for Zimbabwe?

*Who really caused them to wear a black arm band at the World Cup?

*Who does Mr. Chingoka report to?

*Who is the most evil and feared man in Zimbabwe?

*Who sanctioned the killings of Martin Olds, Charles Anderson, Alan Dunne,
David Stevens, Terry Ford and Henry Elsworth?

*Who is responsible for some six million people facing starvation in

*Who is responsible for telling the UN office that the Zimbabwean operation
will now be wound up?

Obviously each person has a right to answer these questions as they see
fit. I humbly suggest that Mr. Hogg takes a weekend away at Inyanga and
gives it some serious thought before he becomes judgmental about cricketers
with a conscience.

When he looks in the mirror - does he think that he is being completely
honest with the person he sees - or is there a contract, or fear, entailed
and this makes it easier to blame the players instead.

Time could well prove that Mr. Hogg will be highly respected in cricket
history if he does what all honourable cricketers should do and WALKED
rather than stand around when everybody knows what is going on and
implicating himself with the mess.

Just not cricket.

All letters published on the open Letter Forum are the views and opinions
of the submitters, and do not represent the official viewpoint of Justice
for Agriculture.


JAG Hotlines:
(011) 612 595 If you are in trouble or need advice,
(011) 205 374
(011) 863 354 please don't hesitate to contact us -
(011) 431 068
                                we're here to help!
263 4 799 410 Office Lines
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Herewith today's (Friday 7th May 2004) Listing of Section 8 Acquisitiion
Orders published in the Herald under Lot No. 4 pertaining to 80 properties.

A futher listing of Section 5 Notices under Lot 144 pertaining to 128
properties appear in the same Edition and will be sent out on Monday (9th
May 2004).

Collection of Section 8 Orders for lodgement of Section 5 Notice objection
letters can be effected at the following address which is not given in the

Block 2
Makombe Complex
cnr. Herbert Chitepo Street/Harare Street
See Mr. Pazavakombewa

  Vesting of land, taking of materials and
  exercise of rights over land

NOTICE is hereby given, in terms of paragraph (iii) of subsection (1) of
section 8 of the Land Acquisition Act (Chapter 20:10), that the President
has acquired compulsorily the land described in the Schedule for
resettlement purposes.

Minister of Special Affairs in the President's Office in Charge of Lands,
Land Reform and Resettlement.


7.5.2004. 1. 2159/92. Alpine Farm P/L: Bindura: The Ridge: 1329,3160 ha

7.5.2004. 2. 3644/97. Granta Estates P/L: Bindura: Dochandoris: 706,2204 ha

7.5.2004.  3.  3710/2001.  Kingsway Community Church: Bindura: The
Remainder of Claverhill: 391,3345 ha

7.5.2004.  4.  11653/99. Mtuatua (Private) Limited: Darwin: Lot 1 of Lot
1 of Mtorazeni: 1 025,4006 ha

7.5.2004.  5.  11654/99.  Yoyo Investments (Private) Limited: Darwin: Lot
1 of Mtorazeni: 1 530,1394 ha

7.5.2004.  6.  4922/90.  R Webb & Company (Private) Limited: Darwin:
Ashford: 1 627,2286 ha

7.5.2004.  7.  2897/85. Nteto Farms (Pvt) Ltd: Darwin: Remainder of Nteto
Park: 719,9868 ha

7.5.2004.  8.  2896/82. R Wilson-Harris (Private) Limited: Darwin:
Avalon: 1 348,1908 ha

7.5.2004.  9.  3813/88.  J N Sandys - Thomas (Private) Limited: Lomagundi
and Sipolilo: Conrise Farm Estate: 1 756,5228 ha

7.5.2004.  10.  6423/73.  Williams James Claxton: Lomagundi: Farm C of
Nidderdale: 493,3544 ha

7.5.2004.  11.  2695/92. G B K Farm Syndicate (Private) Limited:
Lomagundi: Makosa Estate: 602,4241 ha

7.5.2004.  12.  1618/66. Tobacco Research Board of Southern Rhodesia:
Lomagundi: Lot 1 of Red Lands: 253,0196 acres

7.5.2004.  13.  6063/88.  Elveden Estates (Private) Limited: Lomagundi:
Lot a of Bowden: 517,3369 ha

7.5.2004.  14.  5158/85. A and A Farms (Private) Limited: Lomagundi: Lot
1 of Greenside: 1 298,1256 ha

7.5.2004.  15.  4648/68.  Sheepridge Estate (Private) Limited: Lomagundi:
Remaining Extent of Sheepridge Estate A: 3 330,1854 acres

7.5.2004.  16.  1688/62. Bowden Farms (Private) Limited: Lomagundi:
Darwendale "C": 760,5712 acres

7.5.2004.  17.  1618/66.  A Fleming and Son (Private) Limited: Lomagundi:
Strathmore Estate: 1 798,1439 acres

7.5.2004.  18.  5869/89.  Murere Farm (Private) Limited: Lomagundi:
Murere of Berhills Ranch: 607,0136 ha

7.5.2004.  19.  2129/60. Becket Dallaway Creasy Wheeler: Lomagundi: Lot 1
of Litzigh: 999,9071 acres

7.5.2004.  20.  10816/97. Agro-Economic Consultants Africa (Private)
Limited: Lomagundi: Morton: 526,3303 ha

7.5.2004.  21.  1081/97.  Raraton Investments (Private) Limited:
Lomagundi: Royal Bucks: 2 752,8490 ha

7.5.2004.  22.  4837/79.  Central Livestock Company (Private) Limited:
Lomagundi: Remainder of New Burnside: 264,1540 ha

7.5.2004.  23.  1896/64.  Hillpass Estate (Private) Limited: Lomagundi:
Remainder of Greycourt ofTrelawney Estate: 2 125,7616 acres

7.5.2004.  24.  4837/79.  Central Livestock Company (Private) Limited:
Lomagundi: Remainder of Greenside Ranch: 2 047,7622 ha

7.5.2004.  25.  6697/2001.  Northwich Investments (Private) Limited:
Lomagundi: Remainder of S S Ranch: 1 266,1983 ha

7.5.2004.  26.  1025/63.  Stephanus Francois Du Toit Le Roux: Lomagundi:
Remainder of Dunphaile: 866,2450 acres

7.5.2004.  27.  4765/51.  Raffingora Estates Limited: Lomagundi:
"Mapumulo": 699,2270 acres

7.5.2004.  28.  279/66.  Wessel Johannes Viljoen: Lomagundi: Lot 1 of
Chizasi: 566,1966 ha

7.5.2004.  29.  4530/82.  Howes Farms (Private) Limited: Lomagundi:
Subdivision J of Donington: 862,7613 ha

7.5.2004.  30.  6698/2000.  Wetradwell Enterprises (Private) Limited:
Mazoe: Lot 7 of Mbebi Jersey Farm: 296,6201 ha

7.5.2004.  31.  225/70.  Kachere P/L: Mazoe: The Remaining Extent of The
Farm Fochabers of Moores Grant: 880,3339 acres

7.5.2004.  32.  4409/2000.  John Lewis Sawyer: Mazoe: Remaining Extent of
Lot DA the Great Riversdale Estates: 533,5935 ha

7.5.2004.  33.  200/64.  Nicholas George Alenander Browne: Mazoe: The
Remaining Extent of Farm 25 Glendale: 436,1727 ha

7.5.2004.  34.  3214/93.  Prosperity Dairies P/L: Mazoe: Hidden Valley of
Maryvale of Mgutuof Great B: 433,3160 ha

7.5.2004.  35.  4220/80.  Geofbrey Vernon Hawskley: Mazoe: S/D A of the
Rivers of Wengi River Estate: 932,1470 ha

7.5.2004.  36.  3912/84.  Game Trapper Pionners (Private) Limited:
Salisbury: Glenroy: 569,1500 ha

7.5.2004.  37.  2084/60.  Lone Pine Farm (Private) Limited: Salisbury:
Lot 6A Somerby: 241,5233 acres

7.5.2004.  38.  2100/87. Crest Breeders International (Private) Limited:
Salisbury: The Remaining Extent of Subdivision A of the Rest: 266,5573 ha

7.5.2004.  39.  4414/95.  D G Rickarads P/L: Salisbury: Houmoed of
Albion: 616,7033 ha

7.5.2004.  40.  2900/66.  Clement Frank Bruk Jackson: Salisbury:
Remainder of Tarnagulla of Eclipse Block: 1 703,5000 acres

7.5.2004.  41.  2464/97.  R B Ranchers (Private) Limited: Salisbury:
Reaminder of Lot 1 of United: 366,4600 ha

7.5.2004.  42.  3683/56.  West Stonehurst (Private) Limited: Salisbury:
Lot 4 of Somerby: 119,4231 morgen

7.5.2004.  43.  1118/96.  Willdale Limited: Salisbury: Peterborough:
120,3475 ha

7.5.2004.  44.  2956/67.  Keith Lauchlan Gilbert Black: Salisbury: Lot 2
of Glenlussa: 440,0006 ha

7.5.2004.  45.  3222/51.  Ross Hinde (Private) Limited: Salisbury: The
Farm "Saffron Walden": 1 380,1409 morgen

7.5.2004.  46.  3047/66.  R B Ranchers (Private) Limited: Salisbury:
Remainder of United: 2 148,8500 acres

7.5.2004.  47.  3850/95.  Cregg Connell (Private) Limited: Salisbury: Lot
1 of Somerby: 101,6557 ha

7.5.2004.  48.  137/82.  Plerina Massimiani and Mario Massimiani:
Salisbury: Lot 5A Somerby: 101,4128 ha

7.5.2004.  49.  8067/91.  Rera Trading (Private) Limited: Salisbury: Lot
7 of Somerby: 101,5746 ha

7.5.2004.  50.  3993/74.  Royden Farms (Private) Limited: Salisbury: The
Remainder of Worsley: 1 044,6393 ha

7.5.2004.  51.  3993/74.  Royden Farms (Private) Limited: Salisbury:
Royden Farm: 1 627,3843 ha

7.5.2004.  52.  5187/80.  John Spencer Jones Salisbury Remainder of
Subdivision D of Wellesley Estate 291,5665 ha

7.5.2004.  53.  3322/84.  Archie Black and Sons (Private) Limited:
Salisbury: Inkomo: 1 719,882 ha

7.5.2004.  54.  4313/74.  La Rhone Estate (Private) Limited: Salisbury:
Remainder of Subdivision A of Somerby: 196,9497 ha

7.5.2004.  55.  1485/65.  Lindsell David Freebe: Salisbury: Subdivision B
of Somerby: 111,6065 acres

7.5.2004.  56.  3033/92.  Harold Keith White Head: Salisbury: Lot 2 of
Somerby: 101,8100 ha

7.5.2004.  57.  5731/81.  Somberby Estates (Private) Limited: Salisbury:
Lot 3 of Somerby: 101,7347 ha

7.5.2004.  58.  7373/99.  Lilifordia Estates (Private) Limited: Salisbury:
The Remainder of Subdivision B of Lilfordia: 660,1823 ha

7.5.2004.  59.  1407/83.  Hendrick Oliver Bezuidenhout: Salisbury: D of
Lilfordia: 54,4366 ha

7.5.2004.  60.  8850/95. Upwey Investments (Private) Limited: Salisbury:
Subdivision A of Upwey: 262,9566 ha

7.5.2004.  61.  739/61.  Duncan Hamilton Black: Salisbury: Lot 1 of
Dryham: 847,1987 acres

7.5.2004.  62.  738/61.  Duncan Hamilton Black: Salisbury: Lot 1 of
Syston: 1 117,6563 acres

7.5.2004.  63.  4291/90.  Mizpah Farm (Private) Limited: Salisbury: Lot 1
of Mizpah: 639,3277 ha

7.5.2004.  64.  2886/88.  Roborough Farm (Private) Limited: Shamva:
Tembo: 326,3705 ha

7.5.2004.  65.  1986/65.  Buffalo Downs (Private) Limited: Urungwe:
Buffalo Downs: 223,4910 acres

7.5.2004.  66.  2386/92.  B J L Investments: Urungwe: Lot 1 of
Buttervant: 707,7827 ha

7.5.2004.  67.  569/76.  Frank Dalkin: Urungwe: Remaining Extent of
Scorpion: 649,0106 ha

7.5.2004.  68.  11444/89.  Fiddlers Green (Private) Limited: Urungwe:
Troon Estate: 1 113,7083 ha

7.5.2004.  69.  8200/97.  R Barrett-Hamilton Investments (Private) Limited:
Urungwe: Lot 1 of Lot 1 of Chisapi: 338,3160 ha

7.5.2004.  70.  4634/90.  Chisapi Estates (Private) Limited: Urungwe:
Remainder of Lot 1 of Chisapi: 308,5747 ha

7.5.2004.  71.  145/64.  D Roper and Sons (Private) Limited: Urungwe: Lot
1 of Chitiwafeni: 907,000 acres

7.5.2004.  72.  2929/78.  V Versfeld: Urungwe: Lot 1 of NewForest:
231,8437 ha

7.5.2004.  73.  2929/78.  V Versfeld (Private) Limited: Urungwe: Naba: 1
258,6003 ha

7.5.2004.  74.  48/2001.  Twigrow Trading P/L: Urungwe: Lot 1 of Mani
Mlichi: 642,9344 ha

7.5.2004.  75.  1236/84.  Christiaan Johannes Botha: Urungwe: Richard:
971.8728 ha

7.5.2004.  76.  2164/72.  Nathan William Hess: Urungwe: The Remaining
Extent of Pendennis: 946,2296 ha

7.5.2004.  77.  7140/81.  Ashton Farm (Private) Limited: Urungwe:
Remaining Extent of Longueil: 952,9439 ha

7.5.2004.  78.  269/65.  Paul Longhoff Straaup: Urungwe: Lot 2 of Renroc
Estate: 1 130,1869 acres

7.5.2004.  79.  7970/94.  Edward Kenneth Hull Properties (Private) Limited:
Urungwe: Lot 1 of Renroc Estate: 323,9502 ha

7.5.2004.  80.  3749/93.  Long Claw Properties (Private) Limited: Urungwe:
Sapi Valley A: 469,5900 ha


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My seven year old is excited this morning. About half an hour ago, I drove
right through the school parking lot after we were turned away because the
school, along with 45 other private schools, was closed for raising fees
without government permission. It meant another day "in holiday paradise"
for my seven year old. It meant anger for me.

You see, I was a teacher once. I taught French for eight years, two of them
in a government school and the remainder in a private school. We loved our
jobs, were dedicated in the classroom and on the sports field and ...were
very poor. But it was bearable, we could buy clothes at Sales House and
pretend it was Edgars. We could even go on school tours out of the country.
It was bearable.

I left teaching a year after the birth of this excited seven year old in
August '98 to be more precise. I left because I could not afford to buy a
house on a private school head of department's salary. I wanted my one year
old to be able to kick a ball around in the garden, so that one day he could
turn out for Liverpool and perhaps captain Zimbabwe at the world cup!

So then I became a parent, who understood the meaning and importance of
education both from a teacher's point of view and a parental one. The
Zimbabwean economy has not been bearable since the late nineties. We have
lost doctors, nurses, teachers and other professionals in their thousands.
First it was a trickle to Botswana and the private sector. Now it is cyclone
Eline into far lands. I remember Dicky Peters, headmaster at CBC, where I
taught and spend some of the most satisfying periods of my career, I
remember Dicky always being at pains not to simply raise school fees, always
at pains to remain true to the ethos of the school, always raising fees
reluctantly and I have no reason to believe that this position has changed.
I also remember an extremely dedicated parent body giving of their time to
fund-raise for capital expenditure. School fees were for teachers' salaries.
Schools, private schools are not profit seeking but teachers have to be paid
a living wage.

As a parent who is an ex-teacher and who more importantly wants a quality
education for his child, I understand and believe that. I also mutter with
friends by the water cooler about the high cost of school fees but I do the
same regarding taxes! I understand why we pay tax, even if the benefits are
not staring me in the face. I have to put up with pot-holes, power and water
cuts on a regular basis! On the other hand everyday, I see the benefits of
paying school fees when my boy shows me his class and homework. I also see
the future in these activities. Is that not that which a parent lives for?
The future well being of their offspring? I also happen to sit on the PA
because I understand as a parent that I must support the school's
fund-raising efforts for capex while the fees go to attracting and retaining
good quality teachers.

So excuse me if I get a little bit miffed when the people who fail to manage
my taxes in a sustainable and professional manner, must now attempt to take
away the thing that I can help to professionally influence for the benefit
of my children! Come! Come! This is not on. What next, Cuban teachers?

"You do not drown by falling into the water, you drown by staying there."
Open the schools and let our children prepare a future for a great Zimbabwe
that will help our nation regain an honourable place in the family of

"Light a candle, instead of cursing the darkness."

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Subject: What are we going to do Mum?

Dear Family and Friends,
One week into the new school term my 11 year old son, along with 30 000
Zimbabwean children was still sitting at home. His school was one of 45
schools that were not allowed to open this week under orders from the
of Education. It has been the week from hell which began for me a little
5pm on Monday the 3rd of May. My son's friend is a border and I was to drop
at the school hostel late in the afternoon. We arrived to find the hostel
closed and children and parents milling around outside in the gathering
There were many desperate faces and raised voices. A man came to the window
my car and said "You are not allowed in, the school is closed." He handed me
letter signed by the Headmistress which read:" Under direction from the
of Education in Harare, the police have closed our school down. We do not
when we will be allowed to open." It took some persuading to get the man at
gate to let me in to collect a trunk, bedding and tuck (sweets and food)
had been left at the school earlier that day. The order to close the school
only been made late in the afternoon, hours after many children had been
off by parents.

I  drove away in shock, my heart pounding, tears in my eyes. This felt like
that day in February 2000 when war veterans had come to our farm gate and
announced that this was now their farm. I had to stop the car half way home,
to pull myself together but to tell my son and his friend to stop raiding
sweets they had extricated from the school trunk!  By Wednesday the
had reached hateful levels. Education Minister Chigwedere said that he had
closed "racist schools" which "throw Africans out simply by hiking their
He did not say that the enrolment of Zimbabwe's private schools is made up
80% black children or that virtually all Zimbabwe's government ministers and
civil servants send their children to private schools. He did not say that
President Mugabe's own children attend private schools in Zimbabwe. He did
say that school fees have gone up because of hyper-inflation. As it is with
everything in Zimbabwe, clearly it was easier to not address the real issues
their causes but to yet again play that ugly racist card.

On Wednesday the Headmistress of my son's school was arrested, at night,
from a
prayer group meeting and spent the night in a police cell. She heads a small
non-profit making Christian school which has only 7 white children in its
establishment. The school was still closed and two policemen continued to
the road in front of the school's closed gates. Driving past the Marondera
Police Station my son and I saw our town's only anaesthetist, who is also
Chairman of the Board of Trustees of Richard's school, locked in an open
cell in the police camp, he too had been arrested. I was crying and my son's
was quivering. "What have my school done wrong Mum? Why don't they like us?"
asked, "It's just like on the farm again. What are we going to do Mum?" I
not answer any of his questions.

This scene was being played out across Zimbabwe and as the Minister yelled
"racism" the children became more and more traumatized. All private schools
told that unless they signed a "Certificate of Compliance" in which they
to a number of regulations, including massively reduced school fees, they
be taken over by the government and nationalized. This comes at a time when
Zimbabwe's inflation hovers at around 600%, electricity charges have gone up
400%, rates and water by 500% and in the same week as the price of a loaf of
bread went up by 50%.

The closure of Zimbabwe's private schools has nothing whatsoever to do with
colour of our children's skins. It also has nothing whatsoever to do with
school fees which are only increased if a majority of the parent body agree
the rises, which they had done. The closure of Zimbabwe's private schools
everything to do with red herrings, smoke screens and politics. 30 000
who can afford to go to school were denied their basic human right to do so
week. Hundreds of thousands of other children who cannot afford to go to
private or government schools continue to play on our streets. Some used to
to farm schools which ceased to exist when farms were taken over. Others
used to
go to government schools but with inflation at 600%, food comes before
and writing. The private schools will re-open but on unsustainable budgets
none of us know how long they will be able to pay their bills or keep their
teachers. Until next week, with love, cathy. Copyright cathy buckle 8th May
My books on the Zimbabwean crisis, "African Tears" and "Beyond Tears" are
available outside Africa  from: ; ; ;  in Australia and New Zealand: ;  Africa:
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Smouldering Streak out to grass as Zimbabwe's new crop burns

ZCU feud has left former captain sad and angry, he tells Paul Kelso

Saturday May 8, 2004
The Guardian

Heath Streak spent yesterday on his father's farm near Bulawayo, but his
heart was 260 miles away in Harare. While he sat waiting for developments in
the feud between the Zimbabwe Cricket Union and the 15 white players led by
the former captain, the callow side chosen to replace them was being put to
the sword by Sri Lanka in the capital.
For Streak, arguably Zimbabwe's best ever player, watching the humiliation
on television was a unique torment. His dispute with the ZCU is, he says,
about principles so fundamental that he is willing to put his international
career on the line. Nevertheless it goes against the grain of a character
who, in a 10-year career comprising 59 Tests and 183 one-day internationals,
has unflinchingly carried the attack to the opposition on his country's

As the spearhead of a usually overpowered attack, often bowling in defence
of paltry totals, his 202 Test wickets at a shade over 23 ranks as the
greatest unsung achievement in international cricket in the past decade.

His importance to Zimbabwe was never more apparent than in Australia this
winter when, as captain, he carried his side almost single-handedly through
the most arduous of tours. In a chastening one-day series against the hosts
and India, the two most powerful sides in the world, he was Zimbabwe's
leading player with bat and ball. His one-day record for 2003-04 as a whole
was his best ever, averaging 57 with the bat and taking 28 wickets at 21.

"It is sad that I'm not out there playing. I am bitterly disappointed about
that," he says. "I have always been committed to playing cricket for my
country and it is sad that they are putting these kids in the firing line.
It should not have come to this."

"This" is a dispute which has split Zimbabwe cricket down the middle and
shattered the fragile multiracial balance of the sport in the troubled
country. It began when Streak, in a heated letter, raised concerns over the
selection policy of an increasingly reactionary ZCU. He claimed selectors
were trying to speed integration by fast-tracking white players out of the
team, and protested at the make-up of the selection panel, claiming it did
not have sufficient first-class cricket experience and some selectors had
conflicts of interest.

"I told the ZCU that if my concerns were not met then I would consider my
position," Streak says. "Instead the board accepted a resignation I did not
offer. I have a problem with that. I raised issues that needed dealing with,
and still need dealing with.

"This is not in the interest of cricket and, much as I under stand that
boards must be sovereign, they have to understand that they would not be
there without the players. The board are office bearers for the game, but
the most important people in the game are the ones out there earning the
money, out at the coal face doing the real job."

Streak's dismissal led to a boycott by 15 other white players and a welter
of further allegations against the board, including racial discrimination,
bribery and political inteference. It is a situation which clearly pains him

"All I have done is try to remain faithful to my country," he says. "I could
earn more money playing county cricket but I choose to stay here and try and
play Test cricket for Zimbabwe."

Streak has a 2-month contract with Warwickshire which he will take up in
June. The plan was that he would have just completed a home series with
Australia and would return home in time to face England.

It is an irony, given his failure to join Andy Flower and Henry Olonga in
their World Cup protests, that with England likely to go ahead with the
tour, Streak is unlikely to face them. It is indicative of the pressure he
faces at home that hedeclines to publicly offer advice to players weighing
up whether to travel.

"I cannot tell them whether to come or not to come. My board might say I had
coerced them to stay away and I would find myself sued for loss of income.
They have to make their own decision based on the information they have at
hand. The safety and security aspect is not going to change, so it comes
down to each player's choice." Given a clear choice, there is no doubt what
Streak's would be.
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Local Journalists Who Report for Foreign Media Outlets Threatened With

Media Institute of Southern Africa (Windhoek)

May 7, 2004
Posted to the web May 7, 2004

On 30 April 2004, Minister for Information and Publicity Jonathan Moyo
threatened to arrest Zimbabwean journalists who report for foreign media

Addressing journalists at a press conference in Bulawayo, Zimbabwe's second
largest city, Moyo said there is "enough space in Zimbabwe's prisons for
journalists caught dealing with foreign media houses." He added that "after
dealing with corrupt financial businesses, the government would deal with
the journalists."

Moyo said the media was "the next enemy" that needed to be dealt with for
allegedly being "terrorists of the pen."

"President Mugabe has said our main enemy is the financial sector, but the
enemy is the media who use the pen to lie about this country. Such reporters
are terrorists and the position on how to deal with terrorists is to subject
them to the laws of Zimbabwe," Moyo added.


For further information, contact Zoe Titus or Kaitira Kandjii, Regional
Information Coordinator, MISA, Street Address: 21 Johann Albrecht Street,
Mailing Address; Private Bag 13386 Windhoek, Namibia, e-mail: or, Internet:
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Staff flee as Mugabe turns on top schools

Andrew Meldrum in Pretoria
Saturday May 8, 2004
The Guardian

Zimbabwe has closed the country's private schools and arrested nine school
heads, after the education minister reportedly told a delegation of parents
that the government was going to take over the schools the way they seized
white-owned farms.
In the wave of forced closures and arrests President Robert Mugabe's
officials have accused the schools of being racist.

"We are dealing with racist schools. They are all former white schools - all
racist," Aeneas Chigwedere, the education minister, said on state
television. "They throw Africans out simply by hiking fees."

Members of Zimbawe's black elite and professional classes have easily
afforded the school fees. The private schools have overwhelmingly black
student bodies and many members of the school boards are blacks.

President Mugabe's own son, Robert Jr, and the children of many cabinet
ministers attend private schools.

The headmaster and two board members of Hillcrest College in the eastern
border city of Mutare were arrested by police yesterday, according to school
officials, making a total of nine heads who have been taken into custody in
the past two days.

Many heads have gone into hiding to avoid being jailed over the weekend.
Beatrice Mtetwa, a lawyer, is a board member of Harare's leading Roman
Catholic school, St George's College, where Robert Mugabe Jr is a pupil. She
confirmed that a committee of eight concerned parents went to see Mr
Chigwedere. "They reported back at a public meeting of parents that the
minister said that he will do to the schools what was done to white farmers,
and that ultimately the government will take these schools over as Zanu-PF
controls the courts."

Hartmann House, a Catholic primary school for boys in Harare, reopened
yesterday after being closed for four days. The school, which Mr Mugabe's
son attended, pressed a court case in which the judge declared the closure
illegal and ordered police to allow it to reopen. Two other private schools
were pressing similar court cases in Bulawayo yesterday.

An estimated 30,000 students attend 45 private schools.

The schools have raised fees by up to 75% since January because of rampant
inflation, currently running at 580%. The government says any increase in
fees above 10% is a crime.

The heads of the private schools say they have repeatedly submitted written
requests to raise fees, supported by audited accounts. But the requests have
received no response from education officials, not even an acknowledgement.

"It's frightening," said one parent. "Everyone, black and white, is furious.
It's ridiculous to call the schools racist. Most schools are overwhelmingly
black and the students mix together well."

Zimbabwe's government schools, attended by the vast majority of students,
are suffering a serious breakdown as a result of the economic crisis. School
enrolment has dropped by 60% because parents cannot afford the fees,
according to a survey by the International Monetary Fund.

In recent years the Mugabe government has allowed the country's once proud
education system to decline. State schools are in a critical condition with
many having classes of more than 80 pupils and severe shortages of teachers,
textbooks, desks and classrooms.

The government is awarding civil servants pay raises of 300%, said John
Makumbe, political science lecturer at the University of Zimbabwe. "So why
can't private schools put up their fees by 75%? This is a classic example of
the Mugabe government playing the race card and trying to use whites as
scapegoats for his failed policies.

"Government schools are in a shambles so Mugabe is trying to put the blame
on the private schools. It is the same as seizing the farms and closing down
the private press. But people are not falling for his propaganda."

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Zimbabwe MPs take landmark public Aids test

May 07, 2004, 23:23

Nine Zimbabwe legislators underwent voluntary Aids tests today in a landmark
public bid to fight the stigma around an epidemic killing an estimated 3 000
Zimbabweans every week. Legislators from President Robert Mugabe's ruling
Zanu-PF party and the main opposition Movement for Democratic Change put
aside political rivalry to visit a public counselling and testing clinic,
one of 18 centres offering the service.

"In the history of Zimbabwe we've never had legislators come together,
joined in action in the fight against HIV/Aids," said Miriam Mhazo, the
deputy director for HIV service at Population Services International, which
co-runs the programme. Critics have accused Mugabe's government of failing
to launch a high-profile awareness campaign to tackle the epidemic in the
country despite one of the highest rates of HIV/Aids infection in the world.

Mhazo said only about 277 000 Zimbabweans, about five% of the adult
population, have utilised the public testing services since the government
launched the programme in 1999, largely due to the stigma attached to the
disease. "To win the war against HIV/Aids we need more (people tested) and
this is why we applaud the action of the members of parliament because it is
going to motivate more people to come forward for testing," Mhazo told
journalists and Aids activists.

The MPs, wearing white t-shirts printed with the words "We did it on May 7
2004", kept up a flow of cheerful banter as they went through the exercise
but none revealed their status after the tests. Last August Zimbabwe
unveiled national HIV/Aids infection data that showed a lower caseload for
the disease than indicated by previous United Nations figures.

David Parirenyatwa, the health minister, however, said more work was needed
to tell whether the estimate - that 1.82 million of Zimbabwe's 14 million
people were infected with HIV in 2003 - represented a true drop from United
Nations Aids body UNAids figure of 2.3 million from 2001.

Health officials estimate that the disease kills an average of 3 000
Zimbabweans a week and hospital administrators say about 50% of the
country's hospital beds are occupied by people with Aids-related
conditions. - Reuters
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New York Times

Book Review

'Scribbling the Cat': The Infantryman

Published: May 9, 2004

lexandra Fuller's first book was subtitled ''An African Childhood'' but it
could have been called ''A British Memoir of an African Childhood,'' so
powerfully did it recall the genre of which the Mitford sisters' writings
are prime examples. ''Don't Let's Go to the Dogs Tonight'' featured many
classic elements -- the disorderly, impecunious household; the ''well-bred''
and oppressively eccentric parents; lots of booze, lots of dogs and lots and
lots of tea -- all rendered with the dry tang of a gin and tonic. Tonic with
extra quinine, that is, since ''Dogs'' juiced up the old formula by
transplanting it to a perilous setting, plagued with civil war, poisonous
reptiles and tropical diseases. This gave Fuller the ideal vehicle both to
celebrate her family's dotty, stiff-upper-lip gallantry and to portray the
casual racism of the white Rhodesian milieu in which she was raised.

Following up a successful memoir of childhood is never easy; those who try
often seem to be scrounging for material. Fuller has decided to attack the
task by chasing down the grimmest aspect of ''Dogs,'' the role of her family
and their friends in the brutal effort to put down black insurgents fighting
for control of the former British colony. Fuller, who learned to clean and
load an FN rifle when she was still too small to shoot it without being
knocked over backward, grew up watching her farmer father head off with
police reservists to hunt guerrilla fighters in the bush. She wore T-shirts
with jingoistic slogans and was taught at school to pray for victory. Those
prayers went unanswered, and Rhodesia became Zimbabwe in 1980 under Prime
Minister Robert Mugabe.

''Scribbling the Cat'' begins with Fuller, who currently lives in Wyoming
with her American husband and two kids, on a visit to the Sole Valley in
Zambia, where her parents now run a fish and banana farm. The Rhodesian war
and its legacy gnaw at her, but her father won't talk about it much:
''Scared to death. Bored to death'' pretty much sums up his take on the
experience, and he dodges her questions about having any regrets. Not so K,
an otherwise unnamed banana farmer who lives nearby. He is a veteran of the
Rhodesian Light Infantry, an all-white unit with a reputation for lethality.
He fought for five years against rebel forces across the border in
Mozambique, and when he first meets Fuller he admits to having done terrible
things in the war, weeping freely in front of her. ''It's not hard to find
an old soldier in Africa,'' Fuller remarks. ''What is harder to find are old
soldiers who will talk about their war with strangers.''

K is a remarkable man, well worth a book, but soon after introducing him the
winningly blunt narrator of ''Don't Let's Go to the Dogs Tonight'' becomes
disingenuous. She sets up K's character as a mystery requiring an ''answer''
and herself as so possessed by the riddle that she proposes a road trip
through land-mine-studded Mozambique in search of the origins of K's
''spooks.'' But K could hardly be more transparent. He readily tells Fuller
about his hard-luck childhood (his mother had polio), a harrowing stint at
boarding school (where he was raped), his episodes of berserker-style rage,
his nightmares about the war, his failed marriage (she cheated on him with
his best friend), the death of his 5-year-old son from meningitis, his
conversion to born-again Christianity and his conviction that God killed his
child to punish him for the deaths he has caused -- all before they hit the
road. His darkest wartime secret, that he tortured a young African woman
into revealing the location of an enemy ambush, Fuller hears about even
before they reach Mozambique.

What this contrived quest does provide is a narrative line for Fuller's
book, that old chestnut of the physical journey that mirrors an inner one.
But it's Fuller's soul that needs searching, not K's. K doesn't deny or
repress his memories of the war; he wrestles with them every day, and he
doesn't have to go to Mozambique to do it. He agrees to the trip because
he's smitten with Fuller, although he knows she's married and, even worse,
an unbeliever. As for the horror of war, what K -- and, later, some of his
former comrades -- has to tell Fuller is, unsurprisingly, just what soldiers
have been telling noncombatants for some time now: that the dehumanization
of the enemy that makes organized killing possible eventually dehumanizes
the killers; that the longer a conflict goes on, the greater the drift
toward atrocity; that soldiers carry terrible psychic scars resulting from
what they've witnessed, suffered and done.

''I own this now,'' Fuller writes after hearing of K's worst sins. ''This
was my war too. I had been a small, smug white girl shouting, 'We are all
Rhodesians and we'll fight through thickanthin.' '' As confessions of
culpability go, this one is fairly abstract. Who really blames little
children for believing whatever their parents tell them, however vile? When
it comes to less grandiose and more personal transgressions -- say,
exploiting the emotional vulnerability of a lonely man desperately trying to
overcome a past of violence and hatred to build a decent life -- she
refrains from self-examination. Though Fuller describes K in the fetishistic
language of romance novels (he is ''beautiful, but in a careless, superior
way, like a dominant lion,'' with lips that are ''full and sensual,
suggesting a man of quick, intense emotion''), she avoids discussing whether
or how her attraction might have affected the book or her marriage.

''Dogs'' benefited from Fuller's refusal to sentimentalize or explain much
of her chaotic childhood, but with ''Scribbling the Cat'' that reticence has
become a fault. Fuller telegraphs her disapproval of K's values and
politics, without laying her own open to scrutiny. She doesn't seem to
respect his faith despite the obvious good it has done him. She accuses
herself of indulging in a reckless curiosity (''scribble'' is African slang
for ''kill''), but she's strikingly incurious about any questions that might
really challenge her settled view of herself. However wild the trip, she
winds up more or less where she started.

Laura Miller writes the Last Word column for the Book Review and is a staff
writer for Salon.
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