Jan Raath
in Harare
The trial on terrorism charges of Roy Bennett, a close aide of the Zimbabwean Prime Minister, Morgan Tsvangirai, began yesterday amid claims that the evidence against him was based solely on a confession of an associate made under torture.
Mr Bennett, 52, treasurer of Mr Tsvangirai’s Movement for Democratic Change and Deputy Agriculture Minister-designate, was arrested in February, hours before he was due to be sworn in, on charges of possession of weapons to commit acts of banditry, insurgency and terror which carry the death penalty.
It emerged in the Harare High Court that the evidence against Mr Bennett was based solely on a “confession” that mentioned him in an alleged plot to assassinate Mr Mugabe in 2006.
Peter Hitschmann, 52, an officially registered arms dealer, who is also a white Zimbabwean, wrote the statement after being tortured, Beatrice Mtetwa, a lawyer, said as the trial opened.
“It is unsworn and it is not even signed,” Ms Mtetwa said of the confession. “This evidence does not exist.” She asked the judge Chinembiri Bhunu, to censure Johannes Tomana, the Attorney-General, for citing demonstrable falsehoods as evidence.
She said that when Mr Hitschmann found out he was to be subpoenaed to give evidence against Mr Bennett he approached a senior human rights lawyer to appeal to Mr Tomana that he had no evidence he could give against Mr Bennett.
Within hours of having written to Mr Tomana the lawyer was arrested by police at his home for “attempting to defeat the course of justice,” and spent the night in a squalid police cell.
Mr Tsvangirai called on Mr Mugabe to stop the malicious prosecution. Another of Mr Tsvangirai’s constant demands over the past nine months since the inauguration of the coalition Government has been that Mr Mugabe swear in Mr Bennett as deputy minister, to no avail.
During the proceedings police brought into the court room boxes and sacks of what appeared to be ammunition and fuses, and at least one rifle — the munitions Mr Bennett was alleged to have been stockpiling.
It was in the same teak-panelled court room in 2004 that Mr Tsvangirai faced the death penalty for allegedly plotting to overthrow Mr Mugabe. After 21 months the judge ruled that it was an elaborately stage-managed conspiracy to have Mr Tsvangirai hanged legally.
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=24744
November 9, 2009
By Our
Correspondent
HARARE - The high profile trial of MDC treasurer general
and deputy minister
designate, Roy Bennett, finally opened in the High Court
in Harare Monday
morning with both the state and the defence raising
preliminary
issues.Bennett stands accused of possessing dangerous weapons in
a bid to
dethrone President Robert Mugabe. The charges carry a death
sentence or life
imprisonment.
During Monday's trial, both the state,
led by Attorney General Johannes
Tomana and the defence counsel, led by
Beatrice Mtetwa, filed applications
questioning each other's
outlines.
The defence wants the state to strike off certain statements
attributed to
the state's principal witness Peter Michael Hitshmann in
Bennett's
indictment papers.
The defence is adamant evidence
contained in Bennett's indictment papers and
attributed to statements by
Hitshmann, a firearms dealer and alleged
accomplice of Bennett, should be
struck off the indictment papers as the
latter has disowned it.
In an
affidavit deposited with a Mutare Court on October 29, 2009, Hitshmann
said
he had given evidence implicating Bennett in the case under duress.
He
said he signed statements based on false confessions induced by torture
and
abuse.
"As a result of the torture referred to above and involuntarily I
made a
number of extracural statements, which were all false and cannot be
admissible in court," Hitshmann said.
"In these statements, I enter
alia admitted to the conspiracy with which I
was being charged and suggested
that Mr Roy Bennett was also involved in the
conspiracy.
"This was
pure fiction and bore no relationship at all to any reality."
Hitshmann
was acquitted of the charge of possessing weapons for purposes of
insurgency, banditry, sabotage or terrorism but found guilty of possessing
dangerous weapons, namely six guns, being an FN rifle, AK 47, three Uzzi
sub-machine guns and one H & K sub-machine gun.
On the other
hand, Tomana is adamant the defence should be compelled to
strike off its
own outline and resubmit one which would be responding to
Hitshmann's claims
that Bennett was an accomplice.
This was after the defence had instead
submitted its outline questioning the
necessity of responding to the state
papers when Hitshmann subsequently
placed an affidavit denying the same
statements which the state based as its
outline.
During the trial,
Mtetwa strongly protested Tomana's decision to proceed
with the matter based
on evidence which had been disowned by the state's key
witness.
"I
believe that when you have an affidavit statement from a witness saying,
'There is no such evidence I can give', an Attorney General should look into
that issue seriously," Mtetwa told the court.
"The Attorney General
has a record of proceedings where an accused person
gave evidence on oath
and was believed by the court.
"It is on that basis that we are saying he
is not acting impartially. He is
not discharging his duties as expected of a
lawyer.
"Clearly the state cannot apply to have the accused person gagged
because it
does not like what is in the defence outline."
But Tomana
insisted Bennett's case should not be treated lightly.
"This is a very
serious matter which must be accorded the seriousness that
it demands
particularly in the kind of environment that there is," Tomana
said.
"A criminal trial is not a game in which one side is entitled
to claim the
benefit of an omission or mistake made by the other side and
the position of
the judge in a criminal trial is not merely that of an
umpire to see to it
that the rules of the game are followed.
"The
duty of the court is to make an assessment for the sake of public
order."
After listening to both submissions, Justice Chinembiri Bhunu
deferred his
ruling on the admissibility of Hitchmann's evidence to
Wednesday morning.
Should the court rule in the defence's favour, the
state will be left with
skeletal evidence as all other witnesses the
majority of whom are state
security agents and police officers are basing
their testimony on Hitshmann's
implication Bennett's as his
accomplice.
Mtetwa was being assisted by Harrison Nkomo and Trust Maanda
while Tomana
was assisted by Florence Ziyambi, the director of public
prosecutions and
Chris Mutangadura, a legal officer in the Attorney
General's office.
http://www.zimonline.co.za
by Tendai Maronga
Monday 09 November 2009
HARARE - Lawyers representing MDC
treasurer-general and deputy agriculture
minister-designate Roy Bennett on
Monday made an application to have
Attorney General (AG) Johannes Tomana
investigated for his conduct in
handling the MDC official's terrorism
indictment process.
Bennett, who is accused of possessing weapons for the
purposes of committing
banditry, insurgency and terrorism - charges he
denies - is currently on a
US$5 000 bail.
Lead defence lawyer
Beatrice Mtetwa of Mtetwa and Nyambirai told the court
that the AG's conduct
was not worthy of a chief law officer and therefore he
should be
investigated.
The state wants to bring arms dealer Peter Michael
Hitschmann to testify
against Bennett, but the defence said it has since
established that what he
wants to say is different from what is recorded in
his witness account.
Tomana had maintained that the evidence by
Hitschmann be made to stand
despite an affidavit he signed claiming that he
would not be able to testify
in the Bennett case.
"The failure by the
AG to address this issue shows that he has no clue how
he is going to get
the evidence from Hitschmann. This is not a game; it is a
serious matter
that involves somebody's life. We want the evidence by
Hitschmann to be
struck off as it will not help the state case," said
Mtetwa.
She said
it was in the public domain that Hitschmann was not going to give a
testimony against Bennett and on that basis they were now applying for the
court to refer the AG and his team of officers to the Law Society of
Zimbabwe (LSZ) for investigation.
"It is conduct that is not worthy
an AG to proceed with a case when there is
an affidavit that is against what
is in the state papers. When the AG
appears before the court he is just like
any other law officer. So we are
applying to this court to refer such
officers to the LSZ and direct that an
investigation be carried out to show
that they handled themselves
impartially," said Mtetwa.
She argued
that an accused person could, in terms of the law, properly ask
for the
court to refer "dishonourable law officers" to the LSZ.
"An AG is an AG
for all of us. He is an AG for Roy Bennett and for anybody
who is in
Zimbabwe. The administration of justice would be put into
disrepute if the
evidence of Mr Hitschmann is allowed to stand," added
Mtetwa who was
assisted by human rights lawyer Trust Maanda.
Earlier on Tomana had made
an application to have the defence outline struck
off and a fresh one
prepared as it purported to seek to quash the indictment
and the state
case.
"Besides attempting to be a plea of not guilty, the defence outline
is an
application to have the state case struck off. The document also
challenges
the evidence of state witnesses. This is a serious matter which
must be
accorded the seriousness it deserves," said Tomana who was flanked
by law
officers Florence Ziyambi and Chris Mutangadura.
Tomana also
accused the defence team of using "temperament language" in
their defence
outline and therefore it should not be considered.
High Court Judge
Justice Chinembiri Bhunu reserved his ruling to Wednesday
where he will
consider all the applications made by both teams.
Smartly dressed in blue
suit, a striped shirt and a matching tie, Bennett
sat quietly following
proceedings.
Bennett is a former white farmer who was named by Prime
Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai for the post of deputy agriculture minister in
the country's
power-sharing government.
President Robert Mugabe has
refused to swear in Bennett to his ministerial
post citing the charges
against him.
Bennett was arrested a few hours before ministers for the
power-sharing
government were sworn in last February accused of banditry and
terrorism -
charges Tsvangirai has repeatedly said are politically motivated
and are
undermining the unity government.
He was released on bail in
March only to be rearrested last month and his
detention at Mutare remand
prison threw Zimbabwe's fragile coalition
government in turmoil. -
ZimOnline
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Written by CHIEF REPORTER
Monday, 09 November 2009
16:40
HARARE - The military top brass, working in cahoots with Reserve
Bank
of Zimbabwe Governor Gideon Gono, have attempted to frame Finance
Minister
Tendai Biti (Pictured) for treason, authoritative MDC, government
and
intelligence sources have confirmed.
The plot is widely
seen as either a stalling tactic or retaliation for
Biti's probe into US$45m
missing from the central bank,
Biti's investigation uncovered scandal
at the RBZ, including the
revelation that, between December and August, Gono
siphoned off US$45m from
the RBZ. The money had been a statutory reserve
meant to provide financial
cover to banks in trouble.
Gono claims
the money was used to bankroll the troubled airline, Air
Zimbabwe, to pay
presidential scholarships and to finance diplomatic
missions. This was at a
time, however, when the RBZ had failed to provide
funding for salaries for
the Zimbabwe Revenue Authority, pensions,
communications and courier
services.
Biti presented a full report on this plunder to Mugabe last
week.
Another report has been sent to Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and
Deputy
Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara.
Biti confirmed to ****The
Zimbabwean on Tuesday**** that US$45m had
indeed been "stolen" from the
RBZ.
"It's economic kleptocracy," he said.
An investigation by
an International Monetary Fund (IMF) technical
team also corroborated Biti's
findings, and said Gono had stolen US$45.5m
from the RBZ.
"The RBZ
has used foreign reserve assets to fund its operating
expenses, withdrawals
of foreign currency amounts and debt service, as well
as payments on behalf
of the government," the damning IMF report stated.
"The total value of fund
outflows is reported to have been US$45.5 million
between end-December 2008
and end-August. The RBZ also accumulated US$40.3
million in arrears on
operating expenses during the first nine months of
2009."
Guns
blazing
Gono came out guns blazing, and co-ordinated a response to what
he saw
as Biti's continued effort to embarrass him.
In a desperate
bid to forestall the exposure, there was a contrived
plot, hatched by the
Joint Operations Command, which continues to meet
illegally, and Gono, to
frame Biti, our source said.
The Zimbabwean on Tuesday heard that the
plot against Biti involved 20
AK-47 rifles, reportedly missing from the
highly-secured Pomona army
barracks in Borrowdale.
Authoritative
sources said this week the operation was botched after
armed police
hurriedly raided Biti's Chisipite home two weeks ago, before
the weapons had
been planted. The search uncovered nothing.
There was now a manhunt for
the 12 soldiers who have disappeared with
the weapons without planting them
at Biti's home.
It was believed some low-key MDC officials received
cash inducements
in exchange for information on Biti's properties.
"The long history of Zanu (PF) planting weapons and pressing charges
of
treason are age-old, tired tactics of the Zanu (PF) dictatorship, but
they
must know that this is a serious attack on our movement and we will not
back
down," Biti said then.
Now MDC Transport Manager, Pascal Gwezere, has
been abducted and
jailed in connection with the missing weapons.
Sources, however, say it is close to impossible to steal anything from
the
high-security One Engineers Support Regiment Armoury, from where the 20
Ak-47 rifles are said to have been stolen.
Tensions
Biti
vowed that no amount of harassment or threats would make him back
down.
"The real loss that this country has suffered is 10 years of
economic
mismanagement, economic chicanery and economic kleptocracy," he
said. "It
will take us 10 years to achieve the GDP that we had in 1996 and
this is at
a cost of anything between US$15bn and US$45bn."
Over
the past few years, Biti has been jailed and beaten by President
Mugabe's
security forces. But despite still trying to deal with the trauma
of those
experiences, he has resolutely effected central bank reforms and
has been
credited with ending hyperinflation and reining in Gono, accused of
wrecking
the economy through quasi-fiscal activities.
The latest spat comes amid
heightened tensions between Gono and Biti.
The central bank chief has
claimed his boss was stalling the distribution of
US$510m received from the
International Monetary Fund in August.
Gono has tried to claim credit
for winning the funds, which form part
of a global scheme that the IMF
offered to all of its members, but the IMF
has said the funds are under the
control of the Finance Ministry.
Biti is insisting that the funds will
only be distributed once the
national budget, expected to be presented this
month, has been approved by
parliament.
The MDC insists it wants
the RBZ governor, a close ally of President
Mugabe, replaced by an impartial
candidate. This was one of the issues
central to the ongoing talks that saw
the MDC disengaging from government on
October 16.
And Biti has
consistently rebutted attacks by Gono, including
accusations earlier this
year that Honey and Blankenberg, the leading Harare
legal firm in which the
Minister of Finance, is a senior partner, had
externalised more than US$1m
in foreign currency, allegedly in contravention
of exchange control
regulations.
Many of Gono's critics in the banking sector were hounded
out of the
country after similar allegations were levelled against them by
Gono. Biti
and his law firm rubbished the allegations and challenged Gono to
prove it.
Gono's office last week requested written questions, which
had been
e-mailed but had not been responded to.
http://news.xinhuanet.com
www.chinaview.cn
2009-11-10 07:40:53
By Gretinah Machingura
HARARE, Nov. 9 (Xinhua)-- Chinese companies have expressed
interest in
dualizing the trunk road linking Zimbabwe and its northern
neighbor Zambia,
as well in rehabilitating a stretch of the railway line
along the same
route, a senior government official said on Monday.
Deputy
Minister of Transport, Communication and Infrastructure
Development Tichaona
Mudzingwa told Xinhua in an interview on Monday that
the railway project
could also stretch to Zambia.
"The Chinese have expressed
interest in constructing the trunk
road that is Harare-Chinhoyi-Chirundu.
They have also expressed interest in
the railway from Harare to Chinhoyi and
if possible over the Zambezi to
Zambia," the deputy minister
said.
The road plays a crucial role in facilitating trade among
Southern
African Development Community (SADC) countries.
It
completes the link between South Africa and countries in North,
Central and
West Africa.
Mudzingwa said South African, Canadian and
Australian companies
are also keen to develop the Harare-Masvingo-Beitbridge
road.
He said the Zimbabwe government is keen to have the
dualization of
the road completed before the start of the World Cup Soccer
tournament in
South Africa in June next year.
Mudzingwa
said the road would be divided into three segments, with
each of the three
countries developing a section.
The foreign companies would
develop the road, estimated to cost in
excess of 2. 4 billion U.S. dollars,
jointly with local companies, he said.
"Naturally, it is not
going to be all foreign companies involved.
There is an element of local
companies which are involved in road
construction which are also going to
partner those countries, those which
are interested in
dualization."
"We are very much interested that as many local
companies as
possible get involved in this dualization. It is an advantage
to them
because there is also going to be technology transfer, which we need
so
much," Mudzingwa said.
Chinese companies are also
interested in upgrading Zimbabwe's
airports, telecommunications, mining and
the Information Technology sector,
among other projects, he said.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Written by Mxolisi Ncube
Monday, 09 November 2009 17:51
JOHANNESBURG - A tortured MDC activist
died recently from the injuries
that he sustained when he was tortured by
state security agents and other
supporters of President Robert Mugabe's Zanu
(PF) party after the elections
last year.
Gift Nhidza (32), a
former security officer in the MDC, died two weeks
ago in Odzi - a
politically-volatile area in the country's eastern province
of
Manicaland.
Nhidza, popularly known as "Children", lived as a political
refugee in
Johannesburg's Central Methodist Church during the past year,
after fleeing
several attempts on his life by Mugabe's supporters. He
returned home last
month, after his already failing health had taken a turn
for the worse.
Nhidza, also a former soldier, sustained horrific
injuries when he was
brutalised by Zanu (PF) torture gangs in 2008,
allegedly at the instigation
of then minister of transport, Christopher
Mushohwe.
The MDC activist, whose worst injury was the seven
fractures sustained
on his right leg, walked with the aid of crutches. He
also sustained three
fractures on his left leg and several others on each of
his arms while being
beaten with iron bars at a torture base in
Odzi.
After the torture he was left for dead, dumped on the road
inside
Spiro farm so that he would be crushed by trucks in a stage-managed
road
accident. But he woke up in time to roll into the bush, from where he
was
taken in a wheelbarrow by his younger brother.
His spinal
cord was also damaged in three different parts as a result
of the beating
and was admitted to a private hospital in Mutare for seven
months, but fled
when the CIO made attempts to visit him in hospital.
Nhidza was
being accused, in part, of having been deployed by the MDC
in South Africa
to train bandits that would later be used to topple Mugabe,
an allegation
that the octogenarian ruler has always preferred against his
opponents in a
bid to decimate the opposition.
"He died a couple of weeks ago and
we are told that he has since been
buried in his home area," said Solomon
Chikohwero, Chairman of the MDC
Veterans Activists Association (MDC VAA), of
which Nhidza was a member.
"People like Nhidza cannot just go
unnoticed because they are some of
the heroes that contributed a lot in
Zimbabwe's on-going fight for
democracy."
10 November 2009 |
Growing instability and social problems in Zimbabwe
continue to have an especially detrimental impact on women, despite outward
signs of economic and political modification. That’s the message of national
leader and co-founder of the grassroots movement Women of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA),
Magodonga Mahlangu.
“The women are facing the brand of suffering. They
are directly facing the challenges of trying to put food on the table for their
children and also getting medication for their children. So the crisis directly
affects the political crisis. The economic crisis directly affects the ordinary
citizen with somehow trying to see how they can survive,” she said during an
interview this week in Washington.
Arrested more than 30 times, Ms.
Mahlangu was jailed earlier this year along with her WOZA co-founder Jenni
Williams for leading a peaceful demonstration in October, 2008, demanding the
Mugabe government provide food for all, including Zimbabweans hard hit by a
nationwide economic meltdown. Finding their legal case increasingly sensitive
politically, a Bulawayo Magistrate’s Court released the two rights activists on
bail after they spent three weeks in prison. One month ago, their case was
postponed again, and the WOZA leaders were remanded out of custody until their
trial resumes on December 7.
The RFK Center's annual Robert F.
Kennedy Human Rights Award is a $30,000 prize that also offers legal aid and
technical assistance to international rights
advocates. |
Women of Zimbabwe Arise demonstration at Harare parliament, Feb. 13, 2007 |
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=24760
November 10, 2009
By Ray
Matikinye
BULAWAYO - The legal battle to recover properties seized by the
government
of Zimbabwe from PF-ZAPU soon after independence in 1980 has
begun with the
party's legal experts working on the issue of repossessing
all properties
confiscated.
Government in 1982 seized 25 farms and 31
companies belonging to PF-ZAPU
after accusing its late leader, Joshua Nkomo
of planning to topple then
Prime Minister Robert Mugabe's government
following the alleged discovery of
arms caches on some of the party's
properties.
The seizure heightened tensions between the two major
political parties
culminating in the unleashing of a crack Korean trained
elite Five Brigade
which has been accused of massacring an estimated 20 000
civilians in ZAPU's
strongholds of Matabeleland and the
Midlands.
"Now that ZAPU has pulled out of the Unity Accord and is on its
own, it is
common cause that ZAPU must be handed back what belonged to it,"
ZAPU's
director of communications and marketing, Methuseli Moyo
says.
In 2003 government said it had returned Castle Arms Motel in
Bulawayo,
Woolglen Farm in Umguza, Nest Egg and Hampton Farms in Gweru in
the spirit
of promoting unity after the signing of the Unity Accord. But
some of the
former ZIPRA cadres who contributed their demobilization
payments towards
the purchase of some of the properties questioned the
motive behind
government's actions 16 years after the Unity Accord was
signed.
Moyo said government had not returned any properties to ZAPU. He
said the
only properties that were handed back were those belonging to
Nitram, a
ZIPRA war veterans' investment company, which was established to
cater for
disadvantaged cadres and their families.
"Zipra investments
were under Nitram administration and the newly appointed
Nitram management
board is administering the properties. Nitram properties
were never
incorporated into unified Zanu-PF assets," Moyo said
Dr Joshua Nkomo
signed a unity agreement in December 1987 which amalgamated
his PF-ZAPU
party with Zanu-PF. Moyo could not produce the whole list of
seized
properties, including farms, hotels, buildings and other assets such
as
vehicles and farm equipment, saying the party's legal team was in the
process of verifying the inventory of the seized ZAPU assets. The party's
lawyers were also in the process of verifying who currently holds the title
to these properties.
"The matter of title deeds is being handled by
our lawyers and we are not
privileged to reveal specific details on the
matter at the moment," Moyo
said adding that the party's legal team would
also determine the amount of
revenue that could have accrued ZAPU from the
seized properties when the
appropriate time comes.
"What is important
for now is to get our properties back and the rest of the
issues will
follow. We presume in certain cases the Government may have
improved our
properties, thereby adding value and there would be no need to
demand
compensation in such cases." Moyo said.
ZAPU does not know who has been
receiving rentals for private businesses
operating from its seized
properties although the party is anxious to
establish that as well. While
the party is operating from rented offices,
the original asset list before
the seizure of PF-ZAPU properties included
the multi-storey Magnate House in
the city of Bulawayo.
The building currently houses the Matabeleland
headquarters of the Central
Intelligence Organisation, while the former Lido
Hotel is occupied by the
police as Queens Park Police Station.
Moyo
declined to give the names of some of the people occupying and
benefiting
from ZAPU properties.
"All I can say is that a lot of high profile people
will lose when the case
is brought before the courts and finalized,' Moyo
said.
http://www.zimonline.co.za
by Cuthbert Nzou
Tuesday 10 November 2009
HARARE - Zimbabwe's few remaining
white farmers said on Monday that they had
sought without success help from
Agriculture Minister Joseph Made and his
lands counterpart Herbert Murerwa
to end fresh farm invasions by military
officers and supporters of President
Robert Mugabe's ZANU PF party.
The majority of the about 4 000 white
commercial farmers were expelled from
the land under Mugabe's chaotic and
often bloody land reforms blamed for
plunging Zimbabwe into food shortages
but which the veteran leader says were
necessary to ensure blacks also had
access to arable land that they were
denied by previous white-led
governments.
Deon Theron, president of the mainly white Commercial
Framers Union (CFU),
said in a press statement that fresh disturbances on
farms and invasions
would have a "catastrophic impact" on the nation's
ability to produce enough
food in the 2009/10 season.
"We have
written to various ministries, including the minister of
agriculture and the
minister of lands, seeking dialogue to stabilise the
situation and protect
our livestock, but have not even received a reply," he
said.
Efforts
to get a comment from Murerwa were fruitless yesterday. Made
declined to
comment.
Theron said his union was "deeply" concerned about the increased
onslaught
against white farmers, employees and livestock.
"Many of
our members and their employees have been assaulted, had their
belongings
seized and stolen, and been forced to watch as their homes and
worker
villages have been burnt to the ground," Theron alleged.
"Police reaction
has been limited, slow and frequently biased against our
members. In the
majority of cases there has been no response at all because
the deliberately
orchestrated violence has been classified as political,"
the CFU leader
said.
He said over 150 productive farmers have been targeted and
prosecuted by the
Attorney General's office for refusing to vacate their
farms.
"We see dairy farmers, tobacco farmers, wheat farmers, maize
farmers - in
fact every category of farmer throughout the country being
victimised and
prosecuted currently in the magistrates' courts," he
said.
"In addition to these illegal prosecutions, we have beneficiaries
of 'offer
letters' taking the law into their own hands and farming
operations continue
to be violently disrupted."
He said summer
cropping was in danger if farm disruptions were not ended.
"The summer
cropping season is upon us and the situation is extremely
serious. As
commercial farmers we are being prevented from producing crops,
and the
highly productive farms that have been acquired by the government
are
producing either very little or nothing," Theron explained.
Theron added:
"Zimbabwe has been warned continuously that the beneficiaries
of
international food aid should be those that are most deserving, notably
regions affected by severe drought conditions, floods, tornadoes, tsunamis,
global warming and other natural disasters.
"Justifying massive
shipments of food aid to countries whose governments
destroy their
population's ability to feed themselves is proving to be
increasingly
difficult."
Once a net food exporter Zimbabwe has avoided mass starvation
over the past
decade of Mugabe's land reforms only because international
relief agencies
were quick to chip in with food handouts.
Chaos in
agriculture because of the farm seizures also hit hard Zimbabwe's
once
impressive manufacturing sector that had depended on a robust farming
sector
for orders and inputs.
Many industries were either forced to drastically
scale down operations or
close shop altogether in a country where inflation
is estimated at more than
80 percent. - ZimOnline
http://www.zimonline.co.za
by Cuthbert Nzou Tuesday 10
November 2009
HARARE - Zimbabwe on Monday issued 90-day grain
bills to raise US$2,5
million to buy grain to feed the nation.
The
bills were issued by the Grain Marketing Board (GMB), a traditionally
incompetent and perennially loss-making government-owned company that is
charged with the responsibility of maintaining the country's strategic grain
reserves.
"GMB intends to raise funds through a grain bills issue to
finance the
purchase of grain," read the bill whose interest would be
calculated on
tender basis and coupon based.
"CBZ Bank Limited, as
the financial advisor, hereby invites investors
including, but not limited
to, pension and provident funds, insurance
companies, life mutuals,
commercial banks and other interested institutions
as well as individuals in
Zimbabwe to subscribe for the grain bills
amounting to US$2,5 million.
Applications must be in multiples of US$1 000."
GMB has failed to pay
farmers for grain delivered to its depots throughout
the country due to a
liquidity crunch.
The parastatal's deputy general manager for marketing
Zvidzai Makwenda was
recently quoted admitting the GMB was broke and could
not pay farmers.
He said the GMB was forced to borrow from the market
although no loan has
been secured.
The cash-strapped GMB has also
failed to pay workers their salaries earlier
in the year.
GMB
recently announced a maize floor price of US$265 per tonne in a bid to
lure
farmers through competitive prices. Farmers now opt for private buyers
since
GMB cannot afford to pay them.
The government also owes farmers millions
of United States dollars for grain
they sold to GMB last year. -
ZimOnline
http://www.voanews.com
By Ntungamili Nkomo & Jonga
Kandemirii
Washington
09 November
2009
With his formation of Zimbabwe's Movement for
Democratic Change party set to
re-engage with its ZANU-PF partner in
governance and start attending cabinet
meetings again this week, Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai is voicing
optimism that the so-called
outstanding issues troubling the government can
be resolved over the next
several weeks.
A deal worked out last Thursday at a Southern African
Development Community
mini-summit in Maputo, Mozambique, set a 30 day period
for "dialogue"
between Mr. Tsvangirai's MDC and President Robert Mugabe's
ZANU-PF to
resolve various contentious issues left unresolved when the
government was
formed in February or which have arisen since.
Such
issues range from the tenure of Reserve Bank Governor Gideon Gono to
what
the MDC calls the politically motivated prosecution of many of its
members
of Parliament.
However, although the Tsvangirai MDC agreed to resume
attendance of cabinet
meetings, the regular Tuesday session was put off to
Wednesday because
President Mugabe is traveling.
Addressing thousands
of MDC supporters Sunday in Chitungwiza, a Harare
satellite town, Mr.
Tsvangirai said he could assure party supporters all
issues would be settled
in the 30-day period set by SADC mediators - though
their language was
somewhat ambiguous.
Sources said negotiators from the three parties in
the unity government -
the third is the smaller MDC formation led by Deputy
Prime Minister Arthur
Mutambara - will meet this week to prepare the ground
for further
negotiations by the governing principals.
Tsvangirai MDC
spokesman Nelson Chamisa told reporter Ntungamili Nkomo of
VOA's Studio 7
for Zimbabwe that his party is indeed optimistic all the
outstanding issues
will be resolved soon - but added that if not, then new
elections will be
the alternative.
Political analyst George Mkhwanazi cautioned Mr.
Tsvangirai against too much
optimism, noting that Mr. Mugabe has not been
known for his willingness to
compromise.
National Constitutional
Assembly Director Ernest Mudzengi also voiced doubt
in an interview with VOA
Studio 7 reporter Jonga Kandemirii as to whether
the outstanding issues can
be resolved in 30 days - unless SADC leaders
heavily pressure Mr. Mugabe and
ZANU-PF.
from VOA's Studio 7
http://www.zimonline.co.za
by Own Correspondent Tuesday
10 November 2009
HARARE - Zimbabwe and South Africa are set
to sign a Bilateral Investment
Protection Agreement (BIPA) later this month,
a Cabinet minister said at the
launch of the country's six-year economic
blue print on Monday.
"The issue of signing BIPAs is one of the things to
be done," Economic
Planning Minister Elton Mangoma said at the launch of the
country's medium
term economic blueprint for the period
2010-2015.
"The BIPA between Zimbabwe and South Africa will be signed on
November 27,"
he said without revealing the venue for the inking of the long
stalled
agreement.
Signing of the agreement between the countries
that are each other's biggest
trading partner on the continent in addition
to being strong political
allies has on several occasions been postponed on
the eleventh hour,
apparently after Harare objected to a clause in the
accord referring to land
investments.
The Economic Planning Minister
also ruled out the return of the local
currency that was shelved early this
year in preference of a basket of
foreign currencies that include the United
States dollar, South African
rand, British Pound and Botswana
pula.
"It must be clear that the way we are planning our economy is to
have a
strong currency which is not the Zimbabwe dollar. The Zimbabwe dollar
will
bring its own problems and we don't want those problems," he
said.
Mangoma said the major focus of the 2010 to 2015 economic blueprint
that
replaces the Short Term Economic Recovery Programme (STERP) that was
launched in March is to bring economic growth as well to reduce
poverty.
He added that the country needed to improve its investment
climate to
attract investors.
"We want investors everywhere to feel
secure, we believe from our side the
document is good and we believe they
(South Africans) feel the same," he
said without elaborating whether
Zimbabwe had accepted the demand by the
South Africans to have protection of
land and related property rights
included in the agreement.
He said
he hopes to sign and implement bilateral trade agreements with other
countries which will improve investor confidence and to raise money through
auctioning mineral concessions and implement the "use it or lose it" on the
mineral concessions.
President Robert Mugabe's chaotic and often
violent programme to seize
white-owned farm land for redistribution to
landless blacks also saw several
farms owned by foreigners and protected
under bilateral trade agreements
between Zimbabwe and other countries seized
without compensation.
The seizure of private land has raised questions
about Zimbabwe's commitment
to uphold property rights as well as agreements
entered with other
countries. - ZimOnline
http://www.zimonline.co.za
by Own
Correspondent Tuesday 10 November 2009
HARARE - Zimbabwe
state actors continue to exercise dictatorial authority
over workers and
pro-democracy groups despite formation of a unity
government between
President Robert Mugabe and Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai, South Africa's
COSATU labour movement said on Monday.
In a statement following the
arrest of several top Zimbabwe Congress of
Trade Union (ZCTU) officials,
COSATU said the detention of the unionists was
an "outrageous attack on the
trade union movement and democracy".
COSATU, which is part of South
Africa's ruling tripartite that is led by the
ANC and includes the South
African Communist Party, has led criticism
against Mugabe and frequently
accuses Pretoria and other regional
governments of failure to take tougher
action against the Zimbabwean
strongman.
The South African union said
the arrest of ZCTU president Lovemore Matombo
and other union officials was
confirmation that: "state forces in Zimbabwe,
regardless of the existence of
a 'government of national unity', are still
brutally imposing their
dictatorship over those who are struggling for
democracy and workers'
rights."?
Zimbabwe police on Sunday arrested Matombo and four other ZCTU
officials for
holding a meeting with union leaders in the resort town of
Victoria Falls
that the police say was not sanctioned.
Matombo and
his co-accused were detained overnight at Victoria Falls police
station
before being transferred to Hwangwe on Monday morning. There were
indications that they might appear in court on Tuesday.
The
government's draconian Public Order and Security Act (POSA) requires
Zimbabweans to notify police first before holding public political meetings
and demonstrations. However professional and other special interest groups
such as the ZCTU are not required to notify police of meetings to discuss
issues specific to their work or field.
But the police have been
accused by human rights groups of using the POSA
willy-nilly to bar meetings
of any group perceived as unsympathetic to
Mugabe and his ZANU PF
party.
The arrest of the ZCTU officials come barely two weeks after
police arrested
two top members of the national association of
non-governmental
organisations also in Victoria Falls where they were
attending a meeting of
directors of NGOs working in the country.
The
POSA is among a raft of repressive laws that Zimbabwe's unity government
must repeal or drastically amend to open up democratic space and create a
level political field ahead of fresh elections.
Tsvangirai says
Mugabe is dragging his feet on democratic reforms including
the drafting of
a new constitution that must precede fresh elections, a
charge the veteran
leader denies. - ZimOnline.
Source: Reporters sans Frontières Date: 04 Nov 2009 Voicing concern about the impact of the Zimbabwean government's internal
crisis on the ability of journalists to work freely and the reemergence of an
independent press, Reporters Without Borders urges the SADC and the leaders of
Mozambique, Swaziland and Zambia to spare no effort to help the government
emerge from the current deadlock. Mr. Tomaz Salomao Paris, 4 November 2009 Dear Executive Secretary, On the eve of the SADC summit that you will be chairing in Maputo on the
situation in Zimbabwe, Reporters Without Borders, an international press freedom
organisation, would like to draw your attention to the terrible consequences
that political deadlock in Zimbabwe could have on the work of the news media.
An increase in tension in the past three weeks between President Robert
Mugabe's ZANU-PF and Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) has already had a negative impact on the state of press freedom and
could lead to serious reversals. An Al Jazeera TV crew was detained for several hours at the president's
office on 20 October, when the prime minister boycotted a cabinet meeting for
the first time. Three days later, the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation and
several state-owned newspapers received orders from information minister Webster
Shamu to stop covering the activities of government ministers who are MDC
members. Finally, a climate of fear has taken hold within the journalistic community
as a result of recent arrests of civil society members. Meanwhile, the Zimbabwe Media Council (ZMC), a new entity that is supposed to
issue licences to newspapers and thereby facilitate the independent press's
rebirth, is currently unable to function. Some sources say that, after long and
delicate negotiations, the president and prime minister reached agreement on the
ZMC's nine members but they have not yet been appointed and may not be if the
crisis within the government continues. An improvement in the ability of journalists to work freely and the
reemergence of an independent press in Zimbabwe depend very closely on the
national unity government's ability to function properly. Given the current
tension between the two sides, we think regional mediation and the SADC's role
will be decisive. We therefore urge you and the leaders of Mozambique, Swaziland
and Zambia to spare no effort to help the government emerge from the current
deadlock. We trust you will give this request your careful consideration. Sincerely, Jean-François Julliard
Reporters Without
Borders has written to Tomás Salomão, the executive secretary of the Southern
African Development Community, on the eve of a SADC meeting in Maputo on the
situation in Zimbabwe.
Executive Secretary
Southern African Development
Community
Gaborone - Botswana
Secretary-General
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Written by Tichaona
Nyamutenha
Monday, 09 November 2009 17:46
HARARE - Residents,
disgusted by daily dosages of sickeningly crude
propaganda from the state
media, jostle each week to get a copy of the Prime
Minister's newsletter and
the MDC's "The Changing Times".
Long and sometimes disjointed
queues of residents waiting anxiously
for the arrival of the newsletters
have become a common sight at Harvest
House over the past few
weeks.
Finance Minister, Tendai Biti, whose tight control of the fiscus
allegedly angered those who had unfettered access to state coffers for
nearly three decades has been the prime target of blatant and shameful
attacks by the state media.
A student from the University of
Zimbabwe, who asked to remain
anonymous for fear of victimization, applauded
the party's media technocrats
for crafting colourful and informative
newsletters.
"The state media's anti-Tsvangirai rhetoric has been
rendered
meaningless by these newsletters which are also published in the
vernacular.
This is the reason why they have become popular even in the
rural areas.
Luke Tamborinyoka and Andrew Chadwick are doing a wonderful
job," he said.
Tamborinyoka, an accomplished journalist and former news
editor of the
Daily News, is the MDC's national director of information.
Chadwick is the
head of communications in the Prime Minister's
office.
"We are sick and tired of being reminded every day, by the
state
media, that Robert Mugabe is the head of state and government and
commander
in chief of the Defence forces. Some of us cannot afford to
install
satellite dishes to escape ZBC propaganda.
These
newsletters, distributed free of charge, have become our only
source of
news", said a Harare resident.
Pro-democracy activist, Sydney Shumba
said: "The MDC newsletters are a
wonderful development for the
democratisation agenda - the need for
information has since ceased to a
luxury but a necessity."
Limon Mbwera, a party activist who distributes
the newsletters in
Chitungwiza said: "The overwhelming demand for the Prime
Minister's
newsletter demonstrates the ever-rising popularity of our leader
Morgan
Tsvangirayi. No amount of propaganda by the Herald and ZBC will bring
him
down."
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=24775
November 10, 2009
John
Robertson
WHATEVER a man sows, that shall he also reaps. This biblical
principle has
guided mankind for thousands of years. However, if the man is
a Zimbabwean
and if he is a member of Zanu-PF, he has a good chance of
getting the party's
permission to reap what was sown by others.
This
process started almost thirty years ago with things like allocations of
scarce foreign exchange, but about ten years ago Zanu-PF moved to a higher
plane when it started to allocate free to party members land that others had
bought, cleared and cultivated. This was supposed to be a reward for loyalty
as well as a guaranteed shortcut to a comfortable life. After all, that is
what the dispossessed farmers had enjoyed, so it seemed a very safe
bet.
However, repeating the evicted farmers' cropping sequences turned
out to be
really hard work, as did the tending of the orchards or coffee
trees, sugar
cane, livestock or whatever else came with the gift from the
party. For
these and other reasons, land reform appears now to have entered
its death
throes. The country's growing season has just started, but with
few
exceptions, most of the confiscated land has been clearly
abandoned.
Flying in the face of the evidence, the party defiantly claims
that land
reform has been not only a glorious success, but also the most
important
anti-colonial event in history. But now that very nearly all the
food
consumed by Zimbabweans has to be imported, these claims are being
ridiculed.
But even though the hopes of acquiring riches by farming
have fallen flat,
Zanu-PF's members still like the idea of enjoying benefits
from the hard
work of others. With little else to offer, the party is trying
to keep alive
hopes that loyalty still leads to riches. But the party still
needs to bait
the hook.
So Zanu-PF is activating another plan. Now,
lucky Zanu-PF members are being
invited to claim rich rewards by accepting
the party's help to acquire
ownership of company shares.
The party's
help is needed because the shares in question are not being
willingly
offered for sale. The current owners are specially unwilling as
the forced
transfers will deprive them of their controlling interests.
Accused of
having started their Zimbabwean companies without even being
invited, and of
having successfully taken up every possible business
opportunity, the owners
of these businesses are also accused of being too
reluctant to share their
growing fortunes with indigenous Zimbabweans.
Zanu-PF defines this
conduct as gravely unjust. It also refuses to accept
that all the businesses
in operation amount to only perhaps two or three
percent of those that could
exist in a country as big as Zimbabwe. As it is
much easier to help party
members to muscle their way into companies than to
persuade them to start
new ones, the easiest solution is forced share
transfers.
So last
year the President signed into law the Indigenisation and Economic
Empowerment Act. This empowers government to force these companies to sell
51 percent of their shares to indigenous people. The regulations needed to
initiate, enforce and administer the share transfer procedures are now to be
formalised as Statutory Instruments in the Government Gazette.
If the
funds needed for a specific sale are beyond the means of the
intending
purchasers, the Act empowers the authorities to levy a special tax
on the
targeted company to raise the funds. Also, business licences are to
be
granted to the founders of new companies on condition that they can
satisfy
the authorities of their intentions to relinquish 51 percent of
their shares
within an acceptable period.
The first waves of opportunists started
visiting the more highly prized
businesses while the Indigenisation Bill was
still making its way through
Parliament in 2007. But they did not get far
because they could offer no
more than the hope that, as identifiable, known
individuals, they would
appear less threatening than the unknown individuals
who might come later.
Now, armed with Statutory Instruments, new
opportunists will bring threats
rather than promises. An extremely
well-known relationship will become
glaringly obvious yet again: the kind of
people who line up to claim
ownership of assets confiscated from others tend
to have a very limited
appetite for hard work.
Once the forced share
ownership transfers have taken place, the new
shareholders, with their
controlling interests in the companies, will have
the power to displace the
current directors. No doubt Zanu-PF will supply
them with lists of
candidates for the posts and they will be expected to
ensure that the top
jobs go to the selected political appointees at the next
AGM.
What
does this mean for companies that come under the control of people who
never
had the ability to build such enterprises, but who gain control
through
political patronage? In all probability, they will fail. The
business
founders, having lost control, will soon leave and they will take
their
expertise with them.
And what of the many new business enterprises that
might have made the most
of new technologies, expanding markets, improving
services and Zimbabwe's
eager, well-educated work force? Well, most of them
will never start, not on
Zimbabwean soil.
Even indigenous Zimbabweans
with the needed talents will not be happy to tie
their futures to a country
that can so easily legislate the right to reap
where one has not sown.
Successful Zimbabweans could all too soon become the
only choice left when
the parasitic political hierarchy gets impatient for
another raid on the
assets of others.
Zanu-PF has been planting, but so far it has planted
nothing but deceit,
contempt and hatred. The harvest is not far off now, but
because the party
is unlikely to have built up immunity to these toxins, it
will succumb to
its own venom, just as so many others like it have done in
the past.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Written by MARY
REVESAI
Monday, 09 November 2009 18:28
In an essay featured on
a website that deals with the various
syndromes afflicting the world's
dictators, Alemayehu Mariam, professor of
political science at California
State University, tackles the one known as
"the grammar of
dictators".
He describes how ruthless despots have difficulty
dealing with reality
and thus create their own "convenient world of
illusions."
Writes Alemayehu: "Dictators see a world around them that
is not
pretty, so they manufacture their own. Where there is widespread
famine,
they see 'pockets of severe malnutrition" and where they are
confronted with
overwhelming evidence of bombed out villages in the form of
satellite
photos, they claim there is not a shred of evidence".
Big
man syndrome
The political scientist says dictators insist there is not
a shred of
evidence of human rights abuses where documented facts show
thousands of
citizens have been swept off the street and jailed without
evidence of
criminal wrong doing. Other contributors to the website tackle
topics such
as the "narcissism syndrome" in which the afflicted
authoritarians believe
they are the centre of the universe and everything
revolves around them The
"Being there syndrome" the "Pinochet syndrome" the
"Big man syndrome" and
the "Aging African dictator syndrome". Other maladies
featured include the
syndromes of corruption, power, wealth and
democracy.
The Big man syndrome is said to afflict mainly "African
dictators who
will do anything to extend their prolonged political
existence." Zimbabwean
president Robert Mugabe is identified by name along
with Libya's Muammar
Gadaffi, Egypt's Hosni Mubarak and the late Omar Bongo
of Gabon as belonging
to this category. This quartet has clocked a combined
139 years as heads of
state in their countries.
"Despite their
pomposity and protracted absolute rule, African
dictators could not deliver
economic development and stability," says
another writer, Abdi Guled. He
laments the fact that Africa has been failed
by "ruthless eccentric leaders
with an insatiable passion for
self-gratification, and with an orgy of
self-enrichment."
A Zimbabwean would be hard pressed not to say "all of
the above" when
faced with a multiple choice question to identify the
conditions that seem
to spark Mugabe's warped, intransigent, cold-hearted,
incomprehensible and
callous actions and pronouncements. All these traits
confirm an undeniable
truth, that dictators rule by fear.
The
guilty fleeing
Mugabe has done many things that induce incredulity but
which, from
his point of view, are supposed to show bravado. Anyone who has
listened to
the Zimbabwean leader's convoluted and uncompromising rhetoric
knows,
however, that something is amiss, that it is simply a case of the
guilty
fleeing when no one is pursuing them, to paraphrase the
Bible.
This has been demonstrated most vividly through Mugabe's
self-deceiving belief that he can hide the truth about his repressive and
tyrannical governance by muzzling the local media and banning foreign news
organisations from reporting from Zimbabwe.
He is livid that those
Zimbabweans who have been prevented from
operating radio stations or
publishing newspapers from within the country
have been able to do so from
countries with more civilised systems of
government. Most importantly this
isolationist paranoia has given rise to a
penchant for deportations in a bid
to keep "nosey do-gooders" who feel
compassion for the suffering populace
out of the country.
As an unmistakable sign of a dictator's fear,
Mugabe does not just
want certain people barred from entering or expelled
from the country - he
wants them denounced, mocked and humiliated. United
Nations torture expert,
Manfred Nowak, who was deported more than a week
ago, is the latest victim
but by no means the last. He intended to undertake
a weeklong fact-finding
mission but was deported to South Africa after being
detained at the
airport.
It was claimed the government could not
host him because it was
receiving a delegation of Southern Africa
Development Community (SADC)
foreign ministers. But that is the lamest
excuse that could be given as this
did not then justify the shabby and
heavy-handed manner in which the UN
envoy was treated. Moreover, if being
otherwise engaged was the real reason
the government could not fit in
Nowak's schedule, he should have been
allowed to meet other
stakeholders.
The Pinochet Syndrome
Lately Mugabe seems to
have displayed unusual symptoms of the Pinochet
Syndrome named after former
Chilean strongman Augusto Pinochet. This
syndrome involves attempts to gain
impunity for atrocities perpetrated
during a term of office by using poor
health or old age as excuses. This did
not spare Pinochet from prosecution
for human rights abuses perpetrated by
the military junta he headed after
Allende's overthrow in 1974.
It seems that despite being 85-years-old,
Mugabe does not use age or
health to draw attention away from his
culpability for the horrors that have
happened in Zimbabwe under his
marathon rule. He prefers to use the sort of
bravado he displayed recently
when threatening to sue Western governments
that have imposed targeted
sanctions on him and his inner circle for
plotting to bring down his
government.
What government is he referring to? Surely not the
government of
national unity now in place. Or was this outburst the clearest
confirmation
yet that Mugabe still regards Zanu (PF) as the sole ruling
party despites
its defeat in last year's parliamentary poles and his own
failure to win a
fresh mandate in the last presidential election?