• Zimbabwe 'guerrilla group' challenges Mugabe
• 'We want Mugabe booted out of Zimbabwe'
• Zimbabwe rebellion 'not helpful'
• The ANC ought to sympathise
• JAG Open Letters Forum No. 184
• Let’s re-assert Zimbabwe as destination par excellence
• Embattled Zimbabwe newspaper urges courts to enforce licensing order
• Paper urges end to SA 'silence' over Zimbabwe
• Harare Struggles with Water Shortage
• Newly Introduced Bearer's Cheques Hit Zambian Parallel Market
• Zimbabwe Judge Rules Daily News Directors Should Stand Trial
• Zimbabwe police nab 269 illegal forex dealers
• Zvinavashe tipped for vice presidency
• Banana likely to be declared national hero
• Hijacked $12bln platinum still missing
• Govt told to lay hands off wheat marketing
• Govt must learn to work with business
• MDC needs better ideological clarity
• Minimising fast-track land reform damage
• Bid to save tobacco sector from total collapse
• Only urgent action required, not rhetoric
• Zvakwana Newsletter #44
• Free Robert Mugabe
• Justice denied
• Deceptive calm in Mugabe's realm

            A new Zimbabwean resistance has been created to overthrow Robert
Mugabe's regime by force, it was claimed today.

            The Zimbabwe Freedom Movement, a network of underground cells
made up of guerrilla fighters, soldiers and spies, believe that Mr Mugabe
should be deposed and then tried for genocide.

            In its first statement, the organisation said: "ZFM believes
that since we have not achieved democracy by peaceful means, it is necessary
to place the illegitimate President and Government of Zimbabwe on notice
that they are about to be removed by the judicious use of appropriate
force."

            The ZFM statement was released through Peter Tatchell, the
British human rights campaigner who has twice attempted a citizen's arrest
of Mr Mugabe. It stressed that Mr Tatchell was only a messenger for ZFM and
had no involvement with the organisation.

            The ZFM statement also said: "In honour of our true heroes of
the Chimurenga (the 1970s War of Liberation against Ian Smith's white
minority regime), this last action for the people of Zimbabwe will be known
as Chimurenga 4.

            "The communique is signed by Charles Black Mamba, National
Commander, and Ntuthuko Fezela and Daniel Ingwe, Deputy National
Commanders."

            It added: "ZFM requires that Robert Mugabe step down immediately
as President and that the present Government be dissolved in its entirety.
If Mugabe refuses to go, the ZFM will remove him and his cronies by
'force'."

            The men were also featured in a video message in which they said
Mr Mugabe would have been assassinated by now if that was what they wanted.

            Mr Black Mamba - his face and voice disguised - said: "Yes we
can do it, any day, any time if we wanted. But the thing is, we just want
him alive. If we wanted to just kill him, we could have done it. But now our
aim is not to kill him, but to get him alive, so at the end of the day he
receives the truth."

            Mr Tatchell said: "The ZFM is committed to removing him by
force. They will attempt to seize him or arrest him and then put him on
trial."

            He said that the ZFM would also try to arrest high-ranking
government officials but again stressed that the movement would attempt to
use "minimum violence".

            Mr Tatchell added that resistance leaders were hoping for a
"critical mass" of support, whereby defence and security officials actually
protecting Mr Mugabe would be the ones who eventually arrested him.

            Mr Tatchell also took questions from the press and said that the
ZFM possessed arms caches that contained automatic weapons and mortar
devices. He said that the resistance organisation would not engage in acts
of terrorism, but would use the minimal force necessary if Mr Mugabe did not
accede to their demand.

            After Mr Mugabe had stepped down or been removed, the ZFM said,
a constitution would be drawn up followed up by free and fair elections.

            The ZFM said that it did not harbour any desire to take power or
to engage in any form of political activity.

            Jan Raath, Times correspondent in Harare, said that such a group
would represent the first violent opposition since the late 1980s when the
peaceful Movement for Democratic Change was formed.

            But he added that the group and its leaders were not known in
Zimbabwe and there were doubts as to its authenticity.

            Mr Tatchell campaigned in the 1970s in support of Mr Mugabe's
liberation struggle against white minority rule, believing it to be a just
struggle against racism and colonialism.

            He said: "Mugabe is a liberation hero turned human rights
abuser. He has become Ian Smith (former Zimbabwean leader) with a black
face. As the ZFM recruits more supporters within the defence and security
forces, the noose is slowly tightening around the Mugabe regime."

      London - A new group opposed to Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe
came out of the shadows on Thursday, vowing to wage armed struggle to bring
down his government.

      In a videotape seen in London, the leader of the Zimbabwe Freedom
Movement was quoted as saying that Mugabe could be assassinated "any day,
any time", but that it would be better to bring him to justice alive.

      "The thing is, we just want him alive," said the movement's
self-described national commander, whose nom de guerre is Charles Black
Mamba, by way of an actor who repeated his words on the tape, wearing a
balaclava.

      "If we wanted to just kill him, we could have done it. But now our aim
is not to kill him, but to get him alive, so at the end of the day he
receives the truth," he said with a Zimbabwean flag visible behind him.

            'Our aim is not to kill him, but to get him alive'
      The videotape was screened in a London art gallery by Peter Thatchell,
a veteran British gay and human rights activist who has tried a number of
times to get Mugabe arrested during his occasional visits to Europe.

      Thatchell described the Zimbabwe Freedom Movement as a network of
underground cells made up of guerrilla fighters, soldiers and spies, with
arms dumps filled with automatic weapons and mortar devices.

      He said it would not engage in acts of terrorism, but would use the
minimal force necessary if Mugabe did not give up power in the southern
African country.

      "The Zimbabwe Freedom Movement is committed to removing him by force,"
Thatchell said. "They will attempt to seize him or arrest him and then put
him on trial."

      He said the movement would also try to arrest high-ranking government
officials, but reiterated that the movement would attempt to use "minimum
violence".

            'We want to see as quickly as possible a return to democracy'
      Its leaders were hoping for a "critical mass" of support, whereby
defence and security officials actually protecting Mugabe would be the ones
who eventually arrested him, he said.

      The movement's deputy national commander, who also featured in the
videotape, was identified as Ntuthuko Fezela.

      Britain, the former colonial power in what used to be called Rhodesia,
leads international opposition to Mugabe's regime, notably over its
aggressive land reform program that has forced white farmers to give up
their properties.

      Zimbabwe is in the throes of severe economic hardship, with inflation
exceeding 455 percent, 70 percent of the work force unemployed and chronic
shortages of food, fuel and medicines due to a lack of hard currency.

      The main political opposition to Mugabe and his Zimbabwe African
National Union - Patriotic Front (Zanu-PF) party has been the Movement for
Democratic Change, led by Morgan Tsvangirai.

      Commenting on the new group, junior foreign minister Chris Mullin said
on Thursday that Britain - though concerned about Mugabe's regime - does not
support the use of violence to oust him.

      "The British government has made clear we can have nothing to do with
any attempt to overthrow the government of Zimbabwe by violence," he told
reporters in London.

      Mullin said he believed one or more members of the new group had made
an informal approach to the British embassy in Harare, but were told "very
firmly" that London would have nothing to do with their project.

      "We want to see as quickly as possible a return to democracy and the
rule of law, and free elections," he said.

      "When that happens, we think the country will have a future again.
Under the present management, it is on the road to nowhere." - Sapa-AFP

      Zimbabwe's main opposition party says a military coup would not help
solve the country's many problems.
      British gay rights campaigner Peter Tatchell claims a new armed group
of soldiers and police officers has been formed to topple Mr Mugabe.

      But a spokesman for the opposition Movement for Democratic Change says
he "is not aware" of any attempt to use force against President Robert
Mugabe.

      Mr Mugabe is accused of rigging elections and ruining the economy.

      He blames Zimbabwe's problems on a Western plot to stop him seizing
white-owned land.

      Meanwhile, a Harare court has rejected an appeal by directors of the
banned Daily News to have criminal charges against them dropped and so they
should stand trial.

      'Cronies'

      Mr Tatchell has twice tried to perform a citizen's arrest on Mr Mugabe
for alleged human rights abuses.

      He says that he is not involved in the Zimbabwe Freedom Movement (ZFM)
but is merely releasing a statement and video recording on behalf of a group
of members of the Zimbabwe defence forces and police.

            We are staging a struggle through lawful means, even in a
restrictive environment

            Paul Themba Nyathi
            MDC spokesman
      "If Mugabe refuses to go, the ZFM will remove him and his cronies by
force," reads a statement signed by national commander Charles Black Mamba
and deputy national commanders Ntuthuko Fezela and Daniel Ingwe.

      Mr Tatchell said the ZFM was being formed because "all opportunities
and possibilities for peaceful democratic change have been closed down".

      However the video and images shown by Mr Tatchell could have been
recorded anywhere and no evidence was given that this movement really does
exist.

      Ruling Zanu-PF party spokesman Nathan Shamuyarira in Harare told the
BBC he did not wish to comment because he said he did not want to give
credibility to a story that was entirely groundless.

      It later emerged that the group has made contact with the British High
Commission in Harare, looking for support.

      A foreign office minister told journalists he believed one or more
members of the group had made what he described as an informal approach, but
had been told - very firmly - that the British government could have nothing
to do with any attempt to overthrow the government of Zimbabwe by force.

      Hardships

      BBC Africa analyst Liz Blunt says that even the remotest suggestion of
disaffection in the armed forces is likely to increase government pressure
on Zimbabwe's opposition.

      MDC spokesman Paul Themba Nyathi, who has been charged with treason
after helping to organise a national strike against the government earlier
this year, said a coup was not the answer.

      He told BBC News Online: "I don't think a military coup would be
helpful.

      "We are staging a struggle through lawful means, even in a restrictive
environment."

      He said he did not know of any military unrest in Zimbabwe, but added
that soldiers were suffering the same hardships as other Zimbabweans.

      Inflation is running at more than 455% and up to half the population
needs food aid.

      Mr Nyathi said the solution was for Zimbabwe's neighbours to put
pressure on Mr Mugabe to hold new elections, which would be "free and fair".

      On Wednesday, a South African-based newspaper, This Day, released a
special edition in Harare urging Mr Mugabe to step down.

      It also condemned the South African Government for its "shameful
silence" on the crisis in Zimbabwe.

The ANC ought to sympathise

By Michael Hartnack

The Herbert Chitepo Memorial Lecture delivered at the University of Zimbabwe
on November 4 by Professor Jakes Gerwel, Chancellor of Rhodes University,
Grahamstown, was a masterpiece of diplomatic discourse. His remarks could
not have caused offence to the senior figures from Robert Mugabe's Zanu PF
party seated in the front row - a 45 minute talk in which the former
secretary to Nelson Mandela’s Cabinet made only tactful, passing references
to the harrowing situation in Zimbabwe. Taking the theme "What have
universities to do with human rights, democracy and good governance?" Gerwel
said there appeared to be a ``synchronicity’’ between the collapse of the
Zimbabwean economy and of norms associated with the rule of law. "From where
I sit and observe as a friend of Zimbabwe, one cannot be glad that we have
to seriously engage in questions of whether there has been such a departure
from these norms as to move a model nation to one in crisis," he said in one
diplomatic mouthful. Leaving at least some of the audience wondering when
Zimbabwe was ever a "model nation," Gerwel added that in a number of
countries "multi-party democracy" had been replaced by the concept of a
coalition on which diversities and minorities had to be accommodated.."

In addition, said Gerwel, African nations were obliged to surrender some of
their sovereignty under, for example, the New Economic Partnership for
African Development (NEPAD). In terms of NEPAD, African nations are supposed
to review each other for abuses of human rights, bad governance, rigged
elections and the rest. Gerwel said this peer view process "will establish
the credibility of Africa as the master of its own fate" - delicately
avoiding the fact that Mugabe has not so far had even a slap on the wrist
from African leaders. In fact, South African President Thabo Mbeki at a news
conference in Toronto a day later maintained that the Zimbabwe crisis would
soon be over and, despite evidence to the contrary, said the Zanu PF and the
opposition Movement for Democratic Change were in talks that might quickly
produce a coalition government. "They've been talking to each other. They're
talking to each other now. My sense is that it won't take that long," Mbeki
said at a news conference with Canada’s Jean Chretien. "I think the ruling
party and the opposition understand the depth of the economic crisis and the
impact on the lives of the people. Both sides are very, very sensitive to
it. Nobody is dragging their feet. They will move with some speed." To
remove any possible ambiguity, Chretien added: "There will be an agreement
(in Zimbabwe), he thinks, soon." In Cape Town, British Foreign Office
minister for Africa Chris Mullin said Britain and South Africa agreed to a
large extent about Zimbabwe. "We know that President (Thabo) Mbeki and
others have been working hard to help the negotiations between Zanu-PF and
the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) bear fruit."

These statements are not supported by any source in Zimbabwe. David Coltart,
MDC justice spokesman, said there had been no progress for at least five
weeks in convening further talks. If Zanu and those promoting the idea have
in mind a unity government, they fail to appreciate the deep-seated
opposition to such an arrangement, especially in Matabeleland.’’ Coltart
said many Zimbabweans recalled the ill-fated 1987 unity pact between Mugabe
and the late vice president Joshua Nkomo's PF Zapu party. Nkomo went on to
become one of the largest landowners and richest businessmen in the country,
while Matabeleland merely became the prime source of economic refugees
illegally entering South Africa. "The people of Matabeleland saw how Joshua
Nkomo and Zapu were sucked into this arrangement and compromised, and the
development needs of Matabeleland were never addressed. They fear this could
happen again with the MDC leadership benefiting greatly but no fundamental
changes to Zimbabwean society," said Coltart.

While Mbeki talks of a quick fix coalition, Mugabe is waging a civil war,
against an unarmed section of Zimbabwe's population consisting of black
"terrorists" and whites - also terrorists - who have to be dispossessed and
expelled. And Mugabe's critics do not see there is any complex economic
problem on which the regime and the opposition need to put their heads
together. What is needed, they say, is for Mugabe simply to stop what he is
doing. Where one side is pursuing policies which the other side believes to
be utterly destructive, coalition governments can only give respectability
and a facade of social unity where none exists. Mugabe explicitly demands
the opposition show "patriotism" by endorsing his Third Chimurenga. It
sometimes seems that South Africa would like the MDC to accept office under
Mugabe to improve the chances of Mbeki’s favourite, Simba Makoni, succeeding
to the presidency instead of a veteran of the 1980s' Matabeleland genocide.
The MDC slogan, however, is "Chinja maitiro", change the method, not "Chinja
mambo", change the tsar. The ANC ought to sympathise: it used to insist the
old South African philosophy could not be reformed - it had to be
eradicated.

      HARARE : Zimbabwe's Daily News, battling for the right to publish
after being shut down twice this year, has asked a court to intervene in a
long-running dispute with the government.

      The paper's legal officer Gugulethu Moyo told AFP it had filed an
urgent chamber application to force the authorities to allow it to resume
publication in line with an Administrative Court order.

      Under the October 24 order, the court ruled that the paper, which is
fiercely critical of President Robert Mugabe, must be issued an operating
licence by end of this month.

      However, the state-appointed media and information commission
responsible for licensing journalists under the southern African country's
new media law is appealing to the Supreme Court against the Administrative
Court order.

      Moyo said the newspaper was arguing "that the appeal is not of merit
and we should not be prejudiced."

      He added: "If we succeed in this (chamber application), it means we
are allowed to publish until the Supreme Court makes its determination on
the appeal."

      Zimbabwe police first forcibly closed down the Daily News on September
12, a day after the Supreme Court ruled that the paper was illegal because
it was not licensed under the law.

      The paper subsequently applied for a licence but was denied, at which
point the owners took their case to the Administrative Court.

      The day after the October 24 ruling that the paper be licenced, the
Daily News returned to the newsstands, only to be shut down again amid a
wave of arrests of the staff and directors.

      The directors are due to appear in court Thursday for a ruling on
whether charges against them of publishing without license should be
dropped.

      - AFP

      Zimbabwe's capital, Harare, has so little money that the municipal
authority cannot afford to buy water purification chemicals. This worsens
the city's already chronic water problems.
      The Harare city council says it is left only with a four-day supply of
a vital water purification chemical.

      The state controlled daily newspaper, The Herald, says the local
supplier of the chemical had cut off supplies because the local authority
had defaulted on payment.

      The paper quotes Town Clerk Nomutsa Chideya as saying the city council
is making efforts to import the chemical from South Africa.

      Last week, the city council announced that it would cut the water
supply for one day each week to some suburbs.

      The city council has also banned the use of garden hoses for watering
lawns or washing cars. Water usage is traditionally at its peak this time of
the year when temperatures soar. Some Harare neighborhoods have been
experiencing water shortages for years.

      The city council attributes the problems to a limited pumping
facility, a lack of money to buy spare parts and, occasionally, on a lack of
electricity to run the water pumps.

      The Herald newspaper says while some Harare residents are resorting to
buying water from neighbors with wells, some are getting water from open
wells, exposing themselves to water-borne diseases.

The Herald (Harare)

November 13, 2003
Posted to the web November 13, 2003

Harare

THE recently introduced bearer's cheques have surfaced in neighbouring
Zambia posing a threat of another cash crisis.

Barely weeks after the Government instituted a high-powered committee to
investigate the continued cash crisis in the country, the recently launched
bearer's cheques have hit the Zambian parallel market with a bang.

Bearer's cheques were introduced as cash alternatives following a serious
crisis that had threatened the country's banking sector.

Investigations conducted have revealed that some illegal currency dealers
along Lusaka's notorious Katondo Street, Inter-City Bus Terminus and border
areas of Chirundu and Kariba are in possession of large amounts of
Zimbabwean bearer's cheques.

Travellers from Livingstone near Victoria Falls also revealed that the same
practice was ripe at Zambia's tourist capital.

Currency dealers, however, claimed that Zimbabwean cross border traders, who
opt to use the United States dollar or Zambian kwacha, were bringing the
bearer's cheques into Zambia.

The president of the Zimbabwe Cross-border Traders' Association, Mr Killer
Zivhu, confirmed that they were aware of the presence of the bearer's
cheques on the Zambian market and other countries in the region.

He said relevant authorities from respective countries in the region were
entirely to blame for the movement of the cash.

"We are aware that the local currency is finding its way into Zambia and
other neighbouring countries largely due to the fact that relevant
authorities in the respective nations are not doing their work thoroughly.

"It was recently agreed at a seminar held here (in Zimbabwe) two weeks ago
that all other regional countries should help curb illegal foreign currency
deals.

"Participants from neighbouring countries agreed to implement stringent
measures to curb the illegal foreign currency deals. We are naturally
disappointed that what was agreed is not being practiced on the ground,"
said Mr Zivhu.

He said his organisation will, however, continue to encourage its members to
refrain from engaging in illegal foreign currency deals.

Zimbabwe dollars are legal tender in Zambia and most of the cross-border
traders exchange them for the kwacha, which they would in turn trade for the
greenback.

The dealers mostly conduct their business in exclusive places, but usually
wave small amounts of $500 adding up to about 20 000 to their would-be
customers.

Customers are then taken to a hidden place where they would produce the
bearer's cheques as well as more bank notes.

Mr Lloyd Chanda, a money dealer in Katondo Street in the Zambian capital
said there is a shortage of Zimbabwean bank notes of all denominations in
Lusaka as well and that the bearer's cheques are the "only alternative if
one has to stay in business".

Said Mr Chanda,"Companies here accept the kwacha and sometimes the US
dollar.

"When Zimbabwean dealers come here they sell the cash and bearer's cheques
to us. We end up having as much as $250 000 on a good working day".

Mr Chanda disclosed that they started accessing the bearer's cheques a few
weeks after they were launched in September.

He could not, however, indicate the exact source of the bearer's cheques in
Lusaka but added that it was through business transactions with cross-border
traders.

Zambia liberalised its financial market as far back as 1991 after the
Chiluba administration took over power from Dr Kenneth Kaunda' government.

The liberalisation of Zambia's economy saw the emergence of illegal currency
dealers and unscrupulous bureaux de change.

Zimbabwe has recently been facing critical shortages of cash.

The introduction of bearer's cheques by the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe has
brought a relief after calls against hoarding of cash fell on deaf ears,
particularly among cross-border traders. - Business Reporter/Sanday
Chongo-Kabange in LUSAKA, Zambia

A judge in Zimbabwe has ruled that four directors of the nation's only
independent daily newspaper should stand trial for publishing without a
license.
The four directors of the Daily News had sought to have the charges against
them dismissed. But Harare Magistrate Mishrod Guvamombe said Thursday, there
is reason to suspect that the four committed a crime. The newspaper
directors were arrested late last month on charges that they broke the law
by publishing the Daily News at a time when the paper did not have a
license.

The government closed the newspaper in September, but it appeared on
newsstands again on October 25 after a court ruled that the government must
grant it a license by the end of November. However, the paper had resumed
publication before actually receiving a license. Police responded by
immediately closing the newspaper and arresting several employees, now all
free on bail.

The Daily News had always been sharply critical of the government and had
been initially been denied a license to publish. Zimbabwe's tough media laws
were enacted last year following President Robert Mugabe's re-election. The
laws require newspapers to obtain licenses to publish and include stiff
penalties for noncompliance.

      Zimbabwe police nab 269 illegal forex dealers
      November 13, 2003

      By AFP

      Harare - Police in Zimbabwe, where chronic shortages of foreign
exchange have helped fuel a severe economic crisis, have arrested 269
illegal foreign currency dealers in the country's two main cities, a
newspaper reported Thursday.

      The state-controlled Herald said at least 100 foreign currency dealers
had been arrested in Harare and 169 in the second city of Bulawayo following
a police crackdown that began on Monday.

      The report said money and gold worth 40 million Zimbabwe dollars
(about R335 000) had been recovered in the swoop.

      "We will continue the operation until the practice is put to an end,"
police spokesperson Cecila Churu told the Herald.

      Last week the government deployed riot police in both the capital
Harare and in Bulawayo in a bid to stop illegal foreign currency dealing.

      Zimbabwe, which is in its fourth year of economic recession, does not
have enough hard currency to import essential commodities such as fuel, food
and medicines.

      Few people change their foreign currency with banks here, preferring
the lucrative black market where, for instance, each US dollar fetches up to
seven times its official rate of 824 Zimbabwe dollars.

      Money seized from the illegal dealers will be banked with Zimbabwe's
central bank, police told the Herald. - AFP

      Zvinavashe, who in 2002 hit local and international headlines when he
publicly declared that the defence forces would not salute any political
leader without liberation war credentials, in apparent reference to
opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai, is an ardent supporter of the ongoing
land reform programme meant to address historic injustices and inequality.

      The land reform has however been a subject of controversy with the
mostly white land owners, caught between reality and insecurity in the face
of farm acquisitions, saying that a careful balance should be struck between
legal security and economic flexibility to provide optimum opportunity to
achieve the objectives of equitable land redistribution. Zimbabwean
authorities have however dismissed this as nothing short of a see-through
red herring.

      The rumoured ascendancy of Zvinavashe comes amid heightened fears
among some of President Robert Mugabe’s long time confidantes and close
friends that the majority of them could be axed from the current Cabinet in
the looming re-shuffle. Code-named "Sheba Gava" or "Fox", Zvinavashe himself
made it no secret last week that he was prepared to accept any national post
bestowed upon him by the country’s leadership.

      President Mugabe, long known to play his cards close to the chest,
told the 55th session of the ZANU PF central committee about a fortnight ago
that he would make sweeping changes to his Cabinet as well as the Reserve
Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ), where distinguished banker and Zimbabwe’s best known
turnaround expert, Dr Gideon Gono, was subsequently appointed governor.
Gono, who proved that even in the last stages of insolvency a turnaround is
still possible when he salvaged the Commercial Bank of Zimbabwe from the
verge of collapse into the country’s fourth largest commercial bank, starts
at the central bank on December 1 2003.

      "President Mugabe wants to keep in check his possible successor," a
party insider said. "It’s clear that the President is preparing for his
exit. Zvinavashe has been not only a dedicated party cadre but also the
President’s close friend since the days of the liberation struggle and it
goes without saying that he’s trusted a lot. By appointing Zvinavashe vice
President, President Mugabe will actually be making sure that whoever
succeeds him doesn’t get out of hand and turn against him. Despite the fact
that Zvinavashe would have retired, he still commands a lot of respect in
the armed forces. He’s like a father to many soldiers."

      Insiders within ZANU PF told The Financial Gazette that President
Mugabe, widely believed to be seeing out his last term in office although he
has not given any hint this effect yet, would like to protect himself and
his revolutionary ideas, especially those about the land reform by
appointing his most trusted lieutenants.

      The axe has already fallen on two governors, Oppah Muchinguri
(Manicaland) and Peter Chanetsa (Mashonaland West), both of whom formed what
had become President Mugabe’s political bodyguard. They were thrown out of
the feeding trough and replaced by previously obscure political figures,
including Lieutenant-General Michael Nyambuya who took over from Muchinguri.
Three other new faces were appointed while four others were re-appointed to
the same positions.

      Zvinavashe, who joined ZANU PF’s military high command in 1969 long
before former retired Chief Air Vice Marshal Josiah Tungamirai and retired
ex-Zimbabwe National Army (ZNA) chief Solomon Mujuru, told this newspaper
that he was ready for any post but would not be drawn to say whether or not
he would accept the position of co-vice president if approached.

      The post fell vacant following the death of Vice President Muzenda a
couple of months ago.

      Although it is President Mugabe’s prerogative to appoint his vice
presidents, sources said the appointments had to be acceptable to the ZANU
PF congress.

      The first chief of the unified forces (ZNA and the Air Force)
Zvinavashe said this week: "I am a Zimbabwean not a foreigner. I have not
been approached yet. There is no limitation to democracy. What I said in The
Herald is enough. Let’s talk about my future plans at the end of December
when I retire. But I will start farming seriously in January."

      In a rare interview granted to The Herald, Zvinavashe last week
scoffed at media reports that he was eyeing Muzenda’s parliamentary seat in
Gutu North, saying he would never opt for a "district position," but however
emphasised he was willing to serve the people at a national level. This
prompted political observers to say that he was hinting at an appointment to
higher office.

      Although Tungamirai has since declared his interest in the post,
saying he was willing to battle it out with anyone, impeccable sources
within the ruling party yesterday said even though Zvinavashe would not
contest the Gutu North seat, he however was funding "new blood" to challenge
Tungamirai. The names of those sponsored by Zvinavashe were not readily
available.

      11/13/2003 8:06:02 AM (GMT +2)

      THAT there has been an annus horribilis for the Zimbabwean economy,
which has suffered breathtaking losses over the last couple of years, is
beyond argument. The unprecedented slump that, in stark contrast to the
Zimbabwe of five years ago, is underlined by stagnation and misery, is
putting a squeeze on all socio-economic sectors.

      It is against this background that the National Economic Consultative
Forum (NECF) last week convened a meeting to trawl through possible escape
options for the economy. The theme of the meeting, which brought together
key stakeholders, was aptly: "Resolving the Economic Crisis". The organisers
could not have been closer home because the economy is entrenched in crisis.

      Under normal circumstances this is as it should be. Such think-tanks,
alongside other industry and commerce representative bodies, in partnership
with national institutions such as the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe, Zimbabwe
Investment Centre, the Privatisation Agency of Zimbabwe among others, should
regularly interact with government to give it strategic direction on
pertinent economic issues.

      Unfortunately the government, which should take the lead in reviving
the stricken economy, is not playing its role. Instead, it is increasingly
sceptical of the intentions of business.

      Yet most of the individuals, especially those from the private sector
who are members of organisations such as the NECF, a government brainchild
if we might add, are doing this well above and beyond the call of national
duty. And at the risk of being dismissed as naïve, we feel that such groups
as the NECF are not in conflict with government despite what some
ill-informed politicians might feel.

      On the contrary, these are well meaning Zimbabweans alarmed, just like
any other citizens, by the accelerating economic decline. They are seeking
solutions to better the economic climate. That is why we feel it was high
time government did away with its ill-feeling, suspicions and mistrust of
such important groupings and instead nurture a deeper rapprochement for the
good of the country.

      With the economy right at the deep end, government cannot afford to be
aloof but should, in addition to being receptive to criticism and new ideas,
put its cards on the table to give a clear flavour of its economic
priorities and direction.

      The only problem with the NECF is, however, that, as the situation
stands right now, it risks degenerating into yet another talkshop,
suggesting that Zimbabweans are only strong on ideas but short on action.
There is usually need to follow through on such discussions as the one held
by the NECF last week, but more-often-than-not, that does not happen.

      Yet, it is from such discussions that government could tap the country
’s best brains on how to re-engage key international institutions, arrest
the economic slump, stem corruption, curb inflation, reduce unemployment,
restore business confidence and bring about a workable exchange rate policy,
among others.

      Within a week after the demonstration, Tsvangirai was assaulted by
unknown assailants in his office and speculation was that it was members of
the war veterans’ association. That was the end of the honeymoon between the
war veterans and the people. In the heat of the moment, the President
subsequently and without parliamentary approval, awarded unbudgeted $50 000
gratuities each to the war veterans plus a monthly pension of $2 000. The
result was that the war veterans were co-opted into the system. One would
rightly say in 1997 the war veterans were a political tool that was at the
disposal of anyone who wanted to use it, but more readily at the disposal of
the people. The President hijacked that tool from the people and later in
2000 used it against them! Success or failure?

      The co-option of the war veterans into the status quo was accompanied
by the "privatisation" of the liberation war legacy in the ZANU PF closet.
Of course the war veterans’ demands were repulsive to many in that they were
driven by selfish interests to the extend that they failed to realise that
it was not only them but also the masses in general that have been left out
of the "independence dividend". The fact that after its formation, the MDC
failed to articulate a clear policy regarding war veterans, war
collaborators, Detainees and Restrectees and so on did not help the
situation. It crystallised the evolution of the perception that Tsvangirai
and the MDC have no respect for the values of the liberation struggle and
its ex-combatants and that therefore they are "sell-outs" and a "front for
western interests". The overzealous even go further to say they are a
"western creation".

      When the farm invasions were launched in February 2000 by the same war
veterans who had abandoned/deserted the people in 1997, the MDC’s amateurish
response to this new development consolidated the perception that they are a
front for western interests. At that time Zimbabwe’s participation in the
DRC war was also very topical and the failure of the MDC to articulate a
clear policy vis-à-vis that war apart from threatening to withdraw
Zimbabwean troops once they assumed power was perceived as un-pan-African in
many African quarters and, with the dynamics at play in that war, this
further crystallised the belief that the MDC has nothing to offer the
Africans. The call for and/or support for sanctions against the Zimbabwean
government by the MDC was the final straw- the "it is within the capacity of
South Africa…." bit.

      The perception that the MDC is a front for Western interests has had
enormous influence in the adoption of quite diplomacy by President Mbeki and
other African leaders. Instead of just blaming Mbeki for such a stance and
to persistently appeal to his conscience to see things otherwise, it may be
necessary for the MDC to do a brutal self-examination or re-examination and
ask themselves if they have not also significantly contributed to the
evolution of this perception that they are a front for western interests. If
they realise that they have done so, as I believe they did, they should then
take the initiative to be seen in the correct light.

      That means articulating their policies and programmes clearly and make
maximum dissemination of information about such policies and programmes to
the people from whom they need support. In particular the MDC must
articulate its policies in detail vis-à-vis land, globalisation,
Pan-Africanism, the North-South axis and some such issues.

      Hitherto, the MDC has avoided the ideological question and the longer
this issue is postponed the more harm it will cause. It is understood that
this is a delicate issue, given the composition of the party but if the
party leaders continue to shun this very important question, then the party
will suffer from a chronic ideological and identity crisis and that will be
the major cause of its demise. The MDC must shake off that perception that
they have excessive western influence by having better ideological clarity.
Munyaradzi Gwisai tried to raise that issue and he was send to the political
wilderness.

      It is not wide off the mark to say that the votes the MDC has been
getting since 2000 might not have come from their members and supporters in
the context that these words are generally understood, but from people who
want change. It would appear that the party’s success hinges more on the
unpopularity of the current regime than on organisational capacity and the
ability to offer a viable alternative.

      If the MDC’s policies remain veiled in obscurity these
"change-seekers" will gradually become indifferent to the activities of the
party and its existence, then they will gradually become passive supporters
of the regime until they become its active supporters and that will be the
death of the MDC! We don’t want that to happen because it is not good for
our democracy and we implore the party to be pro-active and desist from mere
reactive anti-Mugabe politics.

      As the opposition political parties and the broader civic movement in
Zimbabwe engage in their democratic struggles, we must pay special attention
to the issue of quality of political change, that is, the content and
substance of change. Not all change is progress. It is inadequate to simply
ride on a wave of popular discontent and engage in reactive anti- Mugabe
politics without pro-active policy formulation intertwined with emphasis on
both the quality of political programmes and calibre of candidates.

      It is insufficient to react to Mugabe’s positions on land, war vets,
the economy etcetera. In fact the initiative must be wrestled from the ZANU
PF regime on all issues. It is not enough to simply observe that ZANU PF is
electioneering and that they do not mean what they say. The ability to
separate the message from the messenger is a political skill. If an idea is
good or useful, take it, spin it and repackage it. No-one holds patents for
political messages. Of course the most gratifying circumstances would be
when an idea or programme is a novel opposition original. This is where
creativity, innovation, analytical capacity and intellectual depth are of
the essence.

      One of the major challenges for the MDC and the entire pro-democracy
movement is how best to address issues where ZANU PF’s positions appear to
be popular, reasonable or progressive. It is foolhardy, unproductive and
cheap politics to be against everything done or propounded by the ruling
party. We will only have ourselves to blame when potential friends outside
our borders think that we are not worth their support and side with our
adversaries here, whether this is called "quite diplomacy" or something
else.

      If we put foreigners at the forefront of articulating our own
interests we are only doing ourselves a disservice for that can be exploited
by the regime to show that we have no agenda that is independent of the west
and that we are not ourselves. If we put John Howard, Don McKinnon, Jack
Straw, Tony Blair, George Bush and some such characters in a situation where
they appear to be our spokespersons in international relations, we are
insulting our own intelligence and indeed that of our members and supporters
(actual and potential). Obviously this has a serious adverse impact on the
credibility and legitimacy of the pro-democracy movement in Zimbabwe.

      Bush and Blair made a joint military invasion of Iraq against
world-wide condemnation and the resoluteness of these two "gentlemen" and
the tenacity with which they embarked on the campaign was unprecedented. It
would appear that the same dynamics at play in Bush and Blair’s comradeship
in the Iraq campaign are the same dynamics at play in Mugabe and Mbeki’s
comradeship. It is interesting to note that Blair did not even employ quite
diplomacy towards Bush’s war with Iraq but he actually actively participated
in the war. Quite diplomacy is a refusal by Mbeki to condemn one of his own
in the face of a refusal by the Northerners to condemn one of their own who
might be acting unjustly. In as much as we might need the support of the
west, their role must just be supportive, and stop propping up this
perception that they are leading the democratic struggles here. Perception
becomes reality.

      On the whole, the MDC must undergo a process of self-discovery and
self-definition so as to get rid of the ideological identity crisis that
seems to haunt them. The earlier the better.

      11/13/2003 9:05:58 AM (GMT +2)

      BEING an ordinary Zimbabwean citizen, and thereby a stakeholder in the
land reform process, it has not been possible for me, and I believe the same
applies to the vast majority of other stakeholders, to get sight of the
Utete Land Report in its entirety.

      I have, like most other stakeholders, only been able to read what has
been publicised of the report in the weekly press, together with some rather
informative articles — 12 up to date — printed in the Herald, but nowhere is
it possible to lay hands on the committee’s report as such.

      We the readers are merely given an extract of what the various papers
are finding to be important and interesting in their opinion. I am finding
most of the recommendations rather positive — the one about the formation of
a semi-autonomous Land Board even brilliant.

      Surely large books have been written on the subject of unfair and even
criminal practices regarding land and resettlement during the colonial time
and Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI). The writer in the Herald
seems to use a lot of space on this. However, the fact still remains that
the African population of the country increased from below 500 000 at the
turn of the century to seven million at independence, with a life expectancy
close to 60 years.

      This colossal growth was, to a large extent, being driven and financed
by the tobacco boom, further boosted by an influx of new settlers after
1945.

      Two years on from the onset of the fast-track land reform, the
population was 13 million Zimbabweans, of which some 2-3 million are now
living abroad due to financial hardship, the inflation rate running close to
500 percent and life expectancy down to 37 years.

      Some Zimbabweans might value a distant meal now and then, access to
up-to-date medical facilities and a liveable salary. I will, therefore, not
be wasting more time on any cheap rhetoric, or try to pass the blame for the
present unsustainable situation, where all the wheels are rapidly falling
off the national economy and infrastructure.

      The architects of the Rudd Concession and The Lancaster Agreement, and
later on ZANU PF, the MDC, CFU, the late Hitler Hunzvi or Tony Blair are all
partly to blame. But if we try to make an unbiased assessment, are we then
not all of us to blame for having allowed the situation to deteriorate this
far?

      The way I see it

      Now is the time to look forward, the time to present tangible
suggestions for a workable way forward in order to get Zimbabwe going again,
and to get all of us out of the mess in which we now find ourselves.

      The past is now for the history books. Now is the time to restore
Zimbabwe’s reputation from that of a deteriorating pariah state exhibiting
the world’s fastest shrinking economy back to being the breadbasket of
Africa.

      In order to redress the damage done by the haphazard fast-track land
reform, the two key elements are financing as rightly pointed out by the
report.

      An equally important element is security of tenure which is only being
touched on in a very peripheral manner in the report. However, let us
discuss financing first.

      In order to revitalise farming and agriculture to an extent that
Zimbabwe will again be able to feed her own population and to supply raw
material for the agricultural industry and, hopefully, be bringing hard
currency into the economy from exporting in excess of 200 million kg of
tobacco as was the case before the fast-track land reform, a capital
injection from foreign donors of a magnitude of US$1 billion will be needed.
To print more Zim dollars and even in bigger denominations has proved not to
give any sustainable relief. The Ministry of Finance is further in arrears
to the tune of US$1.7 billion.

      The committee mentions friendly donors and we all know who they have
in mind but, unfortunately, none of those countries have that kind of cash
available. That leaves us with the countries referred to as having a hostile
political agenda, the G8 countries.

      By the way, those countries were actually very friendly and
forthcoming in the 80s when the legendary Bernard Chidzero, for years the
darling of the entire donor community, was in charge of Zimbabwe’s financial
politics. Money lenders and bankers alike have a most peculiar idea that
they want agreements to be followed to the letter and they want transparency
and accountability.

      Chidzero was able to live up to those demands. In those days, all aid
monies were being accounted for in a transparent manner.

      One would expect Tony Blair’s electoral base to turn rather hostile
against him if they became aware that a large chunk of their hard-earned tax
money, earmarked for poverty alleviation, in fact, has been spent on
importation of the latest state-of-the-art anti-riot gear or a fleet of new
Mercedes Benz for high ranking politicians and officers.

      Although $2.7 billion is slightly more than our expected export
revenue this year, it is not a mammoth sum when taken in relation to the
economies of the big industrialised countries. It will barely equal one week
’s turnover in the USA-based chain store, Wall Mart. However, anybody
believing that this sort of money is forthcoming, as long as the situation
remains unchanged on the political scene, is totally out of touch with the
realities of the financial world.

      Apparently we might now see some light at the end of this tunnel as
His Excellency has thrown the succession debate open. We are just all
holding our breath until the ruling party have agreed amongst themselves on
a person of the late Chidzero’s calibre, acceptable to the international
finance community, to head the way forward.

      The report reveals that out of 134 452 recipients allocated land, only
93 800 has taken up the allocated land. One wonders where the figure of 300
000, as persistently claimed by part of the press, is coming from.

      Whereas the take-up is 97 percent in the A1 sector, a paltry 66
percent among the A2 farmers has taken up possession, and a much lower
number are actually making any attempt to physically farm the allocated
properties, resulting in large tracks of Zimbabwe’s best land now lying idle
for the third year.

      Obviously some people applied for a farm as they believed it would all
be for "mahara"( free of charge) without actually wanting to invest as much
as a dollar of their own money, or to be involved in the tedious task it is
to go farming.

      In my opinion, the main damper on the enthusiasm among many A2
farmers, however, is a total lack of security of tenure. No bank in the
country is willing to accept a letter of offer signed by Joseph Made for as
long as the government has not been able to secure the title deed over the
property.

      According to international law, a title deed overrules any other
document, even if such document is signed by somebody as prominent as the
president of the country. This has recently come to light in Eastern Europe,
where the new communistic rulers in the late 40s often chased the big
farmers off their farms and other registered property and fast-tracked
landless workers onto their property.

      lTo be continued next week

      The government is understood to have provisionally agreed to change
the marketing system for tobacco from 100 percent open selling to the dual
system where contract tobacco production and marketing will operate
alongside auctions.

      The new system would result in approved contractors supporting tobacco
production with necessary inputs and extension advice. The contractors would
directly purchase that tobacco from the farmers outside the auction system.

      According to the TIMB guidelines, the dual system of tobacco
production and marketing would result in growers providing information to
TIMB with preliminary and final statutory estimate returns of their
production by March 15 and May 31 respectively, each year.

      "Growers are free to choose any system under which they wish to
produce and market tobacco. However, they can only opt for one to minimise
possibilities of side-marketing," the TIMB said in its proposals.

      "Growers producing under contract will sell their entire crop under an
agreed pricing system monitored by the TIMB."

      Under the new proposals, farmers would have to indicate which of the
two systems they wish to adopt.

      The TIMB would license contractors as "contract buyers before 31
Janury, 2004 following the submission by contractors of complete records of
all participating growers", the proposals said.

      "TIMB shall determine all cases of defective tobacco presented for
sale and arbitration by a TIMB sales supervisor shall conclude the sale.
However, if a grower accepts a price from the contractor for defective
tobacco, such a sale will be permitted."

      The contractor shall negotiate with the grower the price paid per
grade that would be determined in US dollars, and agreed with the prices to
be paid per grade.

      "In the event that the agreed price is lower than the price paid for
the same tobacco at the auction floors, the tobacco contract grower shall be
paid the higher price prevailing at the auction floors at the time."

      This year, a kilogramme of the golden leaf was fetching an average
US$1.81, but when the clean-up sales were introduced, the price ended the
year on the seasonal high of US$2.28.

      Under the latest proposals, the permitted contractors would be FSI
Agricom, TSL, Zimbabwe Leaf Tobacco, Tobacco Development Corporation,
Farmers World and the Agricultural Rural Development Authority.

                  11/13/2003 8:08:10 AM (GMT +2)

                  IT was interesting to hear that the National Economic
Consultative Forum (NECF) was to convene a workshop from November 4-6, the
purpose of which was to "to find solutions to the prevailing economic
challenges".

                  These mandarins were at it again, endlessly discussing
problems and solutions without pushing for change.

                  The previous week, the ruling party Politburo had also
met, again to discuss and find solutions to the economic problems.

                  Numerous meetings of this sort have been held in the past
but the country remains in the deep end.

                  The major problem is that participants to such meetings
have not been honest to themselves, let alone to the nation at large as to
causes of the country’s crisis and the implied solutions.

                  The right solutions can be formulated only on the basis of
the correct identification of the problems.

                  Instead, there has been a tendency to deliberately dodge
the real problems and their causes and concentrate on very narrow and
unsubstantiated arguments.

                  No matter how much the NECF, the ruling party Politburo
and other apologists deny it, the land reform programme, given the haphazard
manner in which it has been implemented, has led to the economy’s demise.

                  The initial impact of the fast track land reform programme
was to considerably reduce agricultural output as commercial farms
immediately ceased to be productive units.

                  Agricultural output has contracted by more than 60 percent
since land invasions started in 2000.

                  Apart from some harsh weather patterns at the beginning of
this millennium, the cutback in agriculture production due to land reform
has been the major cause of food shortages in the country. Tobacco
production has fallen considerably, from 237 million kg in 2000 to only 80
million kg in 2003.

                  Further tobacco output contraction is anticipated next
year.

                  It should be a major concern to the government, the NECF
and everybody else that agricultural output will further decline next year
because the resettled farmers have no access to inputs and drought power as
we head deeper into the agricultural season.

                  This implies that, for at least the next two years, the
country will remain dependent on food handouts from the international
community without meaningful contribution by the agricultural sector towards
foreign exchange generation.

                  The second impact of land reforms has been felt in other
sectors of the economy that used to have strong linkages with the
agricultural sector.

                  Many industries either supplied products to farmers, or
depended on farmers for industrial inputs.

                  Commercial farmers also benefited from sectors such as
building and engineering, banking, insurance, transport and communications
and legal services. Commercial farmers were also major customers of coal,
fuel and electricity.

                  The agricultural sector used to generate 40 percent of the
country’s total exports and the revenue was used to fund the importation of
basic goods and services for commercial, industrial and domestic use.

                  This decline in agricultural exports significantly
explains the foreign currency shortages in the country today.

                  The commercial farming sector produced a high proportion
of food crops, growing about 40 percent of the maize, almost all the wheat
and soya beans.

                  The sector produced almost all the sugar, coffee, tea,
horticultural and livestock products.

                  A high proportion of non-food crops, such as tobacco and
timber and 30 percent of cotton, was also generated by the commercial
farming sector.

                  The third impact of land reforms has been the erosion of
investor confidence, particularly through the manner in which
constitutionally guaranteed private property rights have been openly
violated. As such, the much sought after foreign direct investment (FDI) has
almost dried, investors having become sceptical to invest in the country’s
insecure environment.

                  Multilateral and bilateral lenders have withheld
balance-of-payments support, and foreign credit lines have been lost by both
the private and public sectors further reducing foreign exchange receipts
and export capacity.

                  Apart from the negative impact of land reform, policy
inconsistencies have exacerbated the country’s demise.

                  Of note is the government’s free spending actions in a
contracting economy that have exerted upward pressures on money supply
growth, one of the major causes of the current hyperinflation.

                  The current low interest rate policy has been
counter-productive as it has only benefited the government, which has been
able to borrow cheaply to meet its huge appetite for funds, and a few
well-connected individuals who have been able to borrow for speculative
purposes.

                  The result has been high consumptive expenditures which
are inflationary, and low levels of savings and investment, to the detriment
of future growth.

                  The authorities have kept a blind eye on the need for
devaluation to incentivise exporters after having promised to regularly
review the current Z$824:US$1 support rate in line with inflationary
developments and government commitments in the New Economic Revival
Programme (NERP).

                  As such, exports have continued to dwindle, worsening the
foreign exchange shortages.

                  The NECF and the ruling party Politburo should acknowledge
these realities before attempting to craft solutions to deal with the
economic problems.

                  However, the solutions are not far fetched. They entail
re-visiting the land reform programme in line with international norms where
the rule of law applies.

                  This, as expected, will buy-in international financiers
who are increasingly becoming of critical importance given that the
government does not have the resources to fund inputs, training and
subsidies required by the hundreds of small-scale farmers who have been
resettled.

                  In addition, the government does not have resources for
establishing infrastructure such as roads, clinics, safe drinking water and
electricity for the resettled farmers.

                  In addition, the NECF and the authorities should
acknowledge other major concerns to the international community such as the
need to arrest corruption, both in the public and private sectors.

                  In this regard, there is need to be practical and move
with speed to establish an independent Anti-Corruption Commission which
should immediately start "cleaning the house".

                  Borrowing a leaf or two from the current corruption
combating initiatives in Kenya could make a huge difference.

                  Issues of democracy and human rights as have been raised
both domestically and internationally have to be addressed immediately.

                  Of particular note is the current political impasse
revolving around the 2002 presidential elections of which a quick solution
would be key to confidence building and economic recovery.

                  So long as the NECF and the ruling party’s Politburo keep
on shying away from formulating solutions to these matters, and implementing
them head-on, the economic demise will continue.

                  The establishment by the NECF of a "think tank" to gather
information with a view to finding solutions to the economic challenges will
not achieve much and is a waste of time.

                  The solutions to the economic crisis have been articulated
at various fora, and are already known even within the NECF itself.

                  What lacks is the political will to take the bull by the
horns and implement tough measures to take the economy back on track, many
of which could be politically costly to the incumbent regime.

                  The solidarity of the liberation struggle which seems to
blind the NECF from the government’s mishandling of the economy should be
cast aside, otherwise the NECF will prove beyond doubt that it is really a
talk-show and window-dresser, and therefore irrelevant.

                  James Jowa is a local economist and a member of the
Zimbabwe Economics Society.

November 13, 2003

~~~ Newsletter 044 ~~~
It's me, it's you

Remember that you must be connected to the internet to view the pictures in this newsletter.

It's time to get hard on
HIV/AIDS, std's and
dictatorships

Protect your health. Protect your partner.
Stop the mugabe disease.

Join the Zvakwana resistance movement and
Get UP Stand UP

People starve
If taxes eat their grain,
And the faults of starving people
Are the fault of their rulers.
That is why people rebel.
Men who have to fight for their living
And are not afraid to die for it
Are higher men than those who, stationed high,
Are too fat to dare to die.
- Lao Tzu

Street level action
There is evidence of Zvakwana activists moving around the Borrowdale and Helensvale area over the last days. The thug policeman mutumwa has been identified as needing some attention. Graffiti in this area is saying mutumwa - zvakwana! Yes, we agree with this. As you will remember this mutumwa was responsible for the beating of human rights lawyer Beatrice Mtetwa. Several hundred leaflets were distributed in this area to shops, schools, houses, bus stops and the like. In the early hours of Saturday scores of Zimbabweans could be seen to be reading the leaflets denouncing partisan and brutal policing. The leaflet ended with mutumwa being warned that Zvakwana is now watching him.

Ini ndinobva kuMberengwa mudunhu rekwaMapiravana, pandakabva kumusha last month ndakasvikoona vanhu vese zvavo havachaenda kumusangano weZANU PF,vachiti taneta nokuudzwa manyepo,saka ivo veZANU vakazviona kuti vanhu vaneta, saka vakaruka zano rokuti vanhu vauye kumusangano, vaiti kana vachida kuAddressa musangano vanoudza vanhu kuti huyai kumusangano we CARE international, nokuti vanoziva kuti CARE ndiyo irikubatsira vanhu neMbeu,chibage,Cooking oil neBeans.
~ Norman, Zvakwana subscriber

TRAX coffee shop and snacking place
This place situated at Newlands Shopping centre is doing its part to keep the junior minister moyo's newspaper in business. Zvakwana notes that the owner of this place makes sure to be having at least FIVE COPIES of the national distorter (the herald) as reading material for patrons. On the one hand we have people crying because of the filthy propaganda being published in mugabe's tabloid. And then these very people go out of their short sighted way to give the propaganda as much support as possible. Zvakwana is asking Mr Trax to reduce if not stop altogether having this newspaper of lies in his place.

Join In! National Day of Prayer
November 16 has been declared as a Day of Prayer for Zimbabwe both nationally and in the region. Churches in Harare, Bulawayo and across the country will be participating. Contact the Ecumenical Support Services to find out more about how you can participate: Email ess@mango.zw or phone 04 703 474. To prepare for this day of prayer, activists with Women of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA) in Bulawayo and Harare will be conducting all night prayer vigils on the night of 15 November. Contact WOZA for the details on the activities planned in your area: Email wozazimbabwe@yahoo.com or telephone them on 011 213 885.

Send us your views
When looking at this picture what do you think the old man mugabe is carefully putting in grace's mouth? Especially seeing that he is carrying a sly grin on his face. Email us your suggestions: news@zvakwana.org

Who is to blame?
It was a rainy Tuesday morning. I had been waiting for almost an hour but because of the fuel crisis there were no ETs. Suddenly, a minibus arrived and we all rushed and crammed ourselves onto it. The conductor announced the price for that day: Up from $400 to $1000. A few of the customers shouted obscenely to the driver and refused to pay--they were escorted off the bus in no time. We had driven some few km's when from the back of the bus we heard noise from some army officers and policemen who had been quiet all along. They told the hwindi that they would only be paying $600. After a lot of arguing, the bus was re-directed to the owner's home. The combie operators argued that given that diesel is now $2600 a litre or more, it is not possible to charge less than $1000 per person. After prolonged argument and threats by the police to the owner like "We'll cut your hair off," and "We'll show you who's boss," the owner finally decided to give in to the police, but said it was the last time his bus would use our route. I stood watching and realised that very soon we the people of Zimbabwe will destroy one another while ignoring the real enemy. The Government will blame the IMF, the City Council, the Reserve Bank, the commuter driver or anyone else, but those are only the symptoms of the problem. We keep ignoring the fact that unless we challenge the system, we will continue to fight one another. Our problems will only be solved when we deal with our political crisis.
~ Pastor of the People

Doctors continue strike, some resign
Despite a court order requiring them to return to work, many doctors have continued in their job action which began two weeks ago. About 500 doctors are participating in the strike to demand pay hikes of up to 8,000 per cent to keep pace with runaway inflation. The nurses, who were striking with the doctors, went back to work last week after the Ministry of Health promised to review their grievances. Doctors are demanding that government sit with them at a table and hear their concerns. By refusing to do so, the government is ignoring a problem that will not go away just because they want to pretend its not there. Since the court order, at least 12 doctors have resigned. Many others are planning on leaving their jobs here and going over seas where they are better paid and are more rewarded for their efforts. The loss of these many doctors will only make Zimbabwe's crumbling health care system even worse off. Through their action, the doctors are exercising one of their most basic rights and freedoms. They should be commended for their determination, and for sticking together in this action despite the challenges thrown at them by the regime.

Wisdom

An elderly Cherokee Native American was teaching his grandchildren about life. He said to them, "A fight is going on inside me, it is a terrible fight and it is between two wolves.

One wolf is evil - she is fear, anger, envy, sorrow, regret, greed, arrogance, self-pity, guilt, resentment, inferiority, lies, false pride, competition, superiority, and ego.

The other is good - she is joy, peace, love, hope, sharing, serenity, humility, kindness, benevolence, friendship, empathy, generosity, truth, compassion and faith.

This same fight is going on inside you and inside every other person, too."

The children thought about it for a minute and then one child asked his grandfather, "Which one will win?"

The old Cherokee simply replied, "The one you feed."

Lord of misrule manages to pull through recent health scare. Doctors in neighbouring country diagnosed high temperature brought on by pressure of people power back home.

"You'll have to take your own Dettol"
It's not exactly what you want to be told about the hospital where you are planning to give birth. But then this is Zimbabwe, land of famine, political crisis and shortages of essentials. Thanks to robert mugabe's disastrous economic policies and the effects of his chaotic land reform programme, 16 nappies cost more than a very expensive meal out. Supplies of fresh milk are unreliable and also increasingly expensive. And giving birth is not the only problem. Expecting a child is no guarantee of safety here. Pregnant women have been arrested at demonstrations. Last year Urginia Mauluka, a photographer for the Daily News was forced to spend a night in police custody, separated from her newborn child. She has since fled the country. So I need to pack Dettol, bedclothes and food for my trip to a private clinic--how much worse in a government facility. Once the envy of the region, Zimbabwe's public health service is crumbling. A tub of aqueous lotion costs as much as an office cleaner's monthly wage. HIV and Aids kill an estimated 3,700 people a week. Non-emergency operations have been suspended in Bulawayo. Zimbabwe needs 19,000 nurses: it has 10,000. There are four gynaecologist-obstetricians left in Harare. I am one of the lucky ones. We still have medical insurance, even if our monthly payments have gone through the roof. I am to have a scan.
But there is no paper to print the photos. "This is Zimbabwe, I'm afraid," the doctor said.

Changing Times - make sure to get your copy
Did you know that the MDC publishes a very good magazine twice a month? It is called Changing Times. Email songbird@mweb.co.zw or mdcinfo@zol.co.zw if you want to receive a copy into your electronic mailbox.

Zimbabweans in South Africa protest government
A persistent drizzle could not dampen the passion with which a group of Zimbabwean expatriates toyi-toyied at the Union Buildings in Pretoria, South Africa last week to demand their country's "return to peace and democracy." "Bob, go now," read the print on caps worn by the 50 demonstrators. The group also called on the South African government to do more to improve the situation in Zimbabwe. The group was hoping to pressure South Africa in advance of the Commonwealth Heads of Government meeting to be held in December in Abuja, Nigeria. "When we go to Abuja we expect South Africa to come out of the shadows and say: 'Enough is enough - let us help Zimbabwe'," said the group. The group also urges the continued suspension of Zimbabwe from the Commonwealth until issues of bad governance and the economic crisis are resolved.

A Zvakwana subscriber shows the mountains of cash that make up US$200 for a payday. Enough of mugabe's mismanagement of our economy. Zvakwana! Sokwanele!

Community reporters
Zvakwana has been having an overwhelming response to our call for contributing community reporters. We are hereby making a short list and will be coming back to you in no time. We are determined to get news from the street so as to bring information to the people through our ever increasingly popular STREET SHEET that is being handed out around the country. We are also appealing to the reporters from the Daily News to help with news outflows.

I was glad when I received the Street Sheet today. I stay in St Mary's Chit-town and I couldn't hide my joy when some misguided war-vets started shouting and threatening everyone in St Mary's home-industry I even witnessed one activist being dragged to the police station. Its a bomb my fellow comrades and I say keep it up. Rambai makashinga. We will support you in all ways we can! Big-up to Zvakwana crew and you will be hearing from me soon and frequently.
~ Zvakwana subscriber

Bishop Kunonga seizes farm
Harare's Bishop Kungonga has seized the ironically religiously named St Marnock's farm, just 15 kilometres from Harare. In doing so, Kunonga has evicted more than 50 farmworkers and their families to make way for his own staff. These men, women and children, are now homeless and destitute, jobless and homeless. Since his controversial election in April 2001, Kunonga has been one of the most wayward figures in Anglicanism. Visitors to St Marnock's said that Kunonga's son has moved into the seven-bedroom farmhouse overlooking a dam and what were once 2,000 acres of wheat and soya bean fields, now abandoned. "I'd love to get back there to farm again, but I can't see it happening soon," said Marcus Hale, 25, the legal owner of St Marnock's. "There's nothing happening there now. The machinery is all lying useless in the sheds and they won't let me take it. No one has done anything about planting a crop for this season." Hale was kicked off his farm some months before the 49- year-old bishop took it over. "I think Kunonga wants the farm because it?s so close to Harare and he thinks he can use it for property development," he said. It is believed Kunonga was given the farm as a reward for his outspoken support for mugabe. Kunonga has mocked mugabe's black opponents as "puppets of the West".

"How many are starving? But Ministers are watching weeds grow on their farms!"
~ Kundai, Zvakwana subscriber

Desperate Measures
The Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP) set up road blocks on Thursday on all the major roads into Bulawayo. This in itself is not unusual, but the events that took place on the Botswana road are a clear indication that the government is having to resort to desperate measures to procure foreign currency. The roadblock on the main road to the Botswana border saw the police accompanied by Central Intelligence Organisation plain clothes policemen and riot police. The police were searching vehicles and confiscating any foreign currency they could find. The law in Zimbabwe states that it is legal to carry up to US$250 without it being acquired through a bank or stamped in a passport. Yet, the police were having a free-for-all, confiscating all amounts being carried by hapless motorists.
~ from Sokwanele

What good is "sovereignty?"
In his hit 2002 musical masterpiece, Time, South African Jazz legend Hugh Masekela delves into African politics and sings about the dictatorships that have refused to bow to the people's will, and some that have been consumed by the people's anger. Masekela targets four dictators - Charles Taylor (Liberia), Daniel Arap Moi (Kenya), Jonas Savimbi (Angola) and Zimbabwe's robert mugabe and asks if it is not time for them "to say goodbye." "What is it that makes a person want to stay in power forever?" asks Masekela. Three of those Masekela targeted have steadily gone after heavy persuasion (Moi's case), threats of force (Charles Taylor) and through the barrel of a gun in Savimbi's situation. It is remarkable that within a year of Masekela urging regime change, three of those despotic tyrants have now been off-loaded to the political scrap yard. As we share in Masekela's obvious delight at how things have turned out, it should be noted that it was only through substantial regional and international pressure that any of these leaders left office. Arguments of sovereignty fall away when a leader is so blatantly corrupt, abusive or violent as in the case of these dictators. Sovereignty should not be a licence for brutal and merciless regimes to carry on with their repressive projects over unwilling populations. In effect the whole concept of Sovereignty has provided cover for mugabe to continue abusing the population through torture, starvation, corruption and economic mismanagement. But it is neither reasonable nor fair to ask for fair play with mugabe's regime. This is the same regime that killed 20 000 people in Matabeleland under the banner of sovereignty, it raised the banner even higher when it stole an election in 2002 and today a nation of 12 million people has been reduced to destitution through the actions of one man. President Mbeki of South Africa has sat on the fence for too long such that the iron is eating into his soul. He should be the man who will be remembered by future generations not as a confused intellectual but a man of resolve who saved an entire nation from the grip of a tyrant. Read more of this and other comments on www.newzimbabwe.com

Nguva yakwana! (the time is now)
Ini ndinogara kuBudiriro ndichishandira kuAvondale. Kwava nemwedzi mina ndisisakwire maCombi kubva mutown kuenda kuAvondale nokuti mari yacho haichakwane. Zvino nhasi pandaenda kumacombi okubva kuBudiriro kuenda kutown ndawana akwira kubva pa$1200 yandakabhadhara nezuro chaiye kusvika pa$3000! Vaya varamba kubhadhara mari iyi vanzi vabude. Asi nhai vedu $3000! $6000 pazuva $200000 pamwedzi, kuenda kutown nokudzokera kumba! Ndiani zvake anotambira mari yakawanda kudaro? Tinofanira here kumuka na3 pakati pehusiku kuti tifambe kuenda kubasa? Kana kuti tofamba zvedu kuenda kuState House kunoudza baba chatunga kuti nguva yakwana yokuti vaende. Chokwadi Bheta aende!
--Taffy, Zvakwana subscriber

[Transport hikes are too much. Let us stop waking up early to walk to work and walk them out of power instead!]

Sex aid causes bomb scare
A sex aid has caused a bomb scare at a South African rubbish dump, the Cape Times says. A group of women searching for items for recycling heard a ticking sound coming from a rubbish bag. Thinking it could be a bomb, they informed the manager of the Hermanus dump in Cape Town, Adolf Hansen. "I thought I would just tear the bag open a bit, and then there I saw what it was - a vibrator, the batteries still working," he told the newspaper. Mr Hansen said he told the women recyclers there was no danger of an explosion, and attempted to explain what the item was to the mystified group. He recognised what it was immediately, he said, because he had seen vibrators "more than once" before. This one, he said, was "middle-sized".

Zvakwana, Sokwanele, Enough!!

Your Action, Your Country, Your Decision, Things are on the move

Please remember Zvakwana welcomes feedback, ideas and support for actions.

Enough is enough, Zvakwana, Sokwanele.

Free Robert Mugabe

Here is Zimbabwe, a nation in ruins. In these pages are accounts of a
country that has entered a Kafkaesque realm, whose dreams and hopes,
celebrated across the world in 1980, at its independence, have turned into
nightmare. Since Bob Marley so optimistically sang of a free Zimbabwe at
Harare’s Independence celebrations we have seen a mountain of ruined lives
and a country devastated. Zimbabwe’s rich land lies fallow, the army
dispenses a brutal form of law and order, the press is gagged, educational
institutions have become propaganda houses, the economy is ruined and death
and disease stalk the land. Robert Mugabe’s oligarchy holds a death grip on
power and exercises it with the blessing of an emasculated judiciary, a lame
parliament and a brutal army. The youth militias, Zanu PF’s Tontons Macoute,
ensure by violence and threat that food aid is handed only to the party
faithful. Mugabe, a statesman who many lauded when he came to power, is
loathed in his country and viewed with revulsion and embarrassment by his
neighbours and the world.

We all know how the beautiful land of Monomotapa got to this tragedy,
crushed under the boot of megalomania. It is a long story, meandering from
hope and pride in freedom to the spectre of starvation in a country that
naturally fits the cliché "breadbasket of Africa". We all should have heard
the alarm bells when thousands disappeared in the Gukurahundi, the army’s
mass slaughter of opposition Zapu members and their supporters in the early
1980s. We should have known the consolidation of power in Mugabe’s executive
presidency in 1990 was another step to dictatorship. We should have warned
that land reform was too slow and unstructured where a small white minority
held large swaths of the country while the vast majority lived in penury in
squashed townships. The past eight years in Zimbabwe have displayed all the
classic signs of desperate megalomania: disregard for the rule of law,
disregard for human rights, disregard for the international community,
disregard for the people. We have witnessed a spectacular intolerance of
free speech and a devotion to hate speech, an obsession with personal
enrichment, the rise of a coterie of henchmen who obey the rules
unquestioningly.

The results are predictable and devastating. A recent study by the Institute
for Security Studies in Pretoria says Zimbabwe’s economy has shrunk more
than 19 percent in the past year. The gulf widens daily between the official
exchange rate (US$1 to Z$824) and the parallel market (US$1 to Z$6 000).
Economic output has declined by 19,3 percent in the past three years and
11,9 percent last year. The manufacturing sector declined by 17,2 percent
last year, mining shrank by 7,1 percent and gold production plunged by 18
percent. Officially, inflation is running at 455,5 percent, a figure derided
as far too low by independent economists, and is expected to surge towards 1
000 percent by year-end. This stands in stark contrast to Africa’s average
yearly inflation of 12,6 percent. The health sector has collapsed and
opportunistic diseases fuelled by rampant HIV-Aids infections run free. At
embassies such as South Africa and Britain’s queues are even longer than
those for fuel. Millions of Zimbabweans, black and white have fled. For a
Zimbabwean doctor, life sweeping the streets in London is better than the
harassment, pain and helplessness of watching patients die in a Harare
hospital. Unemployment hovers near 70 percent.

The Daily News, the only independent daily newspaper, has been shut down,
its staffers arrested and harassed mercilessly. Zimbabwe’s people exist in
an information blanket so effective that they do not know what is happening
in their country except the propaganda and denials they hear from the
state-owned media. All that is left of Zimbabwe of 1980 is the indomitable
spirit of its people. In the face of unimaginable odds, they circumvent the
brutality and kleptomania of Mugabe’s regime and hold the country together.
They have been abandoned by the world, which continues to talk of a quiet
diplomacy or shouts from afar while wringing its hands. This unbending
spirit must now ease Mugabe of his burden. He should be freed of the burden
of rule. Only the people of Zimbabwe can show him the door. But we can help.
Removing Mugabe is a first step. The international community should press
for free and fair elections, monitored without hindrance. It should agitate
for a neutral international body to oversee these elections. And it should
do so loudly, consistently, resolutely.

We did not lightly decide to devote a front-page editorial to this matter,
but we are outraged by Africa’s lethargy and silence. South Africans are a
beneficiary of the voices of the world who spoke up and instituted
hard-hitting sanctions against the apartheid government. We hope this
special edition of THISDAY will help break the silence on the tragedy of
Zimbabwe. To its people we can only say we feel your pain, we want it to
end. After Zimbabwe’s free election the world should stand ready to pour
resources into rebuilding and normalising the country. But before that,
Mugabe must free himself of power. Zimbabweans of all classes, allegiances
and hues should help him out.

Justice denied

Two years ago today, the body of Cain Nkala was "found" in a shallow grave
near Bulawayo. Nkala, a Matabeleland war veterans' leader, had been abducted
at gunpoint from his home, watched helplessly by his family, during the
previous week. His disappearance was immediately seized upon by the
government as an excuse to begin a particularly vicious attack on the MDC -
vicious even by the low standards which now prevail in Zimbabwe. The
opposition, the government claimed in increasing hysterical tones, was to
blame for Nkala's kidnapping. MDC offices in Harare were besieged, and there
were mass arrests. The Bulawayo MDC offices were burnt down by a mob
accompanied by the police, who refused to allow a fire engine to attend .
The MDC treasurer Fletcher Dulini-Ncube was arrested, was denied medication
for his diabetic condition during his imprisonment, and later had to have an
eye removed as a result. While recuperating from this operation, the police
kept him in leg-irons in the hospital. Simon Spooner, election agent for
Bulawayo MP David Coltart, was arrested and kept illegally in prison, in
disgusting conditions, for weeks. Dozens of others were also illegally
detained. Remember Moyo and Khetani Sibanda are still incarcerated, despite
a court order for their release, which a senior prison officer openly
flouted in court.

There are various theories as to who killed Nkala. He certainly seems to
have fallen out with other war veterans in Matabeleland. It also seems he
may have threatened to tell what he knew about the murder of Matabeleland
farmers in 2000, and other atrocities committed in Matabeleland North in the
run-up to the 2000 parliamentary elections - including the kidnapping and
probable murder of another of Coltart's election agents, Patrick Nabanyama.
But whatever the truth, it has not been allowed to be revealed in open
court. The case has been dragging on for years. Convenient scape-goats have
been named and arrested, innocent families harrassed. Witnesses have been
threatened, re-arrests have followed releases, evidence has been concocted,
and then the police dockets containing this evidence have been "lost".
Charges have been brought, then dropped, then brought again. Due process of
law has been mocked. As a distilled analogy for the state of the whole
country, the Nkala case stands as eloquent testimony. Lies and brutality.
Justice denied.

There are plenty of reasons to watch the cricket. Zimbabwe were one wicket
away from a most famous of victories last week, the Windies snatching a draw
in gathering gloom as the swelling crowd at Harare Sports Club cheered their
side on to an unlikely triumph. Spinner Raymond Price makes both Jim Carrey
and Andre Nel look staid and unimaginative when it comes to facial
expressions (and if you've ever had a conversation with him, as opposed to
the cliché-laden sound bytes one gets in the post-innings interviews, you'll
know his vocabulary extends the character — or caricature). Brian Lara fell
just short of a flamboyantly calypso double hundred today. And as a gauge of
what to expect when the Windies arrive here (first game December 3 against
the Nicky Oppenheimer XI), interest is natural.

But there's more to it than that. I hate the collision of sport and
politics, but in this part of the world it's more unavoidable than just
about anywhere else. And Zimbabwe, having degenerated from breadbasket to
basket case of southern Africa, sticks out as somewhere sport and politics
have become unfortunately and inseparably intertwined. South Africa's
intervention in Zimbabwe — or lack thereof — has amounted to a tacit
endorsement of a destructive madman and his swathe of misrule; but that is
both too large and too emotional an issue for discussion here.

Narrow the focus to sport, and you still have a vast and unwieldy debate,
that asks a hundred questions for every one it answers. Cricket, as
Zimbabwe's only sport of real international consequence (Nick Price's
golfing exploits and Peter Ndlovu knocking in goals for Sheffield United
hardly count), sits at the forefront of such debate, and not for the first
time. The central soap opera at the Cricket World Cup — other than the
complete inability of South African cricketers to count — was who would and
would not go to Harare for scheduled matches. Arguments swung to and fro as
to which was the better course of action: boycott in disgust at the ruin of
a nation, or play in the hope of drawing attention to the ongoing
injustices.

In the end, only England pulled out, along with New Zealand (who seem
terrified that the entire world is out to get their cricketers — the latest
tour of Pakistan seems in jeopardy, more fringe players seeing themselves as
key targets in the evil plans of the world's terrorist organisations), who
declined a trip to Kenya. The move attracted plenty of attention, more so in
the context of Andy Flower and Henry Olonga making their 'death of
democracy' stands in protest at the Mugabe regime. Yet eight months down the
line, the only real impact of the Cricket World Cup is Henry Olonga living
in exile in England, and Zimbabwe fielding a plucky but limited team.

I've always advocated playing in Zimbabwe, in the hope that the resultant
spotlight on international competition would have an impact on Mugabe's
wayward spiral. But with the cricketers themselves in an impossible
position — play, earn a living, and keep your mouth shut, or speak out and
face the consequences — meaningful action off the back of matches played has
been negligible. And with the players focusing on cricket entirely (which,
given the meagre player resources they are working with, is further
understandable), and the stands occupied by flag-waving supporters desperate
to source a little cheer from the realm of sport, drawing conclusions leaves
one floating in a murky sea of grey areas and conflicting ideas.

I know a number of the team well enough to have a personal interest that
perhaps further clouds my judgment. But as I admire Flower and Olonga, so I
can't condemn Streak and co. for playing on. I don't know if I'd have the
strength to act differently in their situation. And when you see a smiling,
cheering crowd watching the mighty Brian Lara and his Caribbean army on the
brink of defeat at Zimbabwean hands, you know you are seeing a speck of joy
light up an otherwise bleak landscape. Ultimately, though, the seemingly
benign conditions in which the two Test matches have played out belie the
true nature of Zimbabwe today. And while I'll cheer every Zimbabwean run and
every Zimbabwean wicket, I can't help feeling that it's a far from healthy
scenario. I wish I had a few more answers, and not quite so many questions.

a..
a.. Contact Dan at dan@metropolis.co.za