The ZIMBABWE Situation Our thoughts and prayers are with Zimbabwe
- may peace, truth and justice prevail.

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Washington Times

The next killing field

Austin Bay

     In 1932, who believed Germans would systematically slaughter German
Jews by the millions? In spring of 1994, how many of us in an allegedly
savvier, Internet-informed world were ready to believe Rwandan Hutus
intended to hack to death 800,000 Tutsis in an orgy of macabre machete
     Pay attention to Zimbabwe, a nation brutalized by the rapidly decaying
regime of dictator Robert Mugabe. Zimbabwe may well be the next genocidal
killing field, with the Matebele tribe the target of Mr. Mugabe's Shona.
     In February, this column described Mr. Mugabe as the Slobodan Milosevic
of Africa. Both the Shona and the Serb are thieves, "former Marxists" and
ethnic cleansers who provoke ethnic strife, incite economic envy, murder
opponents and do so under the propaganda cover of righting long-term
historical wrongs. For beasts like Mr. Mugabe and Mr. Milosevic, "righting
historical wrongs" means killing your ethnic enemies.
     I recently returned from three weeks in East Africa, examining
micro-development projects run by Africans for Africans. What a good news
story. But bad news is like bad money - it drives out the good. Across the
continent, I encountered Zimbabweans who recounted the last four years'
terrible spiral of events, as Mr. Mugabe's corrupt government turned
Zimbabwe from a food exporter to a land stalked by famine. The past 30
months have been dreadful. The gross domestic product has shrunk 25 percent,
with inflation up 135 percent.
     Mr. Mugabe's taste for tribal brutality isn't new. In 1980, with the
aid of North Korean military advisers, Mr. Mugabe's Shona tribe savaged the
Matabele tribe. From 7,000 to 10,000 Matabele were killed. The world ignored
the attacks. At the time, Mr. Mugabe was a hero to "global progressives,"
having toppled the white racist regime of Ian Smith in the former British
colony of Southern Rhodesia.
     Now comes a report from the London Times that indicates Mr. Mugabe
intends to pull a Milosevic-style Kosovo on the Matabele, with an even
larger body count. The document opens with this breathless passage: For the
eyes of the Shona elite only. Please pass to most trusted person. Progress
review on the 1979 grand plan."
     The document was obtained by Matthew Parris. Mr. Parris once served in
the Rhodesian government, so he'll be dismissed by "progressives." Given Mr.
Mugabe's track record and the bitter fact of Rwanda, that would be a
terrible mistake.
     According to Shona tribal history, in the 19th century, the Matabele
entered Shona country (after fleeing Zulus) and took Shona land. Mr. Parris
describes it as a narrative that fits the Shona's "tribal nationalism," just
like Mr. Milosevic's "Kosovo recovery" fit into a Serbian litany of
historical wrong.
     The Shona now live in central and northern Zimbabwe and make up 70
percent of Zimbabwe's 13 million people. The Matabele are at about 15
     The "grand plan" outlines a political, cultural and genocidal campaign
for pushing the Matabele back into South Africa.
     Mr. Mugabe has systematically kicked Zimbabwe's white farmers out of
the country and given those farms to his henchmen. Famine is the result.
Now, Mr. Mugabe must distract the hungry, and an anti-Matabele campaign
serves his immediate political needs.
     Mr. Parris is even more blunt: "A fight with the Matabele would enhance
Mugabe's troubled position among his own people."
     Here's a key line in the "grand plan": "For many years both the
Ndebeles [Matabele] and Europeans were living under a shameful illusion that
the crimes of their forefathers had been forgiven. This was not to be, as
[Mugabe] the illustrious son of the Shona people ensured that the two groups
pay dearly for the evil deeds of the ancestors."
     These deeds included rape and looting. So what's the "grand plan" means
of rectification? The rape and looting of the Matabele.
     Could the "grand plan" be a forgery instead of a "Mein Kampf"? Sure.
Mr. Mugabe, however, has been stoking these ethnic hatreds.
     The Shona, however, are no monolith. Many Shona oppose Mugabe. The
Matabele are also capable of resisting.
     But what happens if ethnic savagery begins? Send British paratroopers?
That's a thought, though Mr. Mugabe would portray that as the return of the
white colonialists. The real regional peacekeeper is South Africa. Though
the South African government has shied away from involving itself with
Zimbabwe's internal troubles, it cannot ignore a genocide on its northern

Austin Bay is a nationally syndicated columnist
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To: Members of the Press,
From: Jenni Williams

I am reissuing this communiqué I issued on 18 October 2002 to Farmers. This
represents my only comment as regards recent developments regarding the
resignation of CFU President Colin Cloete and Director David Hasluck.

Communiqué by Jenni Williams
re: Farmers do not give in to this madness

This statement represents my professional and personal opinion.

Over the last 18 months, I have represented the agricultural sector as they
faced the ZANU PF war of attrition, called the Third Chimurenga. I
communicated the plight of the four thousand farmers, 300 000 employees and
their families - one and a half million people who reside on commercial
farms. Many farmers are no longer able to farm and thousands of their
employees are unemployed, homeless and destitute and over six million
Zimbabweans face starvation.

I am neither a farmer nor a politician. I am a concerned Zimbabwean
communicating about the crisis facing Zimbabweans and I put principle above
politics and profit.

My representation began with two briefs:
1. Assist in strengthening the negotiating platform, which was the Zimbabwe
Joint Resettlement Initiative known as ZJRI, a joint team of farmers and
Government representatives finding common ground for a partnership on land
reform. One million hectares of land was on offer without legal

2. My company, PR Newsmakers managed the news of the farmers' plight on the
farms and use that as a barometer of change. If the stories we reported were
used we believed that the battle would have been won and that international
pressure would ensure that sanity prevailed. I eventually stepped forward
into media management and became a spokesperson. This was due to the fact
that most Zimbabweans were not prepared to say publicly what I believed had
to be said.

Unfortunately the 6th Sept 2001 Abuja deal was broken 24 hours later and
that betrayal remains the biggest confidence trick of all time. The enormity
of which we have only just seen as President Mugabe refused to attend the
Abuja review recently, terming the meeting 'a waste of time'. The
negotiating platform, along with the rule of law was totally compromised.
The ZJRI deal then appeared to die a slow and protracted death only
resurfacing when needed as a political card.

I helped to dialogue and lobby, from the townships to the White House, and
participated in Government and President's Office meetings, speaking to any
Minister who could intervene. Lip service was the order of the day and the
invasions and human rights abuses continued unabated.

I have worked among you and know that most farmers are committed to a
depoliticised agrarian reform programme based on sound economic principles
and where commercial production is not compromised. Many who have left would
not need more than one invitation to return to rebuild an integrated farming

I make the following appeal to Farmers:
1. It is not time to give in to this madness, retreat to the urban centres
if you are under threat but keep your Title Deed intact for the day of
2. Farmers must resist being divided. Added to the 'degrees in violence' are
'degrees in creating division'. If farmers and the Union are to change their
dialogue strategy, they must democratically enact a change by allowing a
special Farmers referendum and then abide by the result and formulate a new
strategy forward.
3. Meanwhile, they must commit themselves to focusing their energy on the
core issues enshrined in the Zimbabwean Constitution. The constitutional
issues and human rights are a solid basis to envelope the agricultural
plight and communicate through the quagmire. If we are to resolve this
impasse, which plays itself out under the guise of land or agrarian reforms,
we must couch our message in pressing for a return to a democratic Zimbabwe
with all its characteristics: good governance, the rule of law, the respect
for human and property rights allowing dignity, and where the freedom of
expression is canonised.
4. We must also add to our arsenal of sane arguments the teachings of our
African Ubuntu, which encompasses group solidarity for collective good. If
this spirit can once again take root, moral and ethical levels can be
5. They should take stock of their position and fully recognise and draw
unlimited strength from the fact that it is their God-given and democratic
right to own property and earn a living and their right to call themselves
Zimbabweans or investors to Zimbabwe that has been eroded. To do this
effectively they must take their place amongst civic society and with other
Zimbabweans to defend their human rights. It is not a crime to demand
justice, peace and freedom.
6. Dialogue has been exhaustively conducted by many. It is however, not
being carried out on a fair and democratic negotiating platform so it will
not yield the desired results. No amount of dealing or signing of
sub-division forms will provide honour where there is none, and just serves
to feed the appeasement crocodile. We can only resolve the conflict if we
have a fair and equal negotiating platform and equally important and
communicated views.
7. Calls to acceptance of foreign compensation under these conditions will
be selling out Zimbabweans right to a Democratic win-win solution.

I call on farmers and their staff to support the organisations that give
their issues voice, such as CFU and other farmers unions, GAPWUZ and other
such workers unions. Pay your levies to keep your vote in place and your
voice heard.

I also call on the business community to empower the groups manning the
frontline; these are Justice For Agriculture (JAG) and other
Non-Governmental Organisations and the Crisis in Zimbabwe coalition.

I close on the old adage - United We Stand, Divided We Fall.


18th October 2002

Contact Jenni Williams on Mobile (+263) 91 300456 or 11213 885 Or on email
or Fax (+2639) 63978 or (+2634) 703829
Office email
A member of the International Association of Business Communicators. Visit
the IABC website

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Dispatch online

Mugabe on path to disaster ­ UK

CAPE TOWN -- Despite immense pressure by Britain and the European Union,
among others, there is little evidence the Zimbabwe government intends
changing course, British Defence Secretary Geoffrey Hoon said yesterday.

Addressing the Cape Town Press Club, Hoon said Zimbabwe's economy was now
the "fastest-contracting" in the world.

Without a change of policy, the continuing downward spiral was causing
suffering on a huge scale. Seven million people face famine.

"Let me make it quite clear that the British government does not want this
to happen ... indeed, our policy on Zimbabwe is straightforward: we want a
stable, prosperous and democratic Zimbabwe," Hoon said.

Britain would support Zimbabwe's people and their democratic aspirations,
and assist with humanitarian and food support.

"We have already contributed £32-million (R512m) this year."

Yet, Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe and his government continued on its
disastrous path, and simply blamed Britain and Prime Minister Tony Blair at
every available opportunity.

Britain believed the only solution for Zimbabwe was for the Zanu-PF
government to resume the inter-party dialogue brokered by South Africa and

It also had to demonstrate a readiness to work for genuine reconciliation;
to stop violence and intimidation; and to co-operate fully with the United
Nations on humanitarian relief aid. "Tragically there is little evidence
that the regime intends to change course."

Commenting on other conflicts on the continent, Hoon commended President
Thabo Mbeki and Deputy President Jacob Zuma for their "tireless efforts" to
achieve resolution and inclusive peace in the Democratic Republic of Congo
and Burundi.

Britain stood ready to support South Africa's efforts to promote peaceful
outcomes in both the DRC and Burundi, he said. -- Sapa
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Business Day

Tourism dries up in Zimbabwe as people flood across the border


Political and economic instability are frightening potential visitors away

TOURISM in Zimbabwe, once as predictable as the highs and lows of its
premier attraction the Victoria Falls, is in a trough.

Tourist revenue has dropped sharply since 2000 although the falls is
guaranteed steady traffic. Political and economic instability overshadow the
country's assets, operators in the tourist capital of Victoria Falls say.

While some lodges in Livingstone , Zambia, gained from Zimbabwe's slide,
others say they have local problems with rising fees and dwindling domestic
numbers eroding profits.

Malawi has also been hit by declining visitors, complain lodge managers and
operators at Cape Maclear on Lake Malawi.

Tourism in the 14 states of the Southern African Development Community fell
last year after growth in the 1990s, according to an African Peace Through
Tourism conference in May with a few exceptions like SA.

SA Tourism (Satour) reported impressive growth in the industry in October
and SA is the primary destination for 90% of visitors to the region said its
chief operating officer, Moeketsi Mosala.

From 1998 to 2001 the number of tourists crossing into SA increased from
Botswana (490000 to 641000) and Mozambique (341000 to 457000), but dropped
from Zimbabwe (524000 to 499000), Satour statistics show.

Garth Pritchard, head of overland specialists World Adventure Travel at
Victoria Falls, says: "The market has shrunk. Everyone here says tourism
last year was better than this year."

The upmarket Ilala Lodge has since 2000 seen a "60% drop in business",
mostly from American and British clients, says restaurant manager, Patience

Three years ago backpackers' favourite, Shoestring Lodge, was full every day
and could afford to turn away overland trucks, but now organised groups
account for 90% of their business.

The eclipse last June launched Zimbabwe's high season between June and
October on a bright note. But the September 11 terror attacks in the US had
a negative impact on travel and a traditional October dip did not recover.

Attempts to reach the head of Zimbabwe's tourist office in Harare, Givemore
Chindzidzi, for comment were unsuccessful.

It is clear, however, that tourism was battered by a warning against travel
at the time of the elections, posted by the UK and other western

Shoestring manager Tony Hove says by April their occupancy was right down
and added the "independent trade almost died".

The disappearance of the selfdrive market from SA into Zimbabwe despite the
exceptional value of the rand on the black market is one example of this.

"We experienced a 90% drop in business. Zimbabwe had a major knock,
affecting the region," said Amor Kenny, owner of Cape Town-based Zimbabwe

Booking agents say many lodges and travel companies have closed at Victoria
Falls in recent years. Increased competition from Livingstone contributes.

"Zambia capitalised on Zimbabwe's problems and picked up some market share,"
says Bruce Warr, manager of Raft Xtreme. The company runs white water trips
down the Zambezi River and has grown 60% in the last year.

The demand for rafting has sunk to about a third of its peak five years ago,
when there were about 60000 clients a year. "Now there are more activities
seeking the same market," Pritchard said.

Livingstone is being marketed as the "adventure capital of the world" since
extreme sports never lack customers and options like bungi jumping and
microlighting over the falls are on offer.

"People will pay a high price for adrenaline activities anywhere, but not
for accommodation," said Paul Myburgh, owner of Livingstone's Nyala Lodge.

"The introduction of direct flights to Livingstone (from Johannesburg and
Lusaka) made a difference," he says, pointing out Livingstone's facilities
improved substantially in the last six years.

His lodge gets regular drive-in traffic and had about 60% occupancy in
September. The main backpackers' accommodation, Fawlty Towers, was running
at about 55%, compared with its usual 85%, said its manager.

One problem is rising fees and licence costs in Zambia, tour operators say
the fee to view the falls jumped this year from $3 to 10 (20 in Zimbabwe).

For tourists, however, the town is still "an island sheltered from the
storms". "The fly-in option to Vic Falls is doing fine but tourists are
visiting only Vic Falls. Try spotting one at Kariba," says Zimbabwe Southern
Suns marketing manager Darren Beatson.

While Zimbabwe struggles, SA and Botswana surge ahead with Tanzania and
Mauritius as destinations of choice in the past year says Sandy Vicente,
head of Cape Town's Wilderness Extravaganza.

This suggests although from abroad Africa is seen as a country rather than a
continent travellers do make the distinction.

"I think is Africa picking up," Warr predicts. "The Middle East and Asia are
not and the next cheapest destination is Africa."
Oct 31 2002 12:00:00:000AM Claire Keeton Business Day 1st Edition
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Daily News - Leader Page

      The seed of evil will rise to haunt its planters

      10/31/02 11:34:38 AM (GMT +2)

      By Tawanda waMagaisa

      THE evil that men do lives after them. So it is written in Julius
Caesar. Today, I intend to focus on the tragedy that lies beyond our time.
It is a tragedy that we are creating each day. I write so that we might
change our ways and in order that tomorrow can be a better day for our
children. The current crisis has implications that go beyond the social,
political and economic suffering that engulfs us today.

      Sadly, it seems that many among us are participating in sowing the
seed of evil. That seed might not grow enough to affect some of us today,
but it will certainly live long enough to poison those that will come after
us. For there is a Zimbabwe after us, much as there was one before us. We
extol the virtues of our brave predecessors that fought for our freedom -
but will our children find anything worth praising in us? As the tragedy
unfolds each day, I never cease to wonder.

      When you dig the ground and place a seed in the soil, after a while it
will germinate. After germination, the seedling grows into a plant.
Well-fed, the plant flourishes and flowers. It will produce more of its
kind. This is the effect of what we are doing today in Zimbabwe. Evil bears
evil. The seed of evil that we are actively sowing among us will not just
die like that.

      Every day we see people fighting. Some are hacked to death and others
incarcerated. We might walk the streets in silence, but it is not innocent
silence. It is a silence induced by fear. We harbour ill-feelings and hatred
against those that oppress us and deny us our freedoms in the name of
sovereignty. However, the seed that is buried in your heart will in future
see the light of day - through yourself or through your children, friends
and relatives that have seen the evil that has been done to you. Those that
wield power might believe that it all ends when they see the end of time.
They forget that they have families, relatives and friends who might some
day face the wrath of those that they suppress today. So those in a position
to disempower others today, must never forget that tomorrow it could be

      But if they had been good to all, it is the goodness that is returned
to them. But we forget. We have seen the child soldiers in Sierra Leone,
Liberia, the so-called kidogos (child soldiers) in Rwanda and the Democratic
Republic of Congo. We must realise that they were not born overnight. These
are people who have been born into a culture of violence; they have lived
through violence and have no choice, but to participate in the violence that
to them has become a way of life. We sympathise with them because they are
children of violence, creations of wars that they never started. Do we
seriously want to plant the same seed of hatred, violence and war in our
midst? I should think not. We forget that the child that sees its mother and
father being hacked to death never forgets. We forget, too, that the child
in its mother's womb feels and hears the pain that is inflicted upon its
mother. That violence grows in it. The child is born with scars of violence
and some day, he will seek revenge. And when that happens, it is because we
have sown the seed of evil in its heart.

      When we militarise the youths and show them that power is acquired and
maintained by forceful means, we should not regret when they turn against us
some day. The same injuries that we train them to inflict on others can in
turn be inflicted upon us. And those that they injure can retaliate, today
or some day in future. Maybe the present crop of our leaders is also a
product of the violence of colonialism. They saw their parents being treated
like juveniles, they experienced the terror of colonial power and they
became hardened and have found it hard to shake off the inclination towards
the use of force, plus physical and mental violence. Our own children, who
are witnessing the atrocities that lie before us, will surely live to apply
the same tactics against those that oppose their views in future. Yet there
is another way - tolerance is a virtue. Genocides are not announced on
national radio. We normally wait after the event to describe them as such.
Genocides are also not created overnight. A genocide is a physical
manifestation of fermenting problems - seeds of evil that can lie in the
ground for a long time and suddenly explode into life at any time. When
people were massacred in Rwanda, we waited till the end to call it a

      The current mayhem in Zimbabwe may not be on the same scale yet, but
it could yet produce gross consequences. We may be sowing the evil seed in
our people and some day that seed will germinate. And when it does, it could
rise like an inferno that will engulf us all and those that will arrive
beyond our time. We have witnessed how, in a very short space of time, our
nation has been reduced to a collection of beggars and defenders of wrongful
behaviour. And now Zimbabwe is experiencing what I call the "Kettle Effect".
When you place a kettle on fire, after a while the water will boil. It
starts to escape as steam and if you do not remove the lid, bubbles will
begin to escape too. You can hear the rumble of the confined, boiling
water - Zimbabwe is that kettle. It's on fire. The steam and the bubbles
coming out are the many Zimbabweans desperately escaping the poverty and
terror at home.

      Remember how beautiful Zimbabwe was and how everything appeared to be
wonderful so much that we looked at the demise of Zambia, Mozambique and
many other countries in Africa and laughed. We called Harare the Sunshine
City. We laughed on being told that they sell meat in the streets in Lusaka,
Dar-es-Salaam, Kampala and Nairobi. We laughed too when we were told that
some of these cities had no traffic lights or well-surfaced roads. We could
not believe it when thousands were massacred in Rwanda. We laughed at the
crash of the kwacha, the shilling and other African currencies. We also
poured scorn on Zambians, Mozambicans, Malawians and others when they
crossed the borders to come and buy and beg for food because of shortages in
their countries. We probably thought we were a different breed. And yet most
of these sad things are in our midst today. So now that we are sowing the
seed of evil, we must not be shocked when it grows to engulf us all. But our
children deserve better. As my hero, writer Paulo Coehlo, would say, we must
strive to make today a better day because when we do that, tomorrow becomes
better too.
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Daily News - Feature

      The rich flaunt wealth while Zimbabwe sinks

      10/31/02 11:39:22 AM (GMT +2)

      By Jan Raath

      Mourners at a recent funeral at Harare's Warren Hills cemetery were
startled by the arrival of a high-speed funeral cortege of about 100
Mercedes, BMWs and 4x4 behemoths in the latest livery, many of them
displaying large flower-bedecked photographs of the man they were burying.

      As the white rococo coffin sank into the grave, three dudes in sharp
suits and wrap-around shades pulled guns from their pockets and fired a
salute to the 32-year-old tycoon who had died in a car accident. There were
mutterings among people in the crowd about £20 000 (Z$1,8 million) in local
and hard currency notes that vanished from the boot of the dead man's car at
the time of the accident. The week's other egregious exhibition of wealth
among Zimbabwe's Kompressor class (after the favoured model of Mercedes)
came from Phillip Chiyangwa, tycoon MP, member of President Mugabe's inner
circle and former colonial police reservist.

      The lifestyle section of the State-controlled Herald reported a tour
of Chiyangwa's new mansion in Harare: 18 bedrooms, 18 lounges, two saunas,
whirlpool, steam and spa baths, 15 garages and three rooftop helipads.

      Back in his communal village 80 kilometres west of Harare in Zvimba,
Chiyangwa has built another home, the newspaper said. This one has 51
      Never has the country seen such affluence, nor the famine and poverty
that simultaneously afflict Zimbabwe's 13 million people who live outside
this tiny ostentatious class. The combination of these contradictions is a
classic consequence of an economy in total collapse and hyper-inflation.
President Mugabe has engineered probably the fastest decline of any
comparably robust, diverse economy in modern history, without war or natural
calamity. In less than three years he has inflicted a spoliation that other
African countries took 20 years to do after their independence. In February
2000 the loss of a referendum on constitutional change presaged defeat for
his Zanu PF in parliamentary elections due in four months. To avert it,
Mugabe went to war against the nation. He propelled the bloody and lawless
campaigns of invasions of white land and elimination of dissent.

      In the 32 months since then, gross domestic product (GDP) has fallen
24 percent, official inflation has gone up to 135 percent, the value of the
currency has dropped 96 percent, and arrears on foreign debt of US$3,4
billion (Z$190,4 billion) have risen from 2 percent of GDP to 30 percent.
Agriculture, the engine of the economy, has been throttled by Mugabe's land
grab, tourism earnings have fallen 80 percent, annual gold production has
been halved to 14 tonnes and more than 300 000 of a formal workforce of 1,3
million have lost their jobs. Half the people are living in famine and 35
percent of all adults are afflicted by Aids. The hard currency black market
has become the country's biggest growth industry. This month it has been
paying Z$1 100 to $1, against the official rate, pegged in July 2001, of
Z$55 to $1.

      Similarly, price controls on basic commodities have emptied
supermarkets of all controlled goods. Bread, maize-meal, sugar and oil can
be had in township lean-to stalls at triple the controlled price, or they
reappear in supermarkets in slightly altered form - sesame seeds sprinkled
on a loaf of bread - at prices hugely increased, but at least allowing the
manufacturer a profit. In 2001 the government reversed its International
Monetary Fund-prescribed policy of positive interest rates and pegged them
at 35 percent. The excuse was that the black affirmative action Kompressor
business class was being oppressed. In reality, it allowed the government to
double its borrowings and simultaneously halve its interest bill. It also
introduced hyper-inflation and real negative interest rates now of minus 110
percent, flattening the country's savings.

      The policies are doubly ruinous when they work in tandem. The
State-owned fuel monopoly pays for fuel imports with hard currency for just
under US$1 a litre.
      Price controls allow motorists to buy it for the equivalent of eight
US cents. Conventional business practice is turned on its head. "Rule number
one is you
      convert all your cash into hard currency and remit it abroad on a
weekly basis," the chief executive of a middle-sized trading company says.
"Deal in cash and don't keep your money in financial institutions. Borrow as
much as you can locally (at 35 percent), buy stock for cash, keep selling as
hard as you can, and re-price at least weekly." For local investment, he
buys air tickets in local currency from the State-owned airline for
destinations abroad, and imported luxury cars - made cheap by a customs
import duty rate charged against the official exchange rate.

      Keep out of property, he says: "I have a property portfolio and it's a
noose around my neck. There's always the threat of confiscation." Planning
has become almost impossible. "For my business, short-term means a day, a
week is medium-term and a month is long-term. It is a command economy in
chaos and it is full
      of opportunity." As the Kompressor class has discovered, the key to
the new wealth is the gulf between the official and black market exchange
rates. You can't get hard currency at the bank, unless you have a ruling
party connection. It will secure you a directive from the central bank to
commercial banks to issue you with forex.

      You buy it at Z$55 to the US dollar, and sell it at Z$1 100 to the
dollar. Another source is the Zimbabwean diaspora, an estimated two million
people. My neighbour runs a small hairdressing salon, but this month she put
a 100-metre brick wall around her property and embarked on substantial
renovations to her house.

      It was financed by black market deals on cash sent to her by her son
and daughter in Britain. For tens of thousands, a relative working abroad is
the only way to escape starvation. Support for people back home also comes
by e-commerce. Via, a Zimbabwean in Luton can order and pay
for his relatives' groceries in Bulawayo. Economists estimate that up to £20
million a week in hard currency goes home this way, and that it is now by
far the biggest source of foreign exchange. Nearly all of it goes straight
out again. Even Mugabe's central bank gave warning this month that the
bubbles created by the distortions in the economy are unsustainable.

      Inflation of 1 000 percent, a halving of GDP and a Malthusian die-off
of thousands of people through starvation and Aids within the next two years
are probabilities. "The government has precious few options left," Tony
Hawkins, a Zimbabwean economist, says. "You get the sense that we are
approaching some sort of crunch. It's around the corner, but the corner is
taking a long time to come." The "crunch" theory, that society will implode
or explode and remove Mugabe, is in doubt.

      After three years of defiance of the laws of economics, the loathing
of most Zimbabweans and the opprobrium of the rest of the world, Mugabe
remains in power, stronger and apparently healthier than ever. As Chenjerai
Hove, the Zimbabwean novelist, puts it: "African governments are never
bankrupt until the pantry in the State House is empty."
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Daily News - Leader Page

      Elections must not be a matter of life or death

      10/31/02 11:33:47 AM (GMT +2)

      BY this time in the political development of Zimbabwe, Zanu PF may
feel the only way it can ensure an election victory is to instill the fear
of God into the voters' hearts.

      The party which played a key role in the liberation of the country
seems unable to countenance the possibility that the same people, for which
it sacrificed so much, can choose another party to rule them. Through its
violent election campaign - as we saw again in the Insiza by-election - Zanu
PF wants the voters to know they have no choice, but to vote for its
candidate. To drive the point home in Insiza, the party unleashed such a
reign of terror the opposition candidate was banned from campaigning in the
constituency. It was the police who advised him they would not guarantee his
security if he showed himself among the voters. They could have done this
out of a genuine concern for his life - or they could have played politics.
The Commissioner of Police, Augustine Chihuri, has stated categorically
that, if he is not a dyed-in-the-wool Zanu PF zealot, then he certainly owes
his allegiance to that party.

      The voters did not and perhaps could not even question this clearly
illegal act of intimidation. Not even the Electoral Supervisory Commission
(ESC), that toothless, gutless appendage of a highly flawed electoral
system, could raise a whimper of protest. So, the MDC candidate, Siyabonga
Malandu Ncube, was an absentee candidate in his own election. His visibility
among the voters, at least towards the last days of the campaign, was zero.
The eventual winner, Zanu PF's Andrew Langa, was reportedly involved in a
shooting incident fairly early in the campaign. It was fortunate for
Darlington Kadengu, an MDC activist, that Langa was either a lousy marksman
or did not intend to do him any more harm than to wound him - perhaps as a
warning to other like-minded opposition activists. So far there has been no
official word on what action the police, the ESC or even his own party
intend to take over the shooting incident. For all practical purposes, Langa
will be sworn in as the new MP for Insiza while the questions about the
incident remain unanswered. This makes such a mockery of the justice system
that when critics talk of the absence of the rule of law, they are, in many
respects, being generous. What we have is no law for Zanu PF and a whole
host of anti-democratic laws for the rest of the population. Zanu PF has
decided, since 2000, that any election in Zimbabwe is now a matter of life
or death. Any candidate standing against the ruling party must know what
they are letting themselves into.

      Voters campaigning for the opposition candidate must be aware of this
as well. Recently, critics of the MDC have said the party has no proper
appreciation of what an electoral challenge to Zanu PF can entail. If you
can't beat them through fair play, then join them in an election campaign
where everything - including murder - is permissible. This is the advice
some people have offered to the MDC. It is probable the party has ventilated
this problem thoroughly and has come to its own conclusions. What people
concerned with the future of democracy in Zimbabwe - as we all ought to be -
would love to see is an acceptance by all parties that no election is worth
dying for, that an election does not have to be a matter of life or death.
The apathy that has characterised elections over the years was spawned by
the violence in which one party has engaged during the campaign. People
believing that the violence waged against colonialism and racism cannot be
justified today, 22 years after independence, have stayed away from the
polls in their thousands. They refuse to risk their lives today as if the
freedom of the country was still the major issue.
      Or is it?

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Daily News

      Winter maize crop a flop

      10/31/02 11:15:55 PM (GMT +2)

      From Energy Bara in Masvingo

      THE much-talked about Masvingo food initiative has only produced 7 500
tonnes of maize - enough to feed the nation for just one day - out of the
expected 18 000 tonnes of irrigated winter maize.

      The initiative was the brainchild of the provincial governor, Josaya
Hungwe, who got the blessing of Vice-President Simon Muzenda, as the
government resorted to desperate measures after failing to secure enough
food reserves for the nation.

      Harvesting of the winter maize crop on 1 800 irrigated hectares in
Chiredzi has already been completed and only 7 500 tonnes were realised.

      Experts, including government specialists and the Commercial Farmers'
Union (CFU), were critical of the project from the start, saying it would be
costly and that weather conditions were not favourable for maize.

      Under normal circumstances, a hectare of maize should produce six to
10 tonnes, but the Chiredzi experiment produced just three tonnes per

      A government expert, who refused to be named, said yesterday the
initiative was projected to produce 18 000 tonnes of maize but not even half
of the figure was harvested.He said: "We had warned the government over the
project, but you know politics. The project was very costly and up to now no
one knows how much money was used for the project."

      The chairman of the technical committee of the food initiative, Dr
Samuel Mumbengegwi, the Minister of Industry and International Trade,
admitted the project was not budgeted for.

      Mumbengegwi said: "We did not budget for this. We only ordered the
ministries to use their votes and the costs would be calculated later."

      Mike Clark, the Commercial Farmers' Union (CFU) regional spokesman,
said commercial farmers in Chiredzi had tried to grow maize in winter but
realised the crop would fail.

      "We are talking of high irrigation costs. We had tried to do a similar
project but to no avail. Inputs would actually outweigh the output and no
farmer in his right frame of mind would embark on a similar project."

      Hungwe yesterday could not be reached for comment. Two months ago
President Mugabe visited the project and admitted the government was
gambling since it did not know whether the project would be successful.

      Regional leaders, including Zambia's President Levy Mwanawasa, and
diplomats from several countries, toured the project to find out if they
could learn anything about growing maize through irrigation in winter.
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Daily News

      Zanu PF-linked union vows to destroy ZCTU

      10/31/02 11:36:32 AM (GMT +2)

      By Sam Munyavi

      A newly-formed mine workers' trade union, working together with Zanu
PF and the Zimbabwe Federation of Trade Unions (ZFTU), has vowed to destroy
the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) by March next year.

      Enock Sithole Makenga, the president of the unregistered National
Mines, Quarry, Iron and Steel Workers' Union, said on Tuesday his
organisation was affiliated to the Zanu PF-backed ZFTU. He vowed the union
would go all out to fight the ZCTU and its affiliates and accused them of
being appendages of the MDC.

      Makenga, a former organising secretary of the ZCTU-affiliated
Associated Mineworkers of Zimbabwe (AMWZ), said: "I am a Zanu PF member and
we are working hand-in-hand with the party and the ZFTU to destroy the MDC."
The ZFTU is led by Alfred Makwarimba and his deputy is Joseph Chinotimba,
the self-styled commander of farm invasions.

      Wellington Chibhebhe, the ZCTU secretary-general, said on Tuesday the
ZCTU was not unduly worried about the threat. He said: "Without external
help from Zanu PF or the government, they cannot dislodge the ZCTU. We are
not against competition, but there must be fair competition. "The workers
are very much aware of the situation and they will continue to travel with
the ZCTU." Chibhebhe said the ZCTU was more concerned with issues that
affected workers, such as the Harmonised Labour Bill, contract workers,
taxation and the high cost of living. According to the minutes of a meeting
held at the ZFTU's Harare Street offices on 2 October, Makenga repeated a
pledge he made at a first meeting in Kuwadzana on 22 September. He said: "I
need only six months to destroy these organisations and if I get maximum
support from the ruling party, I will not hesitate to sue all these
opposition party labour organisations."

      Makenga, who claimed his organisation had about 13 000 members
nationwide, said he resigned from the AMWZ because of the ZCTU's alleged
links with the MDC. But Tinago Edmund Ruzive, the president of the AMWZ,
said they had forced him out because of "the unprocedural way" in which he
conducted the union's business. Ruzive said Makenga negotiated with
employers without the knowledge of the AMWZ or the workers and sometimes
told them their grievances were irrelevant. Ruzive said: "We put pressure on
him, resulting in his resignation in August." He said the AMWZ would stay in
the ZCTU. "We will remain apolitical, but we will not shy away from labour
issues," Ruzive said. He said: "We had warned the government over the
project, but you know politics. The project was very costly and up to now no
one knows how much money was used for the project." The chairman of the
technical committee of the food initiative, Dr Samuel Mumbengegwi, the
Minister of Industry and International Trade, admitted the project was not
budgeted for.

      Mumbengegwi said: "We did not budget for this. We only ordered the
ministries to use their votes and the costs would be calculated later." Mike
Clark, the CFU regional spokesman, said commercial farmers in Chiredzi had
tried before to grow maize in winter but realised the crop would fail. "We
are talking of high irrigation costs. We had tried to do a similar project,
but to no avail. Inputs would actually outweigh the output and no farmer in
his right frame of mind would embark on a similar project." Hungwe yesterday
could not be reached for comment. Two months ago President Mugabe visited
the project and admitted the government was gambling since it did not know
whether it would be successful or not. Regional leaders, including Zambia's
President Levy Mwanawasa, and several diplomats were taken on a tour of the
project by the government which was prematurely showing it off as an
innovative way to increase crop yield in the face of the prevailing drought.
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Daily News

      MP facing murder charges granted bail

      10/31/02 11:33:17 AM (GMT +2)

      THE High Court yesterday granted $50 000 bail to Mbare East MP
Tichaona Jefter Munyanyi, who is facing a charge of murdering Zanu PF
activist Ali Khan Manjengwa.

      Justice George Smith ordered the MP to remain at his Glen View 3 home
and report every Monday and Friday to the CID law and order section.

      Another judge, Justice Anele Matika threw out Munyanyi's initial
application for bail on 10 October, saying the State's submission that the
police needed two weeks to complete investigations was valid. Munyanyi's
lawyer, Advocate Charles Selemani, instructed by Ralph Maganga, submitted at
the initial bail hearing that Munyanyi was a family man with two wives and
nine children to look after and the suggestion by prosecutor Stephen Musona
that he would abscond if granted bail was "wishful thinking" on the part of
the police since he had so much at stake he would not contemplate skipping

      Selemani said Munyanyi was arrested on trumped-up charges during "an
arresting spree" by the police who arrested three other MDC members in
connection with the alleged murder.
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Daily News

      Police subject travellers to body searches

      10/31/02 11:31:51 AM (GMT +2)

      From Oscar Nkala in Bulawayo

      Fear and apprehension gripped Gwanda North constituency at the weekend
as heavily armed police officers manning roadblocks on all roads leading in
the direction of the neighbouring Insiza, subjected commuters to thorough
searches of their bodies and personal belongings.

      The police said they were looking for weapons which could be taken
into Insiza to cause trouble during the weekend parliamentary by-election.
      At Stanmore business centre, about 34km north of Gwanda, this reporter
witnessed passengers who were travelling by bus being subjected to thorough

      Passengers were ordered to get off the bus and queue for a search
which took more than 30 minutes. One police officer said they were under
orders to search for weapons on all vehicles and people travelling to

      Travellers complained about the searches and said this hindered their
freedom of movement because the roadblocks were in force for 24 hours.

      "We cannot move freely because of the roadblocks and the Zanu PF
vehicles which are patrolling the area," said one traveller, who did not
want to be identified.

      Roadblocks were also mounted at Glass Block Siding, Matshetsheni and
all busy roads leading into Insiza from Gwanda North.

      However, Zanu PF vehicles were not stopped and subjected to the same
searches. Zanu PF's Andrew Langa won the parliamentary by-election after
polling 12 115 votes against the MDC's Siyabonga Malandu Ncube's 5 102.

      Ncube said because of intimidation and violence by Zanu PF youths, he
could not travel to the constituency. The Insiza seat fell vacant after the
death of George Ndlovu of the MDC on 11 August.
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Daily News

      Ill-treatment of prisoners rife, says released suspect

      10/31/02 11:29:53 AM (GMT +2)

      By Precious Shumba

      EMIL Margaritis, 50, yesterday said prison guards at the Harare Remand
Prison behave like demi-gods and ill-treat prisoners by exposing them to
torture by security agents.

      Margaritis, who spent three months at the remand prison before his
charges were dropped early in January, said prisoners were forced to address
the prison guards as "nduna" (chiefs).

      But a prison official denied the allegations.

      "During my three-month stay in prison, I witnessed brutal use of force
by the guards," he said. "The prison guards have what is called 'blanket
treatment' of prisoners where some unidentified security men, aided by the
guards, cover selected prisoners during the night with blankets and subject
them to torture."
      Margaritis said due to the torture and inhumane treatment he was
subjected to during his detention, he now suffered from thrombosis, a
condition of blood clotting in the veins.

      He said there was no guaranteed security in Zimbabwe for anyone suing
the State.

      "There is no justice in the country," he said. "If I sue them, I can
be ordered to leave the country and that will not help me at all.

      "They will obviously find something to nail on me because I am a white
man. It is very dangerous to be white in this country at the moment."

      Margaritis said injured or ill prisoners received no treatment at the
remand prison hospital because of a shortage of drugs.

      Even if prisoners were seriously ill and bed-ridden, he said, they
were still subjected to inhumane treatment on their hospital beds.

      Margaritis claimed several prisoners eventually died due to
ill-treatment as well as shortage of food and drugs.

      He said every Sunday, the prison guards held a roll call during which
prisoners were ordered to strip naked and dance in the open.

      "At times they ordered us to roll on the floor while naked and to sing
obscene songs," he said. "The treatment there is degrading and embarrassing.
The older guards are a responsible lot and respect prisoners, but the
majority, who are young, are cruel and brutal."

      But Frank Meki, the public relations manager for the Zimbabwe Prison
Services, said prisoners made some unfounded allegations.

      He said: "Prisoners are still eating white sadza and having relish
prepared with cooking oil. I visited the remand prison personally in
connection with the Learnmore Jongwe case. There is enough food. "Our prison
hospitals operate in the same framework as government hospitals."

      Jongwe, the MP for Kuwadzana, died in remand prison last week under
suspicious circumstances. Meki said they obtained their drugs from
Government Central Stores. "You cannot expect to find drugs in prison when
they are scarce in government hospitals," he said.

      "Our health delivery system in prisons is better than in most
countries. Prisoners infected with venereal diseases are treated for free.
We operate within the government system."

      Commenting on the claims of stripping prisoners and inhuman treatment,
Meki said the practice was accepted internationally as it gave the prison
guards the opportunity to search prisoners.

      "There is high trafficking in contraband in remand prison. Contraband
is anything that is not supplied by the Prison Services to prisoners.

      "We do what we call strip search, to check that nothing prohibited is
brought inside the prisons."
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Daily News

      Zimbabweans call for Mugabe to step down

      10/31/02 11:09:31 PM (GMT +2)

      By Pedzisai Ruhanya Chief Reporter

      ABOUT 100 Zimbabweans on Tuesday held a demonstration on William Nicol
Drive in Johannesburg calling for President Mugabe to step down over
allegations of food shortages and human rights abuses.

      According to News24, a media organisation in South Africa, the
placard-waving demonstrators were calling on South Africans on their way to
work to show their support for efforts to bring about the downfall of

      Large banners written "Hoot if you want Mugabe to go" were strung on
either side of the road and several drivers showed their support as they
drove past.
      The demonstrators held South African and Zimbabwean flags and placards
reading "No food in Zim", "Mbeki must act", "Mugabe must go" and "Our pot is

      News24 reported that one protester said the group was made up of
jobless Zimbabweans hit by famine and others whose lives were in danger
because they were MDC supporters.

      "We are suffering in Zimbabwe . . . people are dying from lack of food
and others are dying because of Mugabe," the man was quoted as saying.

      A woman with two small children said she could not afford to buy food
in Zimbabwe and was in South Africa temporarily to hawk goods for food to
support her children and relatives back home. A number of the protesters
were from Matabeleland, where they said government had withheld food aid
since the vast majority of voters backed the MDC's Morgan Tsvangirai in the
March 2002 presidential election, controversially won by Mugabe.

      Early this month, the World Food Programme pulled out of Insiza
constituency after rowdy Zanu PF supporters confiscated three metric tonnes
of maize and distributed the food among their supporters.

      They used the food to influence the outcome of the by-election which
Zanu PF's Andrew Langa eventually won on Monday.
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Business Day

Walkout widens rift in Zimbabwe farmers' union



HARARE Two leaders of Zimbabwe's Commercial Farmers Union (CFU), which
represents the country's white farmers, stood down as divisions deepen
within the union, it said yesterday.

In separate statements issued by the union yesterday, president Colin Cloete
and director David Hasluck are said to have resigned, but internal bickering
about how to respond to government's seizure of white farms has fuelled
speculation the two were forced to leave.

All has not been well within the ranks of the once powerful 4500member union
since the land reform exercise got underway, soon after voters rejected a
government-backed draft constitution in early 2000.

The draft constitution contained a clause that allowed the government of
President Robert Mugabe to seize white-owned farms without compensating the

Until then, the farmers enjoyed a good relationship with the government.

Mugabe on numerous occasions assured farmers their interests would be looked
after but all that changed after the rejection of the draft constitution,
when veterans of Zimbabwe's liberation war spearheaded often violent
invasions of white commercial farms.

Since the beginning of the crisis, the union has vacillated between dialogue
with the government and confrontation in the courts as the best means to
resolve the land seizure issue.

Cloete and Hasluck were seen as advocating dialogue while some union members
preferred the government to court.

In August, a group of farmers, disillusioned with the union's conciliatory
stance, broke away to form Justice for Agriculture (JAG) that is fighting
eviction orders issued to 95% of the white commercial farmers.

Hasluck raised eyebrows recently when he attacked former colonial power
Britain for ignoring the historical background to Zimbabwe's land reform
programme, and said Britain should help to pay compensation to white farmers
who have been forced off their land.

Mugabe took the bait and called on white farmers to join the government in
its "fight against Britain" over land reform.

Mugabe has accused Britain of reneging on a promise it made to fund land
reform in the country. Britain rejects the accusation, saying it will only
support land reform that is fair and transparent and reduces poverty.

So far 9154 whiteowned farms covering 17,4-million hectares have been
forcibly acquired by the government. The government says it has resettled
300000 landless blacks on the land.

While some farmers have complied with the eviction orders, the future of
those who have chosen to fight is in the balance as the government plugs the
legal holes whenever a farmer wins in court.
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Zim Independent

Tsvangirai's views steeped in Marxist doctrine
By Steven Tennett
ONE may have hoped that Morgan Tsvangirai and the MDC stood for a more
liberal and fair-minded society than the one currently promoted and
engineered by the authoritarian dictators in government. Today, however, any
such hope would have been ignominiously shattered by Tsvangirai's recent
article in the Daily News "MDC on Monday", in which he addressed the "Dear
people of Zimbabwe".

In his dialogue he demonstrated the same traits practised by the current

"The MDC understands the national and people's rights that were fought for
in the liberation struggle better than any." (This arrogant statement is
unsupported by any logical argument based on political principle - hanging
only on supposition and the power of force.)

But here is the frightening bit: "MDC members fought inside the liberation
movement for the rights to the redistribution of power and economic wealth."
(According to Tsvangirai and colleagues, rights originate, not by virtue of
the nature of a human being and of reality, but as a group privilege won
through battle. And these "rights" are not concerned with an individual's
freedom of action in a social context, but only with the redistribution of
his wealth to those perceived as needing it. It is left as an open question
as to what would happen to dissenters who didn't want to part with their

"MDC members participated in building a state that could service those

redistribution goals."

Did they? History shows that the current state came about largely as a
result of the efforts of the hated "colonialists" who brought western
civilisation to Zimbabwe through a creative process of building and
development, and subsequently abandoned it to the followers of a Marxist
ideology. And what redistribution goals is Tsvangirai referring to? How does
he intend to accomplish this purpose? There is only one way it can be
accomplished when dealing with someone who is not a philanthropist, who is
not bent on giving away his profits - and that is through the barrel of the
gun, replete with its use of force and fraud!

As a closing argument Tsvangirai states: "The MDC stands for the basic
rights of the people to gain control of national economic resources. This
demands a redistribution of wealth that is transparent and people-driven.
This demands a state and government that is accountable to the people,
creating conditions for opportunities for productive contribution to the
national cake."

What "basic right" does anyone have to gain control of national economic
resources, unless it is by the power of the producer in his conquest - not
of men - but of nature? There is no "right" to redistribute other people's
wealth, no matter whose interest that redistribution allegedly serves. There
is only the right of free trade - which means the right of each man as an
individual, and each group of men as individuals, to engage in the activity
of creating and selling their own produce at an agreed market price to those
who are willing to buy it.

This may involve the conversion of natural resources into something useful
and marketable, but only if one has the initiative, if one has the drive, if
one has the knowledge and if one has the capital to buy and/or develop
resources into useful products. There exists no so-called "economic right"
to seize the products of others, for any reason at all!

It is interesting to note that Tsvangirai regards the national product as a
"cake" - a mere spoil to be divided amongst the many needy by the power
mongers in control, in the same way that any African chieftain from the past
may have exerted his authority over the indigenous people under his control.
This shows that Tsvangirai and the MDC have not moved beyond the disastrous
Marxist doctrine that underlies many African governments, and has already
been responsible for the ruination of Zimbabwe.

Tsvangirai's view has apparently not reached a sufficient state of maturity
for him to realise the necessity for a code of rational self-interest, a
code of individual rights protecting the free action of all people, in all
countries - providing only that those people do not destroy the rights of

Tsvangirai has not yet discovered that wealth is not (as President Robert
Mugabe would have it) a static commodity to be passed around. Wealth does
not grow on trees. It is not a product of non-manmade nature. It is men who
create wealth, men commonly known as "entrepreneurs" in our societies,
people willing to risk their whole investment in an idea or a productive
process. Tsvangirai should divorce himself from the ideology of
"redistribution" held by the current government. Those in government are
champions of the emotive products of greed, envy, hatred and racism.

They are not creators of wealth, and have no answers to wealth-creation for
our society (and neither should they have, for this is not the job of
government). Members of this government celebrate the one goal of the
envious and the spiteful - the destruction of their betters through the
employment of violence, looting and fraud; a destructive process aimed at
eliminating a society's intellectuals and most productive members.

The government's assertion that "equality of redistribution" is a social
panacea that yields "equity" and "social justice" is a fallacy and a huge
lie. This is the impossible Marxist illusion, one whose falsehood is
patently demonstrated by the repeated failures of Marxism wherever it has
been practised. Men are different! They are different in genetic endowment,
personality, environmental origin, fortune, temperament and ability. But it
is in his differences, and not in his sameness, that man achieves greatness
as a human being. It is in his differences, and not in his sameness, that
man achieves wealth - and by his efforts he indirectly lifts the standard of
living of all those around him. It is in his differences, and not in his
sameness, that man has something creative to offer his fellow man through a
free market of voluntary exchange, and in return he gains something
different that his fellow man can offer him.

So it is through a man's individuality - his differences - that he creates
health, wealth and abundance, not only for himself but indirectly for others
too. It takes force to achieve our unnatural sameness. It takes force to
manipulate and kill the creative dream and the spirit of man. It takes force
to reduce humans to the state of "equality" revered through the words of the
Marxist creed: "From each according to his ability, to each according to his

But this force does not create a wealth of differences. In baseness it
creates only an equality of universal poverty.

l Stephen Tennett is a Harare-based freelance writer.
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Zim Independent

Shona administrators must prove they are capable
By Kudakwashe Marazanye
I WAS moved by Zimbabwe Saints supporters who were singing with nostalgia
about their team's good old days, ".mutserendende, mutserendende,
mutserendende Dr Love Matavire. ndakambonetsa. kumira neni aive makomborero
mumvuri womuvonde."

Just like Matavire Chikwata chakambonesta and their supporters once walked
tall. I could not help reminiscing over the good days at Saints.

Which Saints fan does not have fond memories for the Super Saints of Ephraim
Chawanda, Henry Mckop, Joseph Machingura etc? I still remember how the
Saints family was crestfallen when we lost a final to a Shakeman
Tauro-inspired Caps United in 1979. Aah! Vakomana, choenda here Chikwata?
With such a distinguished footballing history, what has gone wrong at the
once-famed Chikwata?

There is a discernable trend of Shona failure in this and many other cases
of administrative bungling in this country. Unfortunately this trend only
serves to reinforce long held stereotypes of Shona dishonesty and bad
management. Traditionally, whites have had contempt for the cowardly and
ignoble Mashona and grudging respect for the proud and brave Ndebele.

The Ndebele had and still harbour contempt for the fickle amasvina. The
Ndebele still have an unkind refrain about the Shona - thathekile mota
yamasvina. When in a charitable mood, the Ndebele argue that the problem
with the Shonas is that they are full of I know, omaningindaba,
vanamandihindini. So, traditionally, the Shona have always been at the
bottom of the ethnic pecking order.

That is why most whites would have preferred a Ndebele government to a Shona
one in 1980. In their view, Ndebele hands in government were more
responsible than Shona ones. After all they had wrested the country from the
Ndebele on their arrival. Even during the liberation war, it was generally
held that Zipra cadre were a more professional force than Zanla's army of
contemptible garden boys turned terrorists. Peter Godwin says as much in his
book Mukiwa: A White Boy in Africa. With the current problems our country is
facing, blamed mainly on mismanagement, white liberals are quick to distance
themselves from President Robert Mugabe declaring that ". I was an Inkomo

Against such a background, it is in the interest of the Shona to prove
history and their detractors wrong. But instead, the Shona seem to be hell
bent on confirming such prejudices about their ethnic group. Dynamos and
Saints are both Shona clubs and they are both in an administrative mess. It
is a scandalous shame that the Shona in Bulawayo now have to turn to
Highlanders for a soccer team to root for after the demise of Saints. Even
the Shona players in Bulawayo have to go to Highlanders to launch a career
in football when in the past they naturally went to Saints.

Generations of Ndebele and Shona youngsters in Bulawayo had a healthy,
non-antagonistic rivalry on the soccer pitch to establish which group of
youths was better. This good-natured rivalry extended to the members of the
two ethnic groups at work places and in the various drinking places.

The kind of friendly rivalry you see in Amakhosi's Foromani and Sakhamuzi.

But with the demise of Saints, Shonas in Bulawayo now shamelessly consider
themselves as members of the Highlanders family, both as players and
supporters. This is despite the humiliating taunts they are subjected to
like "okungama buya-buya lokhu; .okungamasvina lokhu." as correctly depicted
by Amakhosi at the Highlanders Annual Prize Giving Day last year. At
national level, soccer administration is largely in the hands of Shonas,
with Leo Mugabe, a Shona at the helm. At this level the sport is also
generally in the doldrums due to administrative incompetence.

Apparently Ndebele administrative superiority over the Shonas is not
confined to football. The city of Bulawayo is the country's shining beacon
in local government administrative excellence. Whilst corruption and
mismanagement have cost Harare (and some Shona cities too) its glamour
status, Bulawayo has been relatively well run. And Bulawayo, it must be
remembered, is the heart and soul of Matabeleland.

In business, Ndebele businessmen are generally known for their financial
prudence and modesty. They are also known for their social responsibility to
their Ndebele community - even though the money might have been made in the
much-loathed Mashonaland. Over the years we have had Ndebele businessmen
pouring money into Highlanders for its Champions League campaign and to
sustain their foreign coach, Eddie May. We have had Delmar Lupepe coming up
with his Amazulu, Titus Ncube and Chemist Siziba amongst others, sponsoring
Highlanders. Of course the Bulawayo-based Ndebele businessmen would do well
to discard their Bantustan mentality where they want the Bulawayo business
arena to be rid of foreigners (read Shonas).

The corollary to that warped thinking is that the Ndebele sons making money
in Harare and other areas outside Matabeleland should be chucked out of
these areas. So Delma Lupepe, Trevor Ncube, Tammy Msimanga and others who
have thriving businesses in Mashonaland would have to close shop.
Ultra-Ndebele nationalism may be good for Highlanders but it is certainly
bad for ethnic relations. In contrast to the financial discipline, social
responsibility and modesty displayed by Ndebele businessmen, Shona
businessmen are given to obscene ostentation. They parade their opulent
villas and cars, firing guns at funerals in the fashion of gangsters, which
the less charitable say is exactly what they are.

Parastatals headed by Ndebele boys also seem to fare better compared to
those run by their Shona counterparts.

The Zimbabwe Investment Centre under Nicholas Ncube and the then Cotton
Marketing Board under Sylvester Nguni were some of the better run
quasi-government organisations.

From the foregoing, it is clear that the Shona may well have earned a
reputation as incompetent, out and out crooks driven by the love for money,
much like the Nigerians. This does not do any good to their tribe's standing
in society, and they should work hard to correct such perceptions and

Because of these negative stereotypes of Shonas, there has been muted talk
in some circles about whether things wouldn't have been better in Zimbabwe
under the late Joshua Nkomo and his PF-Zapu.

l Kudakwashe Marazanye is a Harare-based freelance writer.
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Dispatch online

Zim land reform irreversible ­ minister

CAPE TOWN -- The "fast-track phase" of Zimbabwe's land reform was complete
and Harare was now focusing on agricultural recovery programmes, the
country's Labour Minister, July Moyo, said yesterday.

Speaking at a media briefing here, Moyo -- who also manages his country's
public service and social welfare portfolios -- called for Britain to move
on compensating white Zimbabwean farmers so that "land reform can take place
in an environment supported by all".

Zimbabwe's economic recovery was linked to land reform, Moyo said. But he
warned that as long as there were countries intent on imposing sanctions
against Zimbabwe, "our recovery will be slow".

Moyo is in South Africa to attend a conference in Johannesburg, but flew to
Cape Town for bilateral discussions with his local counterpart, Membathisi

Asked at the post-meeting briefing to comment on the World Bank's
description of Zimbabwe as having "the fastest-contracting economy in the
world", Moyo said it should be realised his country had been under sanctions
since 1997.

"Therefore the linkage between the declining of the economy and the
opposition to the land reform must be underlined."

However, the "fast-track phase" of land reform in Zimbabwe was now at an

"It is irreversible," Moyo said.

"What we are fighting for is to make sure that the farmers become protected.

"Our economy is agriculture-based... and we have now got the commercial
farming community from 4500 to over 54000, and we have resettled, in the
'fast-track', another 160000," he said.

"We think that the economy's turnaround is linked to this land reform
programme, and we have no delusions."

The biggest asset Zimbabwe could give to its poor people was land, Moyo

"It is that asset, we believe, that has riled others who don't want to share
that asset.

"We are now engaged in programmes that address the agricultural recovery, as
well as in beneficiation of the agricultural produce, which has been the
bedrock of our manufacturing industry.

"We have programmes that are reviving the mining industry, especially the
small-scale producers in this sector."

Mdladlana said among issues he had discussed with Moyo was the use of
migrant Zimbabwean labour by South African farmers, particularly in Limpopo
province. The mistreatment of these workers was a problem, he said. -- Sapa
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Zim Independent

WFP won't resume food aid
Louthy Dube
THE World Food Programme (WFP) says it will not resume delivery of food aid
to Insiza in Matabeleland South, suspended before last weekend's by-election
because of violence, until government addresses its concerns.

WFP suspended delivery of food aid in Insiza after Zanu PF supporters and
officials intimidated its implementing partner - the Organisation of Rural
Associations for Progress (Orap).

Zanu PF members looted a consignment of over three tonnes of food aid and
distributed it to their supporters as part of the campaign.

WFP spokesman in Zimbabwe, Luis Clemmens, said delivery of monthly food
rations to Insiza remained suspended.

"Food aid to Insiza remains suspended until further notice," Clemmens said.

"There have been meetings between WFP and government officials but our
concerns have not been addressed and until that is done, the position
remains the same."

Before suspension of the aid, the agency was doling out monthly rations to
over 6 000 people in two wards in Insiza.

Clemmens said WFP reported the theft of the maize to the police and the
district administrator but nothing had been done to apprehend the culprits.

Efforts to get a comment from police spokesman Wayne Bvudzijena proved
fruitless by the time of going to press.

The government has reacted angrily to the suspension of the food aid and has
accused the WFP of being used by the West in a hate campaign against

"The issue of politicisation of food aid is unacceptable," said Clemmens.

"If the matter is not resolved we will not go back to Insiza because we want
to avoid the politicisation of international food aid."
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Business Day

G-8 backing for Nepad may be in jeopardy

Peer review should include politics
Parliamentary Editor

CAPE TOWN The endorsement of the New Partnership for Africa's Development
(Nepad) by the Group of Eight (G-8) countries could be put at risk by
removing political and democratic issues from the peer review mechanism,
European parliamentarian Michael Gahler said.

This follows President Thabo Mbeki's statement this week that the peer
review mechanism of Nepad was for economics matters only, and political and
human rights issues would be handled by other structures of the African
Union (AU).

Gahler, who is a member of the European People's Party, speaking at a press
conference after the meeting of the Democrat Union of Africa (DUA), said the
deal with the G-8 was clearly "more development assistance in return for
more democracy".

He said that he was "negatively surprised" at the announcement that the peer
review mechanism was for economic matters only, and that Europeans and the
donor community would be watching developments closely.

The DUA conference with the European People's Party adopted a resolution
which "rejects all attempts to reduce the Nepad peer review process to a
mere economic appraisal".

"You cannot expect us to pour in more money for development, and at the same
time ignore the fact that in parts of Africa democracy and human rights are
just irrelevant," Gahler said.

The leader of the opposition Democratic Turnhalle Alliance in Namibia,
Ratuutire Kaura, said it was difficult to have any confidence in the peer
review process because of the blatant hypocrisy of many African leaders.

The specific object of the conference was to discuss the future of Zimbabwe
"a common concern for African and European democrats".

The conference resolution called for an immediate return to legitimacy in
Zimbabwe through the establishment of a transitional government, and the
setting up of an independent electoral commission leading to the holding of
free and fair elections under international supervision.

It further called for an immediate return to the rule of law in Zimbabwe, an
end to politically motivated violence and the selective distribution of food

The conference deplored the failure of the European Union (EU) to observe
its own decisions which have led to sanctions against President Robert
Mugabe and Zanu (PF) by moving its EU- Southern African Development
Community (SADC) foreign ministers meeting from Copenhagen to Maputo so as
to avoid refusing entrance to Zimbabweans covered by the sanctions.

It also called on the SADC to live up to its own principles, commitments and
minimum standards regarding democracy, the rule of law and the holding of
free and fair elections.
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Zim Independent

No money for new farmers
Augustine Mukaro/Ndamu Sandu
PRIVATE sector companies and banks which pledged financial aid to
newly-resettled farmers have not remitted any while the District Development
Fund (DDF) has admitted it has no capacity to provide tillage to all the new
farmers, it has emerged.

This has exacerbated fears that the country's agricultural production could
fall dramatically next year amid warnings of a "mild" El Nino-induced

DDF director James Jonga said his organisation did not have adequate
resources to provide tillage to all newly-resettled farmers.

"DDF's tillage capacity is limited and is not intended to meet the needs of
every farmer who requests such services," said Jonga.

"In fact DDF's role is interventionist rather than a total take-over of
national tillage activities. Out of a national annual demand to till three
million hectares, DDF can only achieve 100 000 hectares with its current
capacity," he said.

The private sector has pledged $35 billion to kick-start the chaotic land
reform while government has contributed only $8,5 billion for inputs. The
government estimates that $76 billion will be required to finance the
2002/03 crop alone. Another $76 billion is needed to restock the depleting
cattle herd and provide infrastructural facilities to the newly-resettled

Delta Corporation and Time Bank each pledged $10 billion, while Metropolitan
Bank promised $7 billion. CFI Holdings joined hands with FSI Agricom to
pledge $5 billion, and Seed Co another $25 billion to be remitted in
tranches of $5 billion for the next five years. The Commercial Bank of
Zimbabwe in conjunction with the National Social Security Authority pledged
$500 million while the Agricultural Development and Assistance Fund said it
would give $76,9 million.

All the money was intended to purchase inputs, particularly for the
fast-track resettled farmers.

FSI Agricom spokesperson Regis Nyamakanga said the arrangement was still in
its infancy and nothing would be released for this season.

"We are in the process of negotiating a government guarantee and identifying
beneficiaries for the project," Nyamakanga said.

Delta Corporation corporate affairs executive George Mutendadzamera said
they had released the funds to their traditional growers contracted to the
corporation and who could guarantee repayment of the loans.

Delta supports barley, maize and sorghum farmers who produce inputs for beer
production by its subsidiaries Natbrew and Chibuku Breweries.

A $10 billion Time Bank loan facility failed to take-off last year after
government delayed to provide a guarantee on behalf of new farmers.

A CBZ official yesterday said money was available but prospective
beneficiaries had to apply and normal credit conditions would apply.

Farmers associations said they hadn't benefited from any of the pledges or
loan facilities.

Zimbabwe Association of Tobacco Growers president Julius Ngorima said of the
1 500 farmers affiliated to his organization, none had secured full
financial support for this season, including established farmers.
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