(AFP) - 10 hours
ago
HARARE - Zimbabwean security forces have started withdrawing from the
country's eastern diamond fields to meet Kimberley Process reforms over
human rights abuses, the government said Thursday.
Mines Minister
Obert Mpofu said Zimbabwe had complied with more than 90
percent of the
requirements set by the global watchdog Kimberley Process,
which monitors
trade in conflict diamonds.
"We have done a lot since the last review by
the (Kimberley Process) as part
of our efforts to comply with their
recommendations as well as towards
achieving and fulfilling compliance," the
state-run Herald quoted Mpofu as
saying.
"As is evident at these
fields, there are no army officers or police" units,
he said during a
government tour on Wednesday.
Early this month, Zimbabwe escaped a
Kimberley ban despite calls for the
country to be suspended and the scheme's
own citation of "unacceptable and
horrific violence against civilians by
authorities" in the eastern Marange
diamond fields.
The global scheme
gave Zimbabwe a June 2010 deadline to make reforms to
comply with global
regulations, rejecting a recommendation by its own
investigators made four
months ago that Harare face a six-month suspension.
The withdrawal of the
army and police comes as the government has licensed
two South African firms
to operate in Marange.
A representative for the investors said 200
private security guards had
replaced the security officials.
"We are
taking control of all areas that we have claimed but still working
with
state security agents in areas where we are still exploring. But they
will
move as soon as we have secured those areas," Dave Kassel was quoted as
saying in the Herald.
International diamond dealers, meeting in
Antwerp, Belgium this week, warned
that they will not tolerate human rights
abuses linked to diamond mining and
processing.
The International
Diamond Manufacturers Association (IDMA) and the World
Federation of Diamond
Bourses noted Zimbabwe's decision not to export rough
diamonds from Marange
pending the Kimberley controls being put in place.
"Any member who trades
in rough diamonds from Marange prior to the full
implementation of this
monitoring system and in full compliance of the KP
resolution will be
subject to expulsion," the presidents of the two groups
said on
Wednesday.
Earlier this month, the Kimberley Process outgoing chairman
Bernard Esau
said Zimbabwe would have until June to make reforms.
"It
was felt that we should give Zimbabwe the opportunity to address issues
of
compliance like removing the military from the Marange diamond fields,"
he
said.
"If Zimbabwe is not compliant at the next review meeting in June
2010, the
KP will have to think of other measures, but let us give them a
chance."
http://af.reuters.com/
Thu Nov 19, 2009 4:46pm GMT
By
Cris Chinaka
HARARE, Nov 19 (Reuters) - Zimbabwean Prime
Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai left on Thursday for
North Africa, where analysts said he
would meet
Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi to maintain
political pressure
on President Robert Mugabe to
honour their power-sharing
accord.
Tsvangirai and his arch-rival Mugabe joined
forces nine
months ago in a coalition to try to
end a decade-long political and economic
crisis,
but their government has proved shaky because of
their failure
to agree on the implementation of
parts of the unity agreement.
Last
month, Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) announced it was
"disengaging" from
the government but rejoined three weeks later
after
mediation by the Southern African
Development Community (SADC).
The
MDC leader said he was going to Morocco for
diplomatic engagements and would
also meet
Gaddafi, chairman of the African Union (AU),
during his
five-day trip to North Africa.
"The AU is one of the guarantors of the
GPA
(Global Political Agreement) so I am taking
advantage of being in
that region to brief the
chairman of the AU on the developments in the
country, what progress we are making and SADC's
progress in dealing with
the outstanding issues,"
he told journalists.
Political analysts say
Tsvangirai's talks with
the AU chairman will help him to maintain
diplomatic pressure on Mugabe to honour the
power-sharing agreement.
Mugabe and Gaddafi have
strong political ties.
Tsvangirai said on
Thursday talks between the MDC
and Mugabe's ZANU-PF party would continue to
try
to solve differences and to meet a Dec. 5
deadline set by the
15-nation SADC.
He said he had been invited by Gaddafi and was
expecting "significant progress" from the
MDC-ZANU-PF
talks.
Asked whether the rival Zimbabwean politicians
would be able
to reach an agreement by the
deadline set by SADC, Tsvangirai said: "The
deadlines are not set in stone ... the whole
urgency of the matter is to
rescue the
credibility of the inclusive government."
He added: "I am
hoping that by the time I come
back there is significant
progress."
Besides refusing to allow some of its members to
be sworn
into government, the MDC accuses ZANU-PF
-- which it calls an "arrogant and
unreliable
partner" -- of persecuting its officials and
delaying media
and constitutional reforms needed
for free and fair elections to be held in
about
two years' time. (Reporting by Cris Chinaka;
Editing by Andrew
Dobbie)
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Alex Bell
19 November
2009
Lawyers for MDC Treasurer General Roy Bennett on Thursday accused
the police
of pulling a 'PR stunt' by displaying weapons in court unrelated
to his
case, saying they are trying to whip up public sentiment against
him.
The treason trial against Bennett continued in the High Court on
Thursday,
with the continued cross examination of the state's first witness,
Police
Superintendent James Makone. The trial had been postponed on Tuesday,
midway
through the cross-examination. The defence's questioning meanwhile of
the
police official revealed several holes in the state's already flimsy
case,
which has so far been based purely on hearsay.
The state's
witness admitted on Tuesday that several weapons being used as
evidence
against Bennett, and which have been on full display in court were
not
actually found at the home of Bennett's alleged accomplice, Peter
Hitschmann. During questioning, Makone told the court that some of the arms
that the state has as exhibits and claims were bought with money supplied by
Bennett were not found at Hitschmann's house but were in fact found at the
home of another man, an army major Israel Phiri from Masvingo
city.
Hitschmann was jailed for illegally possessing six sub-machine
guns, a
pistol and two machineguns but the court threw out the more serious
terrorism charges against him and also found that he had licences for most
of the weapons. On Thursday, Bennett's lawyer Beatrice Mtetwa said the
police in Bennett's case had added several other guns, anti-riot grenades,
stun grenades and thousands of rounds of ammunition, whose origins could not
be established and were never produced in Hitschmann's trial.
"This
is part of a police publicity stunt to whip up public sentiment and
misrepresent facts to this court," said Mtetwa.
The trial continues
Friday.
http://www.sokwanele.com/thisiszimbabwe/archives/5235
ROHR Press Release - Four MDC
activists from Muzarabani south have fled
their homes after they were tipped
of a death threat on their lives
following a resolution to wipe out all MDC
party position holding activist
was passed from a ZANU PF meeting that was
held on Friday the 13th of
November at Chawarura business centre in
Muzarabani. The meeting was
attended by chairman for war veterans Jabulani
Sibanda, chief Chiweshe,
district administrator Mike Mazai among
others.
Kiswell Masimbisa, MDC district secretary for Muzarabani South
told ROHR
Zimbabwe that six men, two of them armed with guns stormed his
home the
night of the ZANU PF meeting around 12 midnight looking for him.
The six men
gang is said to have paid a visit to Masimbisa's other three
colleagues
Jackson Rumero- district vise chairman, Stefan Sado- organizing
secretary
and Joram Frank- director of elections but could not find them at
home.
Edward Raradza from ZANU PF is currently the member of parliament
for
Muzarabani south district. There are fears that youths have been
recruited
as officers on ZANU PF payroll to carry out acts of intimidation
and
violence with impunity to destabilize MDC party structures in
preparation of
the next elections.
A person, who refused to be named,
has revealed that the youth officers are
being told not to hesitate or fear
any consequences in executing orders
since no one has been arrested for the
crimes committed during the
March-June 2008 election violence which saw more
than 200 MDC party
supporters murdered and thousands driven off their
homes.
The country could be plunged into yet another round of a new wave
of
organized violence with the news that the ZANU PF party is now making
preparations for new elections. Morgan Tsvangirai, who is now the prime
minister of Zimbabwe under the GPA pulled off from a second round
presidential election runoff in June last year citing violence after
defeating president Mugabe for the first time since 1980 and only fell short
of the required 51% of the total poll.
This entry was posted by
Sokwanele on Thursday, November 19th, 2009 at 1:49
pm
http://www.bloomberg.com
By Brian
Latham
Nov. 19 (Bloomberg) -- Zimbabwe's government and a Chinese joint
venture
signed an $8 billion accord that will result in investment in the
southern
African country's mining, energy and housing industries, the Herald
reported.
China Sonangol, a Chinese-Angolan venture, may invest in
gold and platinum
refining, oil and gas exploration, fuel procurement and
distribution, and
housing development, the Harare-based newspaper said,
citing Misheck
Sibanda, chief secretary in the presidency. The deal is the
largest since
Zimbabwe formed a power-sharing government in February, it
said.
A "significant" amount of the $8 billion is already being held by
domestic
financial institutions involved in the deals, the newspaper
said.
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Tichaona Sibanda
19 November 2009
A top
official from the mainstream MDC on Thursday said there were doubts
Robert
Mugabe would implement the Global Political Agreement, even if party
negotiators manage to strike a deal.
Negotiators from the three
parties are due to meet at a secret venue from
Friday and throughout the
weekend for talks aimed at dealing with the
matters brought on the table
through theSADC Troika summit that met in
Maputo two weeks ago.
The
agenda for the negotiations was set last week Friday during a meeting
held
between Mugabe, Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara.
On Monday Tsvangirai
urged party negotiators to the GPA to speed up the
discussions to end the
deadlock over unresolved issues. Talks between the
MDC and ZANU PF seem
unable to move beyond the starting blocks, because of
pre-negotiation
manoeuvring over positions and agendas.
Although still voicing hope that
SADC's involvement this time will yield a
breakthrough, the senior MDC
official told us their reading of the situation
was that Mugabe would make
no major concessions to Tsvangirai.
'We strongly believe that Zuma's
personal involvement and SADC's sense of
urgency would produce results.
There could be a breakthrough this coming
week, but we doubt Mugabe will
implement anything before his party's
congress,' the official
said.
Some of the remaining issues in the GPA are around ambassadors and
provincial governors. At the moment it looks as though mbassadors from the
MDC will take up their roles at the various foreign missions from mid
December. Provincial governors may be appointed in December, but well after
the ZANU PF congress.
'To be frank, Mugabe is giving himself
breathing space. We will see a lot of
politicking between now and the ZANU
PF congress. But after that I can
assure you, things will move at a faster
pace than now,' our source said.
The negotiators are expected to compile
a report, which will first be handed
to the principals before it can be
forwarded to the facilitator Jacob Zuma,
the President of South
Africa.
It is still unclear what the situation is around the MDC-M
negotiators, who
have been out of the country and delaying the current
discussions.
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Alex Bell
19
November 2009
The MDC transport manager, who was severely tortured after
he was abducted
by state security agents last month, was finally allowed to
apply for bail
on Thursday, after serious charges laid against him were
dropped this week.
Pascal Gwezere has remained behind bars at Chikurubi
maximum security prison
after he was finally brought to court, a week after
he was abducted from his
home. He was facing serious charges of undergoing
military training in
Uganda, and breaking into an armoury at Pomona military
barracks and
stealing weapons. But Gwezere is now just facing one theft
charge after the
other charge laid against him of undergoing military
training was dropped
for lack of evidence in court on Monday.
His lawyer,
Alec Muchadehama argued in court on Thursday that Gwezere was a
proper
candidate to be released on bail, saying his client did not have the
'capacity' to commit the alleged offence as he has no connections in the
army. The defence is arguing that there is no evidence that Gwezere entered
Pomona Barracks either alone or in the company of others. At the same time,
none of the firearms allegedly stolen from the barracks were recovered from
Gwezere and the State has no good grounds for opposing bail.
Muchadehama
submitted that the State's case was very weak and that there was
no
reasonable suspicion that Gwezere committed the offence. The state is now
preparing their argument in response to the bail application laid on
Thursday.
Bail meanwhile could be the only way Gwezere will be able to
receive private
medical care, care he urgently needs after being severely
tortured while in
the custody of his abductors. His lawyers have been
fighting for Gwezere to
be seen by private doctors and transferred to a
clinic for treatment. But
Gwezere is still being denied the necessary care,
in what his lawyers say is
a 'calculated' and 'deliberate' act by the
state.
Gwezere's lawyer, Muchadehama, has criticised prison authorities
for denying
his client access to doctors of his own choice.
"It
(denial of medical examination) is calculated and deliberate," said
Muchadehama.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Written by Taurai Bande
Wednesday, 18
November 2009 12:33
HARARE - Government-controlled media houses are
sending news editors
to China for suspected propaganda training, a source
has revealed.
"News editors from Zimbabwe News Papers group, Zimbabwe
Inter-Africa
News Agency, ZIANA, and other government mouth pieces, will be
leaving the
country for China from November 25. Two editors will be drawn
from each
media house. The course will last two weeks," said the
source.
He added that Zanu (PF) was worried that the editors had failed
to
protect President Robert Mugabe's bartered reputation, in face of
objective
and critical news coverage in the private media. "The course has
been
prompted by impending general elections. Mugabe's chances of winning
the
elections are next to zero, and no amount of rejuvenation of the state
media
can save him from eventual fall from power," added a source at Herald
House.
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=25175
November 19, 2009
By
Raymond Maingire
HARARE - Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai on Wednesday
dismissed recent
media reports suggesting that former Media and Information
Commission (MIC)
chairman Tafataona Mahoso had bounced back as head of the
Broadcasting
Authority of Zimbabwe (BAZ).
Media and Information
minister Webster Shamu announced last month that he
had appointed Mahoso to
the BAZ board. This had apparently been done behind
the MDC's back. Shamu
and Mahoso are both Zanu-PF loyalists.
Shamu announced Mahoso's
appointment despite his dismal failure during
interviews called by
Parliament to select prospective commissioners to the
Zimbabwe Media
Commission (ZMC), set to replace the now defunct MIC.
But Tsvangirai on
Wednesday moved to allay fears Mahoso, a known supporter
of President Robert
Mugabe's who is widely regarded as a "media hangman" for
his role in
suppressing the independent media, had bounced back to haunt the
media
again.
As MIC chairman, Mahoso banned four independently owned
newspapers,
including the popular Daily News, which were viewed as too
critical of
Zanu-PF.
"The GPA insists on the immediate processing of
all applications for the
re-registration and registration in terms of
Broadcasting Services Act and
AIPPA," Tsvangirai said Wednesday.
"The
final composition (of BAZ) has not yet been decided upon despite the
premature announcement to the contrary.
".Once it has, I trust that
it too will play a significant part in ensuring
that Zimbabwe's broadcasting
environment becomes truly representative."
Tsvangirai was addressing
media practitioners, diplomats and representatives
of some civic society
groups who attended the official launch in Harare of
the Public Broadcast
Media in Zimbabwe report.
The survey was facilitated by the Africa
Governance Monitoring and Advocacy
Project (AfriMap), Open Society
Initiative Southern Africa (OSISA) and the
Open Society Institute Media
Programme (OSIMP) and is part of a series that
seeks to examine the state of
broadcast media in 10 other countries in
Africa.
Tsvangirai said
there was "noticeable progress" in the area of media reform
in the country
in spite of the slow implementation of the GPA.
"Together we welcome the
demise of the Media and Information Commission," he
said, "We are on the
brink of announcing the members of the new Zimbabwe
Media
Commission."
He also dismissed a widely held belief that President Mugabe
enjoyed the
sole prerogative of appointing commissioners to the country's
media boards,
which have been made possible by the Global Political
Agreement (GPA).
"The members of the ZMC as with other constitutional
commissions are not
chosen by the President alone, but by agreement between
myself as Prime
Minister and Mr Mugabe as President," said
Tsvangirai.
"A few weeks ago, the two of us met and agreed on the
composition of the ZMC
and I am confident that it will turn out to be a
fair, representative and
progressive group of people that are determined to
put the best interest of
national and its people above all other
considerations."
The MDC leader, who said he was a constant victim of
vilification by the
Zimbabwe Broadcasting Cooperation (ZBC), said he
supported recommendations
in the just launched broadcast media report that
the state broadcaster must
be transformed into a "truly public
broadcaster".
"I have been a victim," he said, "Sometimes you wonder
whether you are
living in two different worlds or whether you are serving
two different
governments.
"I don't not know whether that can be
assessed as professional but I
certainly believe that our broadcasting
services leave a lot to be desired
and I hope that when the final
transformation of this institution is
achieved, we can all pay our licenses
willingly and voluntarily."
Tsvangirai said ZBC should balance its
zealous pursuit of licence fees from
its consumers by satisfying their needs
and preferences.
He said he did not support any state regulation of media
in spite of strong
beliefs by the state that it (media) wielded enormous
power that must be
kept under constant check.
"Indeed, I do not
support the argument that due to the potential power of
the media, the state
has obligation to ensure it is properly regulated," he
said.
"I do
not believe in regulation of the media. Instead I am a strong
proponent of
the view that due to its very power and inalienable right of
freedom of
information, freedom of expression, the state should play no role
in its
regulations.
".The media, like so many other professions, should operate
largely on the
basis of self regulation."
http://www.zimonline.co.za
by Own Correspondent
Thursday 19 November 2009
HARARE - Zimbabwe's civil service
audit set to begin end of this month is
going to cost US$4 million but the
money will be provided by donors, Public
Service Minister Eliphas
Mukonoweshuro told reporters on Wednesday.
Mukonoweshuro, who also
announced that there will be bonuses for civil
servants this year, said the
funds to bankroll the audit which runs from
November 30 to December 18 have
been provided through the Zimbabwe
Multi-Donor Trust Fund - a World Bank
administered fund.
"The money is coming to us as a grant, it's going to
cost about US$4
million," Mukonoweshuro said, adding: "Good governance is
expensive, if you
doubt then try the opposite. Yes, in the context of our
dire financial
stress it's a lot of money."
According to
Mukonoweshuro, independent auditors called CGI will conduct the
audit, which
is meant to ascertain the number of genuine public workers in a
workforce
that some say is packed with thousands of supporters of President
Robert
Mugabe who draw salaries every month without providing any actual
service to
the state.
The audit comes amid reports of thousands of ghost workers,
which some
suggest could be as many as 20 000, among the civil service that
is
estimated at around 300 000 employees.
In addition to ghost
workers, Mugabe and his ZANU PF party are also known to
have rewarded
supporters with appointment to non-existent jobs in the civic
service.
But the Public Service Minister from Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai's
MDC-T party said the audit was not a witch-hunt.
"This
audit is not a witch-hunt, neither is it intended to apportion blame
to
anyone," he said.
"To ensure that all targeted public servants are
covered during the
exercise, the audit will be conducted along the same
lines as the national
census."
The payroll and skills audit will
cover all public servants regulated by the
Public Service Act and the Health
Services Act, excluding the uniformed
forces and other security
services.
Mukonoweshuro also announced that civil servants will be
getting their
bonuses this year. Government will pay out the bonuses between
November and
December, the minister said. - ZimOnline
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=25189
November 19, 2009
By Owen
Chikari
MASVINGO - The Parliamentary Select Committee on the constitution
will
respect the views of the people during the constitutional reform
process to
such an extent that they will even consider barring President
Robert Mugabe
from standing for President, if that is the wish of the
people, a member of
the committee has said.
Addressing party
supporters in Masvingo the co-chairperson of the select
committee on the
constitutional reform process, Tongai Matutu, said that the
people's views
were the basis on which a democratic and people-driven
document would be
crafted. Matutu represents the Morgan Tsvangirai-led
mainstream
MDC.
"Even if people tell us during the outreach programme that they no
longer
want President Mugabe to stand for the presidency we are going to
respect
that", said Matutu.
"We are not going to have sacred cows
during the process but the people's
views have to be
respected."
Matutu who is also the Member of Parliament for Masvingo
Urban said that the
mainstream MDC would never pull out of the inclusive
government but would
instead try to make sure that all provisions of the
Global Political
Agreement (GPA) are complied with.
"Our marriage
with Zanu-PF in the inclusive government is that of a man and
woman who just
bear children but are not in love with each other."
"We are not in love
with Zanu-PF that is why you saw us partially pulling
out of the government
over the outstanding issues".
"The child that we want to be born out of
our marriage with Zanu-PF is a new
democratic and people-driven
Constitution".
Matutu said that political parties were free to canvass
support over the
manner in which the document should be crafted but there
was no single
document which should be used as a yard stick in crafting the
constitution.
He was responding to reports that Zanu-PF was already
forcing people to
accept the Kariba Draft as the basis on which the
country's new constitution
should be crafted.
"We cannot have a draft
constitution document when we have not asked the
people what they want," he
said.
Zanu-PF co-chairperson of the committee Paul Mangwana dismissed as
false
suggestions that the Kariba Draft should be the only document on which
the
new constitution should be anchored.
"We are not going to use a
single draft document as the basis on which the
new document should be
centred on," said Mangwana.
"We are going to use the NCA draft and any
other drafts which are of
substance to the constitution.
"The Kariba
Draft is like any other draft but we will also consider that it
was crafted
by the three political parties in government, hence we will
regularly refer
to it."
Zimbabwe is battling to come up with a new Constitution after an
earlier
attempt to do so failed when a draft document was rejected by the
people
during a referendum held in 2000.
Inadequate funding and
disagreements among the three political parties in
government had caused
delays in the constitutional reform process.
The country is currently
administered through the Lancaster House
Constitution of 1979. The document
has so far been amended a total of 19
times.
There are fears among
the people that even if they provide their input their
views might be
ignored as happened in 2000 during the Godfrey Chidyausiku
constitutional
commission.
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Alex Bell
19
November 2009
The MDC transport manager, who was severely tortured after
he was abducted
by state security agents last month, was finally allowed to
apply for bail
on Thursday, after serious charges laid against him were
dropped this week.
Pascal Gwezere has remained behind bars at Chikurubi
maximum security prison
after he was finally brought to court, a week after
he was abducted from his
home. He was facing serious charges of undergoing
military training in
Uganda, and breaking into an armoury at Pomona military
barracks and
stealing weapons. But Gwezere is now just facing one theft
charge after the
other charge laid against him of undergoing military
training was dropped
for lack of evidence in court on Monday.
His lawyer,
Alec Muchadehama argued in court on Thursday that Gwezere was a
proper
candidate to be released on bail, saying his client did not have the
'capacity' to commit the alleged offence as he has no connections in the
army. The defence is arguing that there is no evidence that Gwezere entered
Pomona Barracks either alone or in the company of others. At the same time,
none of the firearms allegedly stolen from the barracks were recovered from
Gwezere and the State has no good grounds for opposing bail.
Muchadehama
submitted that the State's case was very weak and that there was
no
reasonable suspicion that Gwezere committed the offence. The state is now
preparing their argument in response to the bail application laid on
Thursday.
Bail meanwhile could be the only way Gwezere will be able to
receive private
medical care, care he urgently needs after being severely
tortured while in
the custody of his abductors. His lawyers have been
fighting for Gwezere to
be seen by private doctors and transferred to a
clinic for treatment. But
Gwezere is still being denied the necessary care,
in what his lawyers say is
a 'calculated' and 'deliberate' act by the
state.
Gwezere's lawyer, Muchadehama, has criticised prison authorities
for denying
his client access to doctors of his own choice.
"It
(denial of medical examination) is calculated and deliberate," said
Muchadehama.
http://www.washingtontimes.com
Thursday, November 19,
2009
By Helene Franchineau THE WASHINGTON TIMES
Her hair tightly
woven into an African-style braid, Jenni Williams raises
her arm in the air
as she asks the crowd at a popular Washington cafe to
chant "the healing
wind of WOZA."
The phrase has been repeated over and over since 2002 by
women protesting
against the government on the streets of Bulawayo, the
second-largest city
of Zimbabwe.
WOZA is an acronym for Women of
Zimbabwe Arise, an organization selected to
receive the 2009 Robert F.
Kennedy Human Rights Award.
Ms. Williams and Magodonga Mahlangu,
co-leaders of the group, are in
Washington to accept the award Monday from
the late senator's widow, Ethel
Kennedy, in a private
ceremony.
"Bread and butter is not enough. We want more than that. We
want healing to
come back to Zimbabwe," Ms. Williams told supporters during
a forum Friday
at Busboys and Poets on U Street in Northwest
Washington.
Since 2002, the organization has organized more than 100
peaceful marches
for women's rights, democratic reforms and better living
conditions. They
often end up being attacked by police.
"What are the
issues that make us risk everything," asks Ms. Mahlangu
rhetorically.
"Education, malnutrition, women empowerment."
"We want to bring back the
attention to the lives of the ordinary people. No
one talks about food
insecurity or lack of water," she says, referring to
the government of
President Robert Mugabe.
Mr. Mugabe has ruled Zimbabwe since the
country's independence from Britain
in 1980.
The country began to
fall apart in 2000, when Mr. Mugabe's government began
a coercive
land-reform program to distribute white-owned farms to landless
black
peasants. Combined with a drought, the program resulted in a
disastrous
plunge in agricultural production, with famine-like conditions
forcing
millions of Zimbabweans into exile in neighboring countries such as
South
Africa.
Zimbabwe made headlines last year for fraud-tainted elections
followed by
months of violence, in which police and pro-Mugabe gangs beat
and tortured
opposition supporters.
A unity government formed in
February paired Mr. Mugabe as president with
opposition leader Morgan
Tsvangirai as prime minister.
At a food summit in Rome this week, Mr.
Mugabe blamed his nation's food
shortages on global warming and economic
sanctions by "neocolonialist
enemies," according to Agence
France-Presse.
The Zimbabwean leader also said climate change has had the
"most devastating
impact" on food security in Africa.
The Kennedy
award was created in 1984 to support human rights defenders.
"When they
are doing the most difficult things, we want to let them know
that we stand
in solidarity with WOZA. This is about the people," said
Monika Kalra Varma,
human rights director at the Robert F. Kennedy Center
for Justice and Human
Rights.
Last year, Ms. Williams and Ms. Mahlangu received a human rights
award from
rights watchdog Amnesty International in recognition of WOZA's
work.
WOZA has about 75,000 members, almost all of them women. About
3,000 of its
members have been arrested in the past seven years.
"And
yet they keep doing it. That is an incredibly powerful statement to an
oppressive regime," said Tracy Leigh Doig, another member of
WOZA.
Ms. Mahlangu and Ms. Williams have each been arrested more than 30
times.
Their latest arrest was in October 2008 after a demonstration. They
stayed
three weeks in a prison near Bulawayo, making multiple appearances in
court
only to have their case postponed each time. They are still waiting
for the
court to set a trial date, perhaps with their next scheduled
appearance on
Dec. 7.
Zimbabwean law allows police to detain
prisoners for 48 hours before taking
them to court.
Ms. Doig said
this authority is often abused. WOZA asks people in Zimbabwe
and abroad to
call police stations and send letters to the attorney general
to put
pressure on them to release people who are arrested after
demonstrating. "It
freaks them out," she said.
Once the breadbasket of Africa, the country
has been marred by
hyperinflation, sending the prices for basic items such
as bread to
trillions of Zimbabwean dollars.
Zimbabwe abandoned its
currency in March, and it now conducts business with
the U.S. dollar or
South African rand. As a result, food has returned to
empty store
shelves.
But Ms. Williams said she is skeptical that economic stability
will last.
"There is food on the shelves. You can see some aspects of
business pick up,
but it is not sustainable if it does not come with
economic reform," she
said.
WOZA asks its members to come to
demonstrations prepared for jail, to bring
any medication and leave babies
at home.
Prisoners do not have access to food or sanitation during their
stay in
police stations.
Ms. Williams recalled the night of
parliamentary elections in March 2005,
when 265 people were arrested after a
prayer vigil, including more than 30
babies. Prisoners, she said, were
"denied food and water the whole night."
"The babies, crying out of
hunger, that was something else. They released
the mothers the next day at
noon."
"The award will elevate our voice and will provide some level of
protection
to people when they are in custody. It will show that the
perpetrators can't
get away with it," said Ms. Doig.
Written by Grail Kupukawana |
Wednesday, 18 November 2009 12:37 |
SANYATI - For more than three years, residents at Arda Sanyati Growth
Point have lived without a sewer reticulation system. (Pictured: Raw sewage flowing in the streets during
last year’s cholera outbreak) Residents are still recovering from the effects of last year’s cholera outbreak, and with the rainy season upon them yet again, the likelihood of another outbreak of the disease is high. On an inspection of Sanyati Growth Point’s sewer reticulation plant, The Zimbabwean witnessed signs of vandalism and saw where residents had been digging in sewer ponds to use the waste as manure in their gardens and fields. The engine from the plant had allegedly been stolen several years ago, as well as the asbestos door of the main house. The man holes are blocked and workers have dug a shallow trench as a short term solution. The Growth Point is only 90km from Kadoma and has an estimated population of 20 000. The risk of disease spreading if the situation is not quickly addressed is huge. "We have lived with this health time bomb for years and the council has let us down, despite the fact that we paid the stipulated rates for service delivery,” said Chikomborero Dhliwayo, the Chairman of Sanyati Residents and Ratepayers Association. |
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Alex Bell
19 November
2009
New plans to reform the structure of the Reserve Bank, in order to
restrict
the powers of Governor Gideon Gono, have been met with mixed
reaction; with
critics arguing the parliamentary bill will still leave Gono
with too much
power.
The Bill, which is still to be debated in the
Senate before it is passed to
Robert Mugabe to sign, will see Gono's powers
within the central bank
restricted, but with conditions. The Reserve Bank of
Zimbabwe Amendment Bill
will see the governor no longer chairing the bank's
board, and an
independent board chair will instead be appointed. However,
Gono will still
wield significant power by chairing a proposed monetary
policy committee.
ZANU PF legislators last week threatened to block the
Bill, stating it was
motivated by self-serving 'personal agendas'. They said
the Bill aimed to
weaken Gono while giving 'too much power' to Finance
Minister Tendai Biti.
But an agreement was reached this week between Biti
and the ZANU PF
lawmakers to make changes to the Bill, which was passed on
Wednesday. One of
these changes includes a controversial clause giving
immunity to the bank
governor and his employees "for anything done in good
faith and without
negligence."
It remains to be seen if the
restrictions the new Bill is set to impose on
Gono will make a significant
difference, as he will still remain in a
powerful position as head of the
monetary policy committee. Critics argue
the Bill is merely a compromise,
allowing ZANU PF's chief money-man to stay
firmly in a position of
financial-wielding power, while appeasing the MDC
who want Gono removed as
head of the Central Bank.
Independent economic analyst John Robertson
explained that any restriction
of Gono's powers should be welcomed. He did
however argue that the success
of the Bill will firmly rest on its full
implementation, and on what
independent candidate replaces Gono as Reserve
Bank board chairman. Critics
however argue that it would appear that the MDC
is merely clutching at
straws, allowing themselves to be forced into
comprises that in essence will
bring no change to Zimbabwe.
Political
analyst Professor John Makumbe on Thursday explained the Reserve
Bank
Amendment Bill highlights the position of compromise the MDC has put
itself
in by agreeing to an originally flawed unity deal with ZANU PF.
"This
unity deal was always going to be about give and take, but I'm afraid
the
MDC has given far too much to ZANU PF," Makumbe said.
The analyst
continued that the clause giving Gono immunity was 'unfortunate',
explaining
that "Gono is essentially being allowed to get away with murder."
He added
that potential foreign investors will likely still adopt a
'wait-and-see'
approach to the new bill once it has been signed, arguing
that Gono's firm
position of power, however reduced, will leave investors
hesitant to place
their money in the Reserve Bank's grasp.
Meanwhile rumours are swirling
that plans are underfoot to reintroduce the
Zimbabwe dollar by December,
amid reports that a plane-load of the local
dollar was flown into the
country last week. Sources say an Air Mauritius
plane unloaded bundles of
Zim-dollars at Harare airport last Friday, not
long after Robert Mugabe
himself said the local currency would be back..
Earlier this month, during a
visit to the Zhombe area, Mugabe made the shock
announcement that the
Zim-dollar was coming back, and would be back by the
end of the
year.
Economist Dr Eric Bloch, in his weekly column published in the Zimbabwe
Independent, said at the time that Mugabe and ZANU PF demanded the
reinstatement of the Zimbabwe dollar because usage of any other currency
constituted surrender of national sovereignty.
"But the Zimbabwe dollar
is so appallingly worthless that its usage at the
present time represents
naught, but sovereignty over nothing," wrote Bloch.
Attempts to contact
Finance Minister Biti meanwhile were unsuccessful.
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Lance Guma
19
November 2009
The United Nations Human Rights Commission for Refugees
(UNHCR) has denied
running a repatriation programme that promised Zimbabwean
refugees in South
Africa R7000, computers and other equipment to start up
businesses once back
home. Last month it was reported the refugees signed up
for the programme on
the back of these promises but once back home nothing
was delivered.
Speaking to Newsreel on Wednesday Tina Ghelli the UNHCR
representative for
Southern Africa said they ran a repatriation programme
for refugees living
at the Central Methodist church in Johaneesburg some
time in July this year.
She said this programme was at the request of the
refugees who wanted to go
back home but did not have the resources to do so.
Since the International
Organization for Migration (IOM) were already
running repatriation
programmes in the region the UNHCR asked them to help
repatriate the most
vulnerable refugees.
'IOM assisted UNHCR by
arranging pre-travel medical checks and transport,
and providing escorts to
facilitate returnees as required to their country
of origin. IOM provided
bus transport from South Africa to major drop-off
points in Zimbabwe and
covered the cost of transportation from these points
to each returnee's
final destination,' a joint UNHCR and IOM statement read.
Ghelli told us
R200 was given to each returnee to cover 'incidental expenses
during the
remainder of his or her journey home.' This allowance was
provided at the
IOM Reception and Support Centre in Beitbridge to each
returnee against a
signed receipt.
'Throughout the cross-border journey IOM provides
refreshments for the
returnees as needed, and once at Beitbridge, they were
given a hot meal.
Upon arrival in Zimbabwe, UNHCR provided blankets, kitchen
sets and soap, as
part of the return package. The returnees were also
supported through legal
assistance and psycho social counseling. For those
returning to rural areas,
seeds and hoes were made available,' the groups
said.
So why the confusion? Ghelli said during the registration process
the
returnees were asked to list down their skills and this she says might
have
raised expectations. She explained that all returnees receive a
pre-departure briefing in which all aspects of the return and assistance
that will be provided are explained to them.
http://www.businessday.co.za
Sapa Published: 2009/11/19 04:23:02
PM
BILLY Rautenbach got an unpleasant surprise when he
was served with civil
litigation papers while at the High Court in
Johannesburg to testify in the
Jackie Selebi trail today.
Before
proceedings began in the former police commissioner's corruption
case,
lawyers arrived at the court to serve Rautenbach with legal
papers.
The state reacted angrily, telling the lawyers that
Rautenbach was set to
testify in the case.
After Rautenbach,
dressed in a grey suit, finished his testimony, court
adjourned for tea.
While the lawyers and curious journalists waited outside
the courtroom,
Rautenbach went into a side room.
After some negotiation, his
spokeswoman told journalists he had been served
with unrelated civil
litigation.
"Mr Rautenbach has just been served civil litigation
related to the affairs
of the Hyundai group," Madelain Roscher
said.
"There is no link between the criminal [now resolved fraud]
case and the
civil case."
Ex-Hyundai boss and mining magnate,
Rautenbach recently reached a R40
million plea agreement with the
authorities on 326 charges of fraud. He fled
South Africa in 1999 when his
Botswana-based Hyundai Motor Distributors
collapsed. He is also a major
shareholder in the Central African Mining and
Exploration
Company.
Earlier, while on the stand, Rautenbach testified of a
meeting in
Johannesburg between his lawyer James Tidmarsh, convicted drug
trafficker
Glenn Agliotti and Selebi about investigations against
Rautenbach.
Agliotti has testified that Rautenbach paid him $100,000
(about R743,500) as
an alleged bribe for Selebi to assist him with his
run-ins with the law.
At the time, Agliotti asked for a R1 million
fee for access to Selebi.
Rautenbach said he felt this was exorbitant and
declined, the court heard.
"The meeting took place on 19 April, 2005.
After the meeting, Tidmarsh came
to the DRC [Democratic Republic of Congo]
where I was. He came to greet me
and said he met the commissioner of police
and they discussed my case.
"[Tidmarsh told me that] obviously
Agliotti had the contacts and maybe this
is a way of taking this thing
forward."
Rautenbach said he then made a payment of $100,000 to
Agliotti in an airport
parking lot.
"We believed he had the
necessary contact to get my case resolved. He was
obviously
connected."
Rautenbach testified that at one stage his lawyer James
Ramsey met with
officials of former prosecutions head Bulelani Ncguka's
office, but the
issues discussed did not relate to his tax or Hyundai
issues.
"His people were trying to gather intelligence about Zimbabwe
and the DRC."
He said some of this was about mining, but also related
to the bank accounts
of officials and who was behind the
companies.
Allegations Ncguka tried to obtain a bribe from him were
untrue.
"There was no bribe whatsoever," he said.
Earlier
as Rautenbach sat waiting to testify, he turned and nodded at
Selebi.
Also on the witness stand on today was Superintendent
Adriaan Jacobus Nel
who was involved in covert police operations along with
police informer Paul
Stemmet.
He testified that Stemmet asked for
Agliotti to share reward money he got
for providing information leading to a
drug bust.
Court adjourned until tomorrow after prosecutor Gerrie Nel
said the next two
witnesses were unwilling, and he needed time to discuss
the matter with
their legal teams.
Selebi is being tried on a
count of corruption and another of defeating the
ends of justice in
connection with at least R1.2 million he allegedly
received from Agliotti,
Rautenbach and others in return for favours.
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Tichaona Sibanda
19
November 2009
A 24 year-old Zimbabwean man has been languishing inside an
immigration
detention centre in Portsmouth for over a year, awaiting
deportation.
Tatenda Jera has lived in the UK since 2000 when he fled the
country of his
birth. He got into trouble with UK authorities in July last
year when he was
arrested for not paying fines.
Speaking from the
Haslar detention centre on Thursday, Jera told SW Radio
Africa that due to
lack of money he accumulated substantial fines for not
paying fares on
London's public transport network in 2008.
'I was picked up by the police
in July last year and taken to court where I
was sentenced to serve two
weeks in jail. I only served one week and it was
at that time that
immigration officials visited me in jail.' Jera said.
Jera was taken into
custody by the UK border agency for violating his
visitor's visa. He
immediately claimed asylum and his application has been
denied three
times.
He said he has been denied his quest for freedom for over a year
now, while
some hardcore criminals are granted bail within days of
detention.
Jera said he was originally detained because Home Office
officials believed
he would be difficult to find when it came time to deport
him. The British
government wants to deport him after he lost a claim for
refugee status, and
two other applications to stay in the UK, including one
made on the basis of
humanitarian and compassionate grounds, were also
turned down.
'I'm not a criminal. I left Zimbabwe to flee violence and
try to make ends
meet. Although they treat us nice in detention the fact
remains that I'm
behind a wall and don't enjoy my freedom. My family has
tried to help but
nothing is moving on the ground,' he said.
Jera is
detained with two other Zimbabwean men, one of them a well known
cartoonist
Victor Chadoka. Chadoka has published on the internet satirical
cartoons
denouncing Robert Mugabe and his ZANU PF regime.
Jaison Matewu, the
MDC-UK's organizing secretary, said he would enquire
about Jera's
predicament. He said the fact that Jera has spent over a year
in detention
meant he was probably not an active MDC member.
'When one of our members
is detained we usually get notification of their
arrests almost immediately,
but in this case I'm surprised Jera has spent
over a year in detention. Even
if he's not MDC the fact remains that Jera is
Zimbabwean and needs our
help,' Matewu said.
http://www.zimbabwejournalists.com
19th
Nov 2009 18:21 GMT
By a Correspondent
PRIME Minister Morgan Tsvangirai has
launched a public broadcasting report
on issues surrounding the sector in
the country.
The report is based on a survey entitled "Public
Broadcasting In Africa
Series" commissioned by Africa Governance Monitoring
and Advocacy
Project(AFRIMAP), Open Society Initiative Southern
Africa(OSISA), Open
Society Institute Media Programme(OSIMP) and
MISA-Zimbabwe.
Addressing delegates, including diplomats, journalists,
government
officials, parliamentarians, civil society and media
stakeholders, the PM
impressed on the need for the media industry to
regulate itself as opposed
to statutory regulation.
"I am a strong
proponent of the view that due to its very power, and the
inalienable right
of freedom of information and freedom of expression, the
state should play
no role in its regulation. Instead, the media, like so
many other
professions, should operate largely on the basis of
self-regulation," said
the Prime The PM's position on the state of the
Zimbabwe Broadcasting
Holding (ZBH) resonates with MISA-Zimbabwe's position
that there is an
imperative need to transform ZBH from a state broadcaster
into a genuine
public broadcaster.
". let me say that I'm in favour of moves to
transform our state broadcaster
into a truly public broadcaster," Tsvangirai
insisted.
Tsvangirai called for editorial independence within the media,
saying this
would lead to the public making informed decisions on a day to
day basis.
"I look forward for a day when the coverage of events attended
by political
leaders is decided by editors who have only one consideration -
what is in
the best interest of their reading and viewing public,"
Tsvangirai said.
MISA-Zimbabwe's National Vice Chairperson Njabulo Ncube
applauded the launch
of the report as timely and critical given the
stagnancy which defines
broadcasting industry in Zimbabwe.
"In the
last ten years, there has been little to no change in the regulation
of the
Zimbabwe Broadcasting Holdings, which has functioned more as a state
broadcaster than a public one.
Neither has there been any granting of
television nor radio broadcasting
licenses to interested media players.
Instead, the general tendency has been
that previous governments have
promised to free the airwaves only in word,
but not in deed," said
Ncube
He, however, pointed out that the formation of the coalition
government
presented opportunities for policy reforms which are critical in
the
realization of the right to freedom of expression and the media. "We
must
however qualify our optimism with caution.
This is because we
are worried that Article19 of the Global Political
Agreement recognizes laws
that have been used to repress the media in
Zimbabwe, namely, the
Broadcasting Services Act (BSA) and the Access to
Information and Protection
of Privacy Act (AIPPA).
And it is our fervent hope that in the current
round of negotiations between
the three political parties, this particular
concern be recognized, in
tandem with the fact that there are no new
newspapers in the country,"
argued Ncube.
The meeting was chaired by
MISA-Zimbabwe board member Faith Zaba, with a
panel of discussants
consisting of Ozias Tungwarara, Director of AFRIMAP,
Chris Mhike, a lawyer
and nominee to the Zimbabwe Media Commission (ZMC) and
Andrew Chigovera, a
former Attorney General.
Tungwarara said the survey was aimed at citizen
participation in decision
making, based on research findings carried out in
a framework guided by
international and regional standards.
Chigovera
said the survey was a positive step towards media freedom and as a
reference
point for the media stakeholders and further research in the field
of
broadcasting.
He added the research was compiled in accordance with
international and
regional treaties such as African Charter on Broadcasting
(ACB), African
Charter on Human Rights and People's Rights (ACHPR) among
others.
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=25206
November 19, 2009
By Sibangani
Sibanda
"THERE is a certain relief in change, even though it be from bad
to worse;
as I have found in traveling in a stagecoach, that it is often a
comfort to
shift one's position and be bruised in a new place". Washington
Irvine,
Tales of a Traveler.
It is generally agreed, in Zimbabwe at
least, that 2008 was the worst year
in the modern history of the country and
its people.
It was so bad, in fact that Zanu-PF, the main architects of
that misery,
"accepted" change and agreed to "share" power with an
opposition that they
had ridiculed and vilified. 2009 therefore started with
an optimism not seen
in the country for many years. It was an optimism based
on some changes that
we all thought would bring relief to our bruised and
battered selves. There
are changes such as the "inclusive" government
already alluded to and the
dollarisation (or "forexisation") of the
economy.
As we come to the end of 2009, the optimism, still in evidence
if only
because there is no other option, is beginning to wane and one
senses the
dropping of shoulders as Zimbabweans realize that the changes are
not
delivering - at least not at the pace they expected.
The
inclusive government is still in place, but seems to lurch from one
crisis
to the next, offering little relief to "the people". In fact, it
appears to
me that the various parties concerned are interested more in
positioning
themselves for the expected elections, even though the dates for
these
elections are still an "outstanding matter". Zanu-PF appears to be
sitting
back and waiting for the two MDC's to fail, at which point they can
point
fingers and remind people of their own "good" record.
The MDC's on their
part are determined to forge ahead and prove how much
better they are. There
is, therefore, little cohesion in government's
decision- making with
different policies being pronounced by different parts
of the same
government.
So we have a situation where the government owned providers
of utilities, at
dollarisation, seemed to pluck figures out of the air and
stick them on our
bills. As many people had just lost all their money - the
Zimbabwe dollars
that are still sitting in our now obsolete bank accounts -
their ability to
pay was somewhat curtailed and they just stopped paying.
Even for those who
are employed and are now receiving remuneration in
foreign currency, the
utility bills alone are more than their monthly
incomes.
Government has made various pronouncements about how they will
cushion the
people but, unless our incomes increase dramatically, I see a
situation
where the bills will continue to be ignored - and as ZESA are now
threatening to cut defaulters off, I see some confrontation
looming.
Much has been said about the availability of goods on our
shelves. While
this is one of the more visible successes of dollarisation,
many people
still go hungry as they cannot afford those goods. In a country
where
unemployment is estimated at 90 percent, the majority are relying on
either
buying and selling whatever they can, or on handouts from friends and
family
in the Diaspora. In 2008, there were many opportunities for "deals"
as
pretty much everything was in short supply. In 2009, it is difficult to
find
anything to sell and even when one does get something to sell, there is
not
enough cash in the economy to go round, which means that there are no
customers.
And the world recession means that our families in the
Diaspora are less
able to assist.
This year, I have seen the old
practice of people waiting outside factory
gates in the hope of getting
employed. But the few companies that still
operate are woefully short of
working capital (and work) and are more likely
to retrench than employ. The
only companies that seem to be doing well are
security companies who still
continuously recruit new guards. Even the
banks, so far the employers of
choice for most, have to reduce the working
hours of
staff.
Meanwhile, the state media continues to insult our collective
intelligences
by selling us the Zanu-PF line on everything and blaming all
our problems on
the evil West. They have not changed in the least. And
Gideon Gono is still
governor of the Reserve Bank.
It seems to me
that even shifting our positions has only led to us being
bruised in the
same places.
HARARE, 19 November 2009 (IRIN) -
The recent "suicide" of a senior army officer in the wake of a break-in at a
military armoury in Zimbabwe's capital, Harare, is sowing fears that the missing
guns may be used to fuel instability.
Photo:
LAZELE/Kubatana
Fears of
a return to violence
In late October, 20 Chinese
manufactured AK-47s and a number of shotguns were stolen from the armoury at the
Pomona army barracks in Harare. The deputy commander of Pomona barracks, Major
Maxwell Samudzi, had "committed suicide" while being held in solitary
confinement, according to a report in the government newspaper, The Herald.
Local media reports said as many as 120 serving soldiers were detained
in connection with the theft and allegedly tortured. Since then, a member of the
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), Pascal Gwezere, has been arrested,
allegedly tortured, and charged with the theft.
Morgan Komichi, deputy
organising secretary of the MDC, told IRIN that Gwezere's arrest was part of
"short- to long-term strategy" by President Robert Mugabe to destabilise the MDC
party, led by Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, which joined Zimbabwe's fragile
unity government in February 2009.
The unity government - an uneasy
partnership between Mugabe's ZANU-PF party and the MDC - broke down in October
after Tsvangirai "disengaged" from it, returning to the fold only after the
Southern African Development Community (SADC) intervened.
"What we are
witnessing is a ZANU-PF tried-and-tested strategy which has been used since the
1980s, so that they can crack down against our party [MDC]. Searches [by the
police and military] have already been conducted at one of the houses used by
senior party officials in Harare, while the transport manager [Gwezere] was
kidnapped and now faces charges of stealing the guns," Komichi said.
"My
interpretation of the development is that there are elements, especially from
the military, who are [allegedly] behind the break-in; who, in the event of a
constitutional referendum or election, would use the guns to terrorise people,"
he said.
"If, as is expected, the MDC wins the next election - if it is
free and fair - we could see the emergence of armed people with roots in ZANU-PF
who would create an unstable environment for an MDC government."
Political analyst John Makumbe told IRIN it was unlikely that the theft
of weapons was part of a plan to create a resistance movement to any future MDC
government, and was more likely to be the work of one of two ZANU-PF factions,
which both wielded influence over the military.
What is happening is that the
two factions in ZANU-PF are trying to upstage and outflank each other in the
battle to succeed Mugabe, and we may see some people being eliminated
"What is happening is
that the two factions in ZANU-PF are trying to upstage and outflank each other
in the battle to succeed Mugabe, and we may see some people being eliminated,"
Makumbe commented.
"It is important to remember that the Air Force
commander [Perrance Shiri] survived an attempt on his life [in 2008], and
although it turned out that the attempt on his life was based on a love
triangle, the suspects have not been arrested, even though the gun used was
traced back to the military armoury."
General Solomon Mujuru, a retired
Zimbabwe Defence Forces commander, leads the ZANU-PF faction that wants his
wife, Zimbabwe's vice-president Joyce Mujuru, to succeed the 86-year-old Mugabe,
who has held power since independence from Britain in 1980; the other faction is
led by the defence minister, Emmerson Mnangagwa. ZANU-PF will hold its annual
conference in December.
"The MDC may still be harassed in connection
with the missing guns. However, the most frightening and unsettling prospect is
that if there is a referendum, an election, or the power-sharing deal collapses
... ZANU-PF is not capable of winning a free and credible election without
terrorising people," Makumbe said.
A relapse into violence?
Political analyst Eldred Masunungure told IRIN the current
developments were pointers indicating that the political instability and
violence which had rocked the country during the elections in 2008 could return.
"The possibility of a relapse into the 2008 violence is an omnipresent
danger; those who engineered the violence are still around, and still have the
same resources. All it might take would be the issuing of a new command to
unleash more violence. The announcement of the date for another election will
see violence increasing, as the infrastructure of violence is still there,"
Masunungure said.
In 2008 ZANU-PF lost its majority in parliament for
the first time since independence, and Mugabe lost the first round of the
presidential poll to his rival Tsvangirai - who narrowly missed the 50 percent
plus one vote that would have seen him elected president.
Tsvangirai
withdrew from the run-off in protest over political violence that killed over
120 people and displaced thousands. Mugabe won the run-off unopposed, but his
victory was not recognized by international observers, including SADC.
http://www.newzimbabwe.com
Thursday, November 19, 2009
12:00 AM
Alex T. Magaisa
I HAVE been following
developments around the proposed reforms
of the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe,
the country's central bank. Having spent a
few years at a financial
regulator, the subject of the central bank is one
that interests me greatly.
It is also a subject that often occupies me a lot
in my day job at the
university.
The Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe Bill, i.e. the
proposed law to
reform the central bank, was passed by the House of Assembly
on Wednesday.
This was, according to the reports, after a last minute deal
between the
main political parties that form the government of national
unity, i.e. Zanu
PF and the MDC. Apparently, the Bill had been 'watered
down' although it is
not at present quite clear how much 'water' was added
to dilute the effect
of the original Bill.
Whilst the
passage of the Bill by the House of Assembly is a
significant step, it is by
no means the end of the legislative process. In
the life cycle of a Bill, it
now has to go to the Senate after which it will
have to be signed into law
by the President, a consequence of the executive
powers that he holds under
the constitution. Masimba acho akawanda (The
President has very wide
powers).
But given that the Bill is a product of Cabinet
deliberations,
of which President Mugabe is the chair, one would imagine
that he will not
have problems with it.
But why has there
has been inter-party tension over the Bill, as
reported in the media, given
that it is essentially a product of Cabinet
discussions and consensus
meaning that both Zanu PF and the two MDCs have
agreed on it at the highest
levels?
Could it be that this is an indication of Parliament
(in this
case the House of Assembly) showing its independence from the
Executive
(cabinet) and therefore flexing its muscle to scrutinise every
bill before
it is passed into law? If that is so, then there is much to be
commended
because that is exactly what citizens expect Parliament to
do.
End of 'Outstanding Issues'?
Yet
somehow, I do not think it is some new found independence on
the part of
Parliament that is behind this challenge. Instead, the Bill has
become a
factor in the negotiation of that old and notorious 'outstanding
factor',
i.e. the matter of Governor Gono's position at the summit of the
RBZ.
It is a plain fact that the position of the RBZ
Governor has
been one of the most contentious issues between the MDC and
Zanu PF since
the signing of the Global Political Agreement (GPA) in
September 2008. The
MDC does not like Gono. But Zanu PF likes him. The MDC's
efforts to relieve
Gono of his position have been in vain. The gentleman
continues to enjoy the
pleasures of his station courtesy of Zanu PF's
religious backing.
The Bill represents the MDC's
attempt to gain some foothold in
its tussle with Zanu PF over this
'outstanding issue'. Now that the MDC
seems to have had its way in respect
of the Bill, albeit having to accept
some 'watering down', what effect does
this have on the 'outstanding issue'
of Governor Gono's
position?
To my mind, the MDC have accepted that ''Your
Governor' will not
be going anywhere yet. He is there to stay, a
semi-permanent fixture at that
grand building along Samora Machel
Street.
On the other hand, Zanu PF is saying, 'Look guys,
tabvuma wani
kuti mudzore masimba ake, Chamuchada chii? (We have accepted
your Bill which
reduces Gono's powers. What else do you
want?).
Zanu PF were never going to accept the humiliation of
being seen
to be climbing down which would be the case if they were to agree
to Gono's
exit at this stage. So this seems to me to be the best that the
MDC have
accepted they can get as far as this 'outstanding issue' is
concerned.
With the Governor's office now firmly under the
control of the
Minister of Finance, room for Gono to dabble in quasi-fiscal
activities will
now be severely circumscribed.
The only
possibility would be that if the Governor is a man who
truly believes in and
values his professional integrity and personal
dignity, there is no point of
him staying in a position where as Governor he
has become little more than a
titular head of the central bank.
Having enjoyed the
pleasures of exercising so much power in the
last six years, all of which he
justified on the basis of the law, the
reduction in his powers represents a
real smack in the face. Munhu anenyadzi
anotuta twake oenda (Anyone who has
pride and dignity will not stay longer).
But plainly, that is like thinking
the desert will suddenly transform into a
tropical rainforest. The man is
likely to stay on.
It is likely that when Comrade Zuma comes
to town, Zanu PF's
position will be that the RBZ Governorship is no longer
an 'outstanding
issue'. Comrade Zuma is then likely to turn to the MDC and
say, 'Boys, why
don't you accept and move on to other things? Inga vabvuma
wani? (They have
accepted to limit his powers, haven't they?). And that will
be the end of
the matter as an 'outstanding issue'. But it is unlikely to be
the end of
the tensions around the central bank.
All
this, of course, is very regrettable because it detracts
from an otherwise
noble mission to regularise relations between the central
bank as the
monetary authority and the ministry of finance (treasury) as the
fiscal
authority. I cannot possibly see how a country in which the fiscal
and
monetary authorities that are at loggerheads can succeed in its mission
to
reconstruct the economy.
A government with parties struggling
for power, and therefore
fighting over the key sources of power, cannot
possibly find long lasting
solutions because at every turn they are keen to
outdo each other as opposed
to formulating national
solutions.
The politicisation of the matter has compromised
the central
equation that should define matters at the country's central
bank. It is
regrettable because it adversely affects the critical equation
that is
necessary in the work of the central bank and its relations with
those who
appoint it. This equation consists of two aspects: independence
and
accountability of the central bank.
Independence
The independence aspect is essential for the
professional and
efficient execution of the bank's mandate. Ideally, the
power to perform the
central bank's functions rests with the people. But
they do not have the
expertise to do it, so they elect representatives
(politicians) to
Parliament. The representatives do not necessarily have the
expertise
either, so they appoint an authority to do it on their behalf and
consequently, on behalf of the people. That authority, which is set up under
a law made by Parliament, is the central bank.
For the
job to be done properly, the politicians ideally
acknowledge that they need
to confer independence to the central bank. This
allows the experts to do
the job efficiently outside party political
interests, which are often
limited, partisan and populist. If politicians
chose to do it themselves or
if they interfered too much, the risk is that
there would be too many
populist policies that would not properly deal with
the task at hand. That
is why the independence of the RBZ must be maintained
at all
costs.
Some people have argued, wrongly in my view, that the
RBZ
engaged in quasi-fiscal activities and behaved recklessly because it was
too
independent. This misses the point. It is precisely the lack of
independence
that caused the RBZ to dabble in quasi-fiscal activities - it
became
difficult to separate the RBZ from the government or indeed, to
distinguish
the RBZ from other political structures of the then ruling
party.
The authors of the RBZ policies saw themselves as
performing
heroic exploits oblivious of the fact that they had become
political agents.
It became difficult to distinguish the expert central
banker from the
politician and the populist policies that followed proved in
the end to be
disastrous.
If anything, therefore, the
current reforms of the central bank
must have tried to enhance the
independence of the RBZ so that never again
should it be beholden to or
pander to the whims of politicians or political
interests. Sadly, the Bill
seems to try to tackle the waywardness of the
central bank by placing under
yet more control of politicians.
Accountability
The other part of the equation is of course
'accountability'.
Independence does not mean being unaccountable. You have
to be accountable
to those who appoint you, in this case, Parliament and the
people. The
trouble is that for the past six years it has seemed as if the
Governor was
only accountable to one authority, the office of the
President.
The RBZ went beyond the remit set by the law
because authors of
its work thought they were performing a national service.
Parliament itself
did not do a good job of making the RBZ accountable and
they let their
electors down. Any reforms should have ensured that
Parliament strengthens
the tools it has to hold the RBZ
accountable.
As things stand, the equation between
independence and
accountability is unlikely to balance. Haisi kubalancer. In
the past six
years, the central bank has been too dependent on the
government of the
day - pursuing populist policies and causing
hyperinflationary effects. It
has not been properly accountable for its
actions because Parliament has
been weak.
The pursuit of
accountability should not undermine independence
just as independence should
not compromise accountability. There must be a
balance. In all this, we have
to remember that neither Biti nor Gono are
permanent fixtures in Zimbabwe's
political and financial architecture. One
day, they will depart but the
institutions will and should outlive them.
Alex Magaisa is
based at the Kent Law School, University of
Kent. He can be contacted at wamagaisa@yahoo.co.uk
A sober interrogation and an intellectual conversation
focused on Zimbabwe’s agrarian reform, devoid of partisan emotion, incendiary
sloganeering, and ideological vitriol, is now necessary for the formulation of a
people driven land reform programme. A comprehensive independent land audit
conducted by a civic commission, whose findings are to be made public, must be a
precursor to this endevour.
As much as the government published the lists of all
farms gazetted for acquisition, in the name of transparency and political fair
play Zimbabweans deserve to know who the recipients and beneficiaries of all the
seized land are.
Sustainable economic growth can only be
attained with the permanent inclusion of Zimbabwe’s communal farmers into the
mainstream economy. The
peculiarity of our history is such that most commercial farmers were white. It
is time to recognise that fact and realise that the land issue is both an
economic and political imperative, an issue that supersedes one’s race or
ethnicity.
In 1888, white
colonists under the auspices of the British South Africa Company, led by Cecil
Rhodes, expropriated the country's best agricultural lands and began colonial
rule.
The solution to correcting this colonial imbalance,
decongesting communal areas, and empowering previously disadvantaged indigenous
citizens through agriculture, while maintaining productivity is attainable.
White
farmers wanting to sell land were legally obliged to offer it to the state
first. If the state did not want the land, it would issue a “no present
interest” certificate (valid for one year), which then enabled the seller to
dispose of the land on the private market. Throughout
the 1980's there was a steady flood of land available to the Government of
Zimbabwe. The land
acquired included that abandoned by white farmers during the war, as well as
land sold willingly by some landowners.
Senior
members of ZANU (PF) under the VIP Farm Scheme acquired farms by taking
advantage of the state's “no present interest”. Farm land totalling over a
million hectares was transferred and the VIP
Farm Scheme also leased state land acquired under the resettlement programme to
ZANU (PF) officials and government ministers—none of these farms are in
production today.
In 1981, the
Government of Zimbabwe passed the Communal Land Act, which changed the name of
the Tribal Trust Lands to Communal Areas and transferred authority from the
traditional leaders to the local authorities. The 1992 Land Acquisition Act
was enacted to speed up the land reform process by removing the "willing seller,
willing buyer" clause, limiting the size of farms and introducing a land tax
(although the tax was never implemented.) The
land protection clauses of the Lancaster House Agreement expired in
1990.
As
part of the Lancaster House Agreement signed in London in 1979, a land-reform
program was established, under which land was to be purchased from white farmers
for redistribution to landless peasants on a "willing seller, willing buyer"
basis. Australia, Britain, France, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, the U.S. and
the World Bank signed on to provide funds for this program, as well as funds for
development. Total funds pledged for both amounted to $1.9 billion, but the land
redistribution program was so grossly mismanaged that most countries withdrew
their financial support in 1992.
In the first phase of the Land Reform
Programme (1980-85) the Government of Zimbabwe announced its intention to
resettle 162 000 families on 10.5 million hectares of land within five years. By
1986, 3.4 million hectares had been acquired at a cost of £ 80 million, reducing
the amount of land under white ownership to 29 percent.
By 1996, the United
Kingdom had contributed in terms of aid to Zimbabwe £500 billion pounds since
Independence. Of this total, £47 million was targeted for land reform, and
approximately £100 million was budgetary support which should have been used for
land reform. What happened to all those funds? The UK Land
Resettlement Grant closed down with £3 million still unspent following the
discovery of massive corruption and the misuse of land resettlement
funds.
The following criterion constitutes the noble Government
of Zimbabwe parameters by which all land was to be
acquired:
i)
Derelict land;
ii)
Under-utilised land;
iii)
Land owned by absentee landlords;
iv)
Land from farmers with more than one farm or with oversized farms, and
v)
Land adjacent to communal areas. (However, if this was the only farm of
the farmer’s possession and if the farmer wanted to continue farming, he would
be offered another farm).
These principles were discarded before
implementation. The day after ZANU (PF) lost the constitutional referendum,
violent farm invasions commenced.
The government had further stipulated
maximum farm sizes for each agro-ecological region as
follows:
Agro-ecological Region |
Small-Scale Commercial Farms(ha) |
Medium-Scale Commercial Farms(ha) |
Large-Scale Commercial
Farms(ha) |
I |
20 |
100 |
250 |
IIa |
30 |
200 |
350 |
IIb |
40 |
250 |
400 |
III |
60 |
300 |
500 |
IV |
120 |
700 |
1500 |
V |
240 |
1 000 |
2000 |
Today senior members of ZANU (PF) own
multiple farms and are absentee landlords; most of these properties are
underutilised—hence Zimbabwe’s perennial food shortages.
By 1997, the end of phase one of the land
reform and resettlement program, the government had resettled 71 000 families
(out of a targeted 162 000) on almost 3.5 million hectares of land. Close to 400
black political acolytes leased 400 000 hectares of state land and about 350
black people had bought their farms.
In November 2002,
Agriculture Minister Joseph Made said the land-grab was over. He said in total
the government had seized 12 million hectares of land from white farmers. In
January 2006, Agriculture Minister Joseph Made said Zimbabwe was
considering legislation that would compel commercial banks to finance blacks who
had been allocated formerly white-owned farmland in the land reforms. Made
threatened local banks with withdrawal of their banking licenses, should they
fail to lend a substantial portion of their income to these land
occupiers.
The current fast
track land reform programme in Zimbabwe is chaotic and was fashioned as a
political survival stratagem by ZANU (PF) designed to appease a restive
peasantry
and to punish perceived enemies. Gradualist land
tenure reform that pays
special attention to the legal status and economic activities of women must
also
avoid
arbitrary evictions of the landless and ensure landholders invest in the
land. Leaving things the way they
are is not a viable option, agrarian reform is an urgent national endevour.
2010 Proposed agrarian reform roadmap:
Phil Matibe – www.madhingabucketboy.com
Robert Mugabe once threatened that he would rule Zimbabwe ‘from beyond the
grave’. Well, it looks like some of his supporters have started without
him!
I am 46 years of age - and in Zimbabwe I would be an old man - someone who
has lived beyond the expected lifetime, which sits at about 44 years
old.
And yet the Registrar-General, Tobiwa Mudede, would have us all believe the
information in the current voters’ roll in Zimbabwe.
I would hazard a guess that my name is still on that roll, even though I
never registered as a voter and my first vote ever was here in the United
Kingdom!
But the fraud goes much further than that…
MP Tongai Matutu said the anomaly showed “the extent to which the voters’
roll should represent the graveyard”.
“Of those 503 (dead voters), the surprising thing is that they all have a
similar date of birth which is 1 January 1901,” said Matutu.
Matutu is a member of Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai’s Movement for
Democratic Change.
“I have the list of those people who are 107-years-old still appearing on
the voters roll,” said Matutu.
He said he had copies of the voter’s roll used in the disputed elections,
which resulted in the formation of the unity government.
“We have 144,202 [people] over the age of 90 on the voters’ roll,” said
the fiery MP, adding that the average life expectancy of Zimbabweans was about
44 years.
“There were 115 voters who were below the age of 18 (legal voting age)
with the youngest being one-year-old at the time of 2008 elections,” said
Matutu. “So what it simply means is we are going to have more ghosts than
registered voters.”
Right now there is much noise in Zimbabwe about an intended audit of the
civil service - which, according to an article today, will not include the
Zimbabwe National Army.
Why should an audit of the voters’ roll not be undertaken? No doubt those of
ZANU PF influence will maintain that there is no money - and when some kind
international body is prepared to finance such an exercise, the ZANU PF support
would protest in the streets that the money should be channelled to some other
project which would see them gaining the advantage.
Audits in Zimbabwe are something which we would all want to see, and even
when the Auditor-General tabled a report after a check of one governmental
department, it was very quickly swept under the carpet and no one has mentioned
it since.
The land needs to be audited. With the land changing hands - invariably into
the hands of the chosen ZANU PF few - there is a huge need to know who is
responsible for the agricultural sector and the produce therein.
It would be unacceptable for a ‘new’ farmer (perhaps the word farmer should
also be in inverted commas) to not be held accountable for their produce, just
as it would be unacceptable for a farmer to export all of his produce, ignoring
the needs in the domestic market.
But Mugabe would prefer that the various sector - and the Reserve Bank - are
not audited for fear that such an audit would prove, beyond reasonable doubt,
that his tenure in office is built on nothing more than disinformation,
misinformation, lies, deceit, threats, theft and ‘lootocracy’…
A simple look at the evidence provided by the MDC MP in parliament would
convince any ditherer that Mugabe is nothing more than a man placed in power by
his own hand…
Robb WJ Ellis
The
Bearded Man
PACHEDU (Roy Bennett) – By Pastor
Duane Udd
Racist taunts from
Chinamasa
Made Roy Bennett cross the
line
Minor scuffle led to
trauma
Jail was worse than any
fine
Justice more than once
miscarried
Babe knew naught of lost
Estate
Nor how much Heather was
harried
Brutalized by greed and
hate
Tortured thoughts of one in
prison
Suffering subhuman
woes
Lice enjoy
incarceration
With its excremental
clothes
Freedom led to swift
self-exile
Branded with new trumped-up
charge
Treason in false weapon
stockpile
One more travesty writ
large
Promise of assured
protection
Brought him back with hopeful
heart
But denied his new
position
Prosecutors made fresh
start
With stale case and perjured
witness
They made mockery of
law
Tomana robed in
absurdness
Ought to shamefully
withdraw
Are they bent on a death
sentence
Or eventual
amnesty
To prop up their crumbling
pretence
That Zimbabwe’s really
free
Keep Roy Bennett here between
us
Lend support through thick or
thin
Justice can emerge
victorious
Evil forces must not
win
© duaneudd.com
18th Nov
2009
WE flew to Victoria Falls, where we were taken first to The Kingdom hotel,
but they knew nothing of our supposed reservation, so we were then taken to
Victoria Falls Safari Lodge, a highly regarded hotel. The change in plans was representative of the fluidity of our itinerary on
the entire tour. Many times our itinerary changed without explanation or reason,
and travel trade personnel must be prepared for this (The other thing to note is
the wonderful disregard that tourism trade officials in Zimbabwe had for meeting
times). Victoria Falls is simply wonderful, which is no surprise, given that it is
frequently featured in the many lists of Natural Wonders of the World. A walk
along the edge is a must, and something that tourists will always remember. Known by the locals as Mosi-oa-Tunya (The Smoke that Thunders), the falls are
neither the highest nor the widest but they are claimed to be the largest ,by
virtue of its width of 1,7 kilometres and height of over 100m. It therefore forms the largest falling body of fresh water in the world, with
a peak recorded flow of 12,800 cubic metres per second, more than both Iguazu
Falls on the border of Brazil and Argentina, and Niagara Falls in the United
States of America. Surrounding the falls is Victoria Falls National Park, comparatively small in
relation to Zimbabwe’s other parks, but still containing elephants, buffalos,
lions and leopards. That evening we went on a sunset cruise on the Zambezi River, and saw three
elephants crossing the river, not twenty metres from our boat. The sun went down
in typically spectacular African fashion, and everything seemed perfect. No-one
ever talks of an American, Chinese or Australian sunset ... but there's plenty
of literature about African sunsets (and sunrises). It’s all my personal
perception of course, but the colours are that much diverse and brighter ... and
older. And my attempt at an admittedly sentimental analogy is this: sunrises and
sunsets have always represented hope -- the forgetting of the day’s tumult, the
mental and physical peace and coolness that everyone feels in the early stages
of an African evening or morning. My analogy is this: that in Africa, despite the many failures, there is
always more hope here than anywhere else – and the sunrises and sunsets are
commensurately spectacular. And maybe this hope has carried the continent many
times to various important successes, despite plenty of problems. Victoria Falls Safari Lodge is a superb hotel with superb views of the
woodlands near the falls. There is a waterhole in front of the dining and pool
area, and elephant, buffalo, kudu and hyena were spotted while we were
there. The food is very good, and the service too. Rooms are clean and comfortable,
and most have views over the plain below. A highlight is a visit to The Boma, an
outdoor restaurant, where guests are entertained by Zimbabwean music, and
everyone is invited to an impromptu dancing session with the band. The food
comprises, among other things, buffalo and warthog, while mopane worms make a
tasty snack. It’s well worth a try! Overall, our stay at Safari Lodge was a highlight, and is a fantastic symbol
of what the rest of Zimbabwe could be like when things get better. (Don't miss Ramsay's diaries throughout this
week)
Coolness descends ...
Sunset as seen from a boat cruising on the
Zambezi
19/11/2009 00:00:00
by Scott Ramsay
Majestic ... Sunset on
the Zambezi
Day 1: Diary of a traveller
Day 2: Diary of a traveller
Jumbo surprise ...
Elephants swim a few metres from a boat cruising on the
Zambezi
Majestic ... A
rainbow cuts across the Victoria Falls gorge
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Written by Lesanne Dunlop
Wednesday, 18 November 2009 13:46
Three black rhinos at Imire Safari
Park have been dehorned in order to
prevent them from being killed by
poachers. Imire has four black and two
white rhino, and all but one baby
have now been dehorned. An estimated 200
rhino have been killed by poachers
in the last three years.
MARONDERA - In August 2007: Imire lost
three of their rhinos. Even
though they had been dehorned, they were
brutally killed by poachers. It has
been speculated that the poachers were
not aware that the rhinos had been
dehorned. However, they managed to cut
off the male rhino's stub of horn, so
some believe that the massacre of
these dehorned rhinos was a politically
motivated act, and that the poachers
were fully aware that these rhino did
not have horns but went out and killed
them anyway.
Another theory is that poachers have now resorted to
killing off
rhinos for the sake of being able to cover more ground when it
comes to
poaching. That way they can keep track of the rhinos that are still
alive in
certain areas and can then condense the margin they have to cover
when
poaching. Zimbabwe has become a hot spot for rhino poaching, and with
the
demand for rhino horns ever increasing from the Asian market, the
question remains; how can these relentless poachers be stopped? Dehorning is
one solution, as it stops giving poachers a reason to kill these animals.
The Rhino are sedated, a qualified vet is brought in, and the horn is
literally sawn off. They suffer no pain, and are back on their feet in a
matter of minutes.
However the act of dehorning has been quite a
controversial topic,
with the main argument being that rhinos use their
horns for grazing, and
for protection in the wild. If the animals are
dehorned it may affect their
entire social behavior. Reily Travis, who has
lived on Imire his entire
life, and runs the volunteer programme on the
farm, thinks that there is
another way
that Zimbabwe can save the
rhinos and their horns. He explained that
it costs in the region of
US$200,000 to capture and re-release rhinos into
safer areas, and to dehorn
them. He believes this money should rather be
used on a tracking system.
This involves a UV-based chip being implanted in
the rhino's horn - giving
24 hour surveillance.
"The process of dehorning has been going on for
10 years and
unfortunately has not made a big enough impact. The rate of
poaching still
doubles each year," explained Travis. Another point that
Travis made, was
that if these rhino did have chips in their horns, they
could then also
track where and how these horns were being smuggled out of
the country. This
would hopefully lead to exposing the culprits that are
involved in these
illegal dealings. He added that the money used for
capturing and dehorning
the rhino could also be channeled towards National
Parks employees, who he
thinks have lost motivation because they are not
being given enough
incentive and do not have enough equipment to protect
these animals "It is
so important to keep the people on the ground happy
because they are, at the
end of the day, putting their lives on the line to
ensure the safety of
these rhinos," he said.
South African
conservationist, Michael Eustace told the South African
TV show, Carte
Blanche, recently that the solution to the poaching problem
was to flood the
market. He estimated that the revenue could be up to US$90
million per
annum. By flooding the market, the price of the Rhino horn comes
down, which
means that the act of poaching these rhinos becomes less
attractive.
National Parks have obtained an estimated 40kg of horns which
could be used
to flood the market. However Travis disagrees, saying that the
market will
only keep
growing and eventually Zimbabwe will not be able to meet the
demands
of the consumers, and the poachers will return. He also argues that
legalizing the sale of rhino horns would have to be a national effort in
which all parties concerned would have to undertake the dehorning and legal
sale of the horns. With the high level poaching syndicate that exists in
Zimbabwe, it is unlikely that the selling of these horns would remain above
board.