http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Alex Bell
23 November
2012
The jailing this week of three ZANU PF members, found guilty in the
murder
case of an MDC-T supporter more than ten years ago, is being welcomed
despite the ‘lenient’ sentence handed down.
Boy Ndlovu (62), Ben
Tshidino Ndou (58) and Ndangano Ndou (53) were on
Wednesday convicted of
culpable homicide, after denying murder charges. They
appeared before
Bulawayo High Court judge Justice Nicholas Ndou, who
sentenced the three to
ten years in jail each.
The three insisted that they had not intended
killing Nelson Nare Mudau (68)
when they stormed his Beitbridge home in
March 2002 and seriously assaulted
him. Mudau was a known and active MDC
supporter, whose two daughters had
acted as polling agents during the
presidential vote that year.
Mudau and his daughters were all injured in
the attack by the ZANU PF
members. Mudau died six days later in hospital.
His attackers admitted in
court that Mudau was targeted for supporting the
MDC, but insisted they did
not mean to kill him.
SW Radio Africa’s
Bulawayo correspondent Lionel Saungweme said the
sentencing on Wednesday has
been welcomed by members of the MDC. But he said
many observers believe the
ten year jail term handed down is too lenient.
“This is one of many cases
these guys are involved in. They are known for
perpetrating violence in
Beitbridge over the last ten years,” Saungweme
said.
A fourth ZANU PF
member, who has also been accused in the same case, is
standing trial
separately and his case continues.
Saungweme meanwhile said there was
more good news for MDC-T supporters in
Bulawayo on Friday, with the arrival
of Youth Assembly chairman Solomon
Madzore. Madzore was last week released
from Chikurubi prison on bail, more
than a year after being arrested in
connection with the death of a policeman
in Glen View last
May.
“Madzore has come to see his supporters so there is a get together
and a
celebration tonight (Friday). So there is a very happy mood here,”
Saungweme
said.
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Tichaona
Sibanda
23 November 2012
War vets leader Jabulani Sibanda is in
Manicaland province at the behest of
aspiring ZANU PF parliamentary
candidates to campaign on their behalf, a
senior MDC-T official
said.
Pishai Muchauraya, the MDC-T MP for Makoni South and spokesman for
the party
in the province, claimed Sibanda is being paid to do the ‘dirty
job’ for the
aspiring parliamentarians.
‘He’s here under contract.
These ZANU PF people pay him to intimidate our
supporters in the
constituencies they’ve earmarked. When the job is done
they pay him and
Sibanda gladly goes back to Bulawayo with money for his
rent and food,’
Muchauraya said.
Last week the war vets leader visited Nyanga South where
he held several
meetings with traditional leaders and villagers. He warned
them against
voting for the MDC-T.
Sibanda also ordered ZANU PF
activists to compile a list of known MDC-T
members and perceived
sympathisers and submit it to war vets in Nyanga.
But Muchauraya noted
that the ZANU PF officials who are hiring Sibanda for
his services are
undermining their chances of winning, by siding with the
one of the worst
purveyors of violence in Zimbabwe.
The Makoni South MP accused Sibanda of
being responsible for the
disappearance, murder and maiming of many MDC
supporters from other
provinces, especially Masvingo.
‘Who doesn’t
know Sibanda’s history of violence and who in his right mind
would vote for
anyone seen to be associating themselves with this type of
man.
‘It
cannot be ignored that politicians from ZANU PF, hoping to win seats in
next
year’s elections, are inciting violence in order to displace their
opponents’ supporters. But in so doing they are alienating themselves from
the same communities they’re hoping to lead,’ the MP said.
He
continued: ‘Several ZANU PF politicians or political hopefuls have been
linked to violence in many parts of the country and the only way to end
political violence requires bringing to book those behind it.’
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Tererai
Karimakwenda
23 November 2012
The battle for the proceeds from
Zimbabwe’s diamond mining industry
intensified this week, with a group of
war vets demanding a share of diamond
funds from
government.
According to the independent Daily News newspaper, the new
demands were
confirmed by Andrew Ndlovu, secretary for projects in the
Zimbabwe National
Liberation War Veterans Association
(ZNLWVA).
Ndlovu is quoted as saying: “We are not asking them to pay us
from their
pockets. They do not have money but this country is rich and we
are making
lots of money from the sale of diamonds. They should pay us from
that.”
War veteran Max Mkandla, president of the Zimbabwe Liberators’
Peace
Initiative (ZLPI), dismissed the demands by Ndhlovu, saying that the
diamond
proceeds should benefit all Zimbabweans, not just war
vets.
“Diamond money must be distributed to all organs of government and
civic
organisations that help Zimbabweans, police, teachers, nurses, doctors
and
others who should benefit from diamonds,” Mkandla said.
He added
that Ndlovu and the war vets are also part of the problem, because
their
acts of violence and threats against businesses chased away potential
investors, affecting the country’s economy.
Mkandla also blamed
mismanagement and corruption for the lack of funds in
the national coffers,
saying Zimbabwe has many natural resources that can
help the country develop
if they are well managed.
Some war vets have been demanding more money
from Finance Minister Tendai
Biti, who said the government was broke as
diamond money was not making it
into the national coffers. Biti accused the
military of creating a “parallel
government” funded by stolen diamond
revenue.
According to the Daily News, Ndlovu said war vets who have been
demanding
money from Biti “are knocking on the wrong door” because the
Finance
Minister cannot make those decisions.
“He cannot pay us on his
own, he gets direction from a collective Cabinet
and we want the government
and in particular those who lead it, to do
something now,” Ndlovu reportedly
said.
The demand comes just days after the Mines Minister Obert Mpofu
offered to
give 1% of the diamond proceeds to civic society organisations
that he had
accused of “peddling falsehoods” and “malicious reports” about
the diamond
industry.
Mpofu’s offer was dismissed by the civic
groups, who viewed it as a bribe
intended to muzzle them and stop their
demands for more accountability in
diamond mining.
MP Eddie Cross,
Secretary for Research and Policy Coordination, presented a
paper at a
Diamond Conference in Harare on Friday, which estimated that
diamond
production in 2012 yielded about 37 million carats, worth about $95
a carat
or nearly $4 billion dollars.
He said the diamond fields at Marange cover
an area of approximately 80,000
hectares, which geologists estimate to
contain 2 to 7 billion carats of raw
diamonds. This makes it one of the
largest discoveries of its kind in the
world, and explains the sudden rush
for a slice and the secrecy involved in
accounting for the funds.
http://www.dailynews.co.zw
Friday, 23 November 2012 10:41
HARARE -
Zimbabwe will lobby for the lifting of US sanctions on its diamond
exports
at a meeting in Washington next week, a government official said,
arguing
that its stones are no longer a threat to the country’s stability.
The US
Treasury Department’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (Ofac) slapped
an
embargo on the southern African nation’s diamonds in 2008 to prevent
their
sale from fuelling conflict, which began with diamond discoveries in
Marange
in 2006.
Zimbabwe was in November last year given the green light to
export diamonds
from its Marange fields by the industry’s top certification
system,
Kimberley Process Certification Scheme (KP), but the country remains
under a
US export ban of gems under Ofac.
“We want the (US) diamond
embargo lifted. We have over-complied with the KP
minimum conditions,” Obert
Mpofu, the minister of Mines heading the lobbying
effort, said.
He
claimed civil society groups were campaigning for the US to keep the
sanctions, an allegation angrily rejected by the NGO leaders.
The US
sanctions are on Zimbabwe Mining Development Corporation (ZMDC),
which was
put under the embargo pursuant to Executive Order 13469.
A Zimbabwean
delegation plans to submit a demand for US sanctions removal on
its diamond
sector during a four-day KP meeting that begins in Washington on
Tuesday.
Talks are also under way with several international diamond
firms to
establish marketing partnerships.
The Washington meeting
will be attended by US assistant secretary of state
for economic and
business affairs José W Fernandez, KP vice chair Susan
Shabangu, who is also
South Africa’s minister of mineral resources, KP chair
Gillian Milovanovic;
president of the World Diamond Council Eli Izhakoff and
civil society
coalition representatives.
Zimbabwe will make its case at the Working
Group Monitoring session on
Wednesday — day two of the conference. - Gift
Phiri, Political Editor
http://www.dailynews.co.zw/
Friday, 23 November 2012
10:18
HARARE - Ignatius Chombo, the local government minister’s recent
land probe
team is meant to punish more MDC councilors.
MDC
councillors claim Chombo is out to destroy them through a land probe
team
meant to investigate cooperatives and has targeted at least seven
councillors.
Targeted for suspension are councilors Victor Chifodya,
Charity Bango, Musa
Macheza, Panganai Charumbira, Sunshine Mudavanhu,
Gwinyai Mbira and Paula
Macharangwanda.
The seven targeted recently
survived the chop from their party’s probe team
which axed 12 other
councillors.
Other councillors felt deputy mayor Emmanuel Chiroto,
following his ejection
by MDC, was the brains behind the
manoeuvres.
This is the second time that Chombo has instituted an
investigation on
council operations following the Ellen Chivaviro-headed
procurement probe
team which handed its recommendations last
week.
Chombo was yesterday quoted saying he was still finalising the
review of the
procurement probe report and would have duly dealt with those
found on the
wrong side of the law by end of today.
But following the
failure by the Chivaviro probe team to nail targeted
councillors, sources
claim Chombo decided to institute this second probe.
“They are witch
hunting and laying flimsy charges targeted at councilors.
This Monday a land
probe team headed by Alfred Tome was put in place and
today (yesterday) as
we speak the probe teams are supposed to visit
cooperatives in Budiriro
one,” said a council official.
Of worry to the councilors was the
minister’s decision to preside over the
cooperative
investigations.
“Surprisingly, instead of minister Nyoni (Sithembiso) or
Mutsekwa (Giles)
handling that probe as the responsible ministers of
Cooperatives and Housing
respectively, we find the Local Government minister
on it.
“Is this not interference? He is merely interested in disbanding
cooperatives that he perceives as sympathetic to MDC and replace them with
his.”
Efforts to get a comment from Chombo were futile as his phone
went
unanswered. - Staff Writer
http://www.dailynews.co.zw/
Friday, 23 November 2012 10:18
HARARE -
Anglican Bishop Chad Gandiya’s camp has made sensational
allegations of food
poisoning against disgraced and dethroned renegade
clergyman Nolbert
Kunonga’s group, which has been ordered by the court to
vacate rectories,
schools and hospitals they grabbed five years ago.
Gandiya’s Anglican
Church of the Province of Central Africa (CPCA) was on
high alert yesterday
and issued warnings to members that it had unearthed a
case where Kunonga’s
people, including his relatives had poisoned an orchard
to fix CPCA members
expected to move in following the Supreme Court ruling.
Kunonga refused
to respond to the allegation when contacted by the Daily
News
yesterday.
But Precious Shumba, the CPCA spokesperson for the Harare
Diocese, urged
CPCA followers and officials moving into properties to be
cautious following
the poisoning case.
“It happened,” said Shumba
confirming the poisoning allegations.
“It was reported to the police as a
case of food poisoning,” he said.
As part of the awareness campaign, the
CPCA took to social media yesterday
to warn Anglicans of the food
poisoning.
The church, on its Facebook page, fingered Rutendo Kunonga,
son of the
controversial ex-communicated Anglican bishop, to have allegedly
poisoned
mango fruits at St Paul Church in Chinhoyi where he was in
charge.
“Do not trust Kunonga’s people! Be warned! Here is why —
information just
received is that Kunonga’s son Rutendo, who was residing at
St Paul’s
Chinhoyi Rectory, sprayed a poisonous substance on a mango tree,
obviously
expecting to poison our priest and family,” read a statement from
the CPCA
on Facebook.
The poisoning backfired as Rutendo’s son
“picked up one of the poisoned
mangoes, and was immediately taken seriously
ill at Chinhoyi Provincial
Hospital.
“The matter was reported to
police,” reads the CPCA statement.
The CPCA, which was keen on moving in
to their premises immediately, is now
cautions and has warned its members to
be wary of Kunonga’s “mischief”.
Shumba said although the Anglican Church
is cautious because of the alleged
poisoning of mangoes by Kunonga’s son, it
will not hesitate to forcibly
eject Kunonga from the premises in order to
avoid further rot.
Fears abound that Kunonga’s supporters — whose brute
streak manifested
itself in the past five years as they beat up fellow
Christians and
allegedly looted churches, schools and hospitals — could
employ similar
tricks countrywide.
“Now you are all warned not to eat
any fruit you will find at our church
premises and rectories because they
might be poisoned,” reads the statement.
Gandiya has already warned
Anglicans against using altars in the churches
until a cleansing ceremony is
carried out on December 16.
He said under Kunonga, churches were turned
into brothels, crèches and
business premises without shame.
He said
attempts to stop the rot were met with violent resistance by Kunonga’s
followers, who often enjoyed backing from the police.
With Kunonga
having refused an invitation to “humbly” join the church albeit
as a lay
man, Shumba said Anglicans should quickly move in to the properties
because
of the dirty tactics that are now being employed by the deposed
camp.
“It is now time to evict the Kunonga people without further
delay otherwise
they will destroy us,” said Shumba.
Kunonga refused
to speak to the Daily News.
“Forget about all those things. Why do you
pursue useless business,” a
brooding Kunonga said before cutting off. He did
not pick up further calls
from the Daily News.
Kunonga was elected
Bishop of the Diocese of Harare in 1997 but parted
company with the CPCA in
2007 after he pulled out citing differences on
homosexuality.
He
subsequently forcibly took over properties despite having left the church
voluntarily, igniting a five-year legal war.
Ian Kohwera, Mashonaland
West police spokesperson said he was not in the
office and could only
respond today.
http://www.voazimbabwe.com/
Blessing
Zulu, Violet Gonda
22.11.2012
A new report produced by KPMG has ranked
Zimbabwe as one of the top four
African nations with the highest cases of
fraud.
KPMG, which quoted findings in the second Africa Barometer report,
said
South Africa has the highest number of fraud cases closely followed by
Nigeria, Zimbabwe and Kenya in fourth position.
In terms of the
highest value of the fraud, Nigeria remains at the top of
the
index.
The four countries are said to account for 74 percent of all fraud
cases
reported on the continent, translating to $2 billion in the first half
of
the year.
According to KPMG, Harare is lagging behind in dealing
with fraud cases,
especially in the absence of a targeted
response.
However, the organization said business has stepped up
awareness of fraud
and fraud prevention through workshops.
The report
identified fraud and misrepresentation, misappropriation and
theft,
counterfeit and forgery, bribery and corruption; and money laundering
as the
major types of reported fraud.
The KPMG Africa Fraud Barometer revealed
that the sectors with the highest
risk of fraud are government with 55
percent, financial services with 18
percent and consumer markets at 7
percent.
Emilia Chisango, partner at KPMG-Zimbabwe told the VOA that
dollarization of
the economy accelerated fraud in Zimbabwe.
Chisango
said: “People were used to making money in a very short space of
time. Now
with the dollarization of the economy you find that the basic
economic
fundamentals start to apply where a dollar is a dollar and the
returns that
you are getting are now in line with the rest of the world.”
Chisango
said this means the people who were used to making a lot of money
in a short
space of time were now resorting to committing fraud to adjust
their
lifestyles.
Interview with Emilia Chisago
Mary Jane Ncube, executive
director of Transparency International Zimbabwe,
said there is little
investment placed in dealing with corruption and
investing into ethical
business conducts by both the business and political
leadership.
“Everybody is trying to get a cut so it’s not surprising
that the report
will state that we make up 32 percent of the value of
Africa’s fraud, which
is quite shameful. We are a corrupt
people.”
Economist and former president of the Confederation of Zimbabwe
Industries
Callisto Jokonya said there is need to revisit “our value system
as a
nation”.
“The Anti-Corruption Commission does not seem to have
the teeth and does not
seem to have the commitment but for me what is strong
and serious is the
fact that for a nation to be a strong nation it starts
from the family.
“If we do not teach our children proper values, when
they move out in the
world, they get corrupted easily,” Jokonya
said.
However, Ncube said it does not matter what the Anti-Corruption
Commission
or the police does if there is no political will at the top to
deal with
corruption.
“Corruption is a political issue. If people at
the top see national assets
as something that they can take for private
gain, they will not seriously
address the issue of corruption.
"It
doesn’t matter how competent the people you hire in the police or
Anti-Corruption Commission are if the leadership does not give them the go
ahead to say this corrupt person must be made to pay,” Ncube
said.
Jokonya pointed out that the public, at the end of the day, has a
final say
by changing corrupt official in elections.
http://www.swradioafrica.com
Staff Writer
23 November 2012
The
MDC-T has said it is alarmed by a new wave of arbitrary arrests and
intimidation of its supporters after a number of their youth activists were
fined for criminal nuisance, after being caught gathered in a park in
Kuwadzana.
Twenty-one party youths in Kuwadzana, a constituency held
by Nelson Chamisa
the national organizing secretary, were arrested on
Wednesday and taken to
Kuwadzana 2 Police Station where they were detained
before paying $10 each
as an admission of guilt fine. The youths were
putting up posters for a
rally Chamisa will address on Sunday.
The
independent Newsday newspaper said provincial police spokesperson
Inspector
Tadius Chibanda confirmed the arrests and said the youths were in
a park and
failed to explain what they were doing there.
A senior member of the
party at Harvest House said he wondered if gathering
in a park in Zimbabwe
has now become a crime. He condemned the sharp
crackdown on their activists
in the run up to the next year’s crucial
elections.
‘It’s not a
coincidence that there is now a persistent stream of
intimidation targeting
our supporters who dare to speak out against ZANU PF
and Robert Mugabe,’ the
official said. Chamisa also castigated the police
action, saying it shows
why the country needs serious transformation.
‘Why and how do you arrest
people for putting up a poster? I am raising the
issue with the
officer-in-charge Southerton to explain how and what law they
are using and
what politics they are using,’ he said.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk/
Zimbabwe risks being kicked out of the
Southern African Development
Committee and the African Union in the event of
a coup, says Australian
Ambassador to Zimbabwe, Matthew
Neuhaus.
21.11.12
by Tarisai Jangara
Australian
Ambassador to Zimbabwe, Matthew Neuhaus, said the GNU was a
positive
move.
The top diplomat’s statements come in the wake of pronouncements by
Patrick
Chinamasa, Zanu (PF) Justice Minister and party negotiator and
Rugare Gumbo,
Zanu (PF) spokesperson, that there would be a revolt by
securocrats and war
veterans if Morgan Tsvangirai and his party won the next
elections.
In the early years of the MDC-T, several generals threatened
to stage a coup
in the event that Zanu (PF) was dislodged from power. Zanu
(PF) accuses
Tsvangirai and his party of being agents of western governments
bent on
toppling Mugabe, an accusation that the MDC has repeatedly
refuted.
Breaching SADC guidelines
“I think it is amazing that people
from any political party would say there
will be a military coup because it
is against the AU and SADC guidelines. It
is important for the army, the
police force and civil service to support
whoever the people choose in the
upcoming elections to be their leader,”
said Neuhaus.
He added that
Africa was moving into its third generation of leadership
despite having
faced challenges in the development of democracy in the past.
“It is
encouraging that we are moving into third generation African
leadership. I
see the growth of many political parties and the progress that
it is
bringing to Africa,” he said.
The diplomat commended the Government of
National Unity for mending sour
relations between Zimbabwe and
Australia.
“Following the land invasions and human rights abuses that
happened in the
last decade, relations between the two countries soured, but
the GNU here
was a very positive move.
“The GNU allowed us to provide
assistance in areas like water and
sanitation, restoring agribusiness,
helping African farmers and extending
help to the health sector. Ever since
the GNU, we have put at least $150m
into the country,” he
said.
President Robert Mugabe’s party embarked on a violent takeover of
farms
owned by white commercial farmers from 2000, ejecting close to 5,000
plot
holders.
Scaring investors
Neuhaus said the country’s
indigenisation policy, forcing foreign owned
companies to cede 51 percent of
their shares to locals, was the wrong
approach in a globalised world, as it
was scaring away potential investors.
“The indigenisation policy is
discriminatory and racist, which is
discouraging the Australian investor.
The truth is, capital to resuscitate
the economy can only be found in
international markets. A lot still needs to
be done to encourage foreign
investment.
“A lot of people are waiting to see the election outcome. A
positive result
will aid business in the long term. There are Australian
investors who have
been harassed in the courts in recent times because they
had problems with
their local partners,” said the ambassador.
He
called on the government to encourage Zimbabweans in the Diaspora to
invest
locally to boost the economy. “We have a number of Zimbabweans in
Australia
who are doing very well.
I think it is important to encourage them to
invest back home. This is where
the issue of citizenship comes in, people
should be allowed to have dual
citizenship,” he added.
He dismissed
the allegation that Australia was funding regime change
processes in
Zimbabwe.
“Australian aid is not for regime change. We have seen the
regime led by
President Robert Mugabe, but we came and distributed aid. If
we had an
agenda, we would not be assisting Zimbabwe. Change in leadership
is
important and very normal. It is part of democratic development. However,
it
is not for Australia to tell Zimbabwe when to change and who to change,”
he
added.
http://www.radiovop.com
Masvingo, November 23,
2012 -Minister of Youth Development, Indegenisation
and Empowerment, Saviour
Kasukuwere last Wednesday threatened to throw Zanu
PF big wigs in jail for
allegedly shielding and playing fronts for whites
owning foreign firms in a
bid to help them escape the Indegenisation
programme.
Speaking at a
meeting to prepare for the launch of the indegenisation
community ownership
scheme by President Robert Mugabe soon, Kasukuwere
lambasted top party chefs
of clandestinely acquiring shares from foreign
firm to avoid ceding of 51%
to locals.
“We are disappointed to learn that some senior party members
are abusing
their political power by being fronts of the whites so that they
will not
cede our percentage to the people. Let me warn that we will not
hesitate to
have them arrested. It’s actually a shame for one of us to try
and block our
programme,” he said.
Kasukuwere was responding from
party officials who complained that several
provincial superiors were being
used by the whites to shield them by
acquiring some share as indigenous
citizens while the profit still belonged
to foreigners.
Speaking
before Kasukuwere, Zanu PF provincial chairman, Lovemore Matuke had
complained that the programme was not moving in Masvingo because of the big
wigs.
“We have very senior party cadres who are clandestinely working
with the
whites. They are being used as fronts to get shares when they are
not
actually the true owners of the shares. They are doing this to prevent
whites from ceding the 51% and we wonder how this
programme will move
here” Matuke said.
But Kasukuwere did not mince his words and said the
big wigs will be send
behind jails if an audit of share holding structure
was done.
“Those who are doing this are against our party and I think
they belong to
that group that attacked and criticized the programme when we
started it. So
we will deal with them as that is criminal. We are trying to
empower our
people and some of us are busy fighting us from within,”
Kasukuwere said.
Some senior party officials (names with held) had been
fingered as fronts of
the whites in foreign firms were they are allegedly
protecting them from
complying with Kasukuwere programme.
Some of
them, Politburo members, have been said to be protecting companies
like
Bikita Minerals, Tongaart Hullet, Murowa Diamonds and Rio Tinto’s Renco
Mine.
Kasukuwere seething with anger read the riot act threatening
the arrest of
his seniors in the party as well as threatening the companies
that they risk
losing all their shares.
“The companies that are doing
this and using some politicians also risk
being arrested and losing all
their shares. We will not hesitate to take
them and give to them to our
people who are owners of the country
resources,” he said.
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Alex
Bell
23 November 2012
The South African government could soon face
being charged with contempt of
court, as part of an ongoing battle by human
rights groups to stop the
closure of refugee reception offices across the
country.
There are now only three offices left open across South Africa
since the
authorities started closing the facilities last year, as part if
what is
understood to be a change in the government’s immigration policies.
The
government is believed to be in the process of relocating all refugee
offices to the borders, a plan that has been slammed as an attempt to keep
asylum seekers as close to the borders as possible, making it easier to
deport them.
The offices in Johannesburg, Port Elizabeth and Cape
Town have all been
closed over the course of the last year. Refugees and
other foreign
nationals, who need to make regular reports to these offices,
are now forced
to travel to Durban, Musina or Pretoria to meet their
obligations. The
result has been hundreds of people risking arrest and
deportation because
they cannot access the available offices.
The
Consortium of Refugee and Migrants in South Africa (CoRMSA) launched an
awareness and pressure campaign in June, urging the government to suspend
its closure plans and also reopen the facilities it has closed. Part of this
campaign has been a lengthy process of litigation, with CoRMSA and other
groups taking legal steps to have the offices reopened.
CoRMSA
spokesperson Gwadamirai Majange told SW Radio Africa on Friday that
despite
the courts ruling in their favour “in all instances,” there has been
no
attempt by the government to honour these rulings. She said they are now
considering filing contempt charges.
“The impact on refugees has
really been grave. For example the distances
between Durban and Port
Elizabeth is really big, and not all refugees have
the money to make such a
journey,” Majange said.
She continued: “In Pretoria, there is such a
problem with congestion that
people are queuing for days outside the office
there. They are also faced
with corruption, because they are vulnerable to
bribes to make the process
move faster. People are missing work, children
are missing school. We just
want the government to honour their obligations
to refugees.”
Last year it was reported that two people were killed and
14 Zimbabwean
nationals were injured in a stampede of angry, impatient
refugees at the
Pretoria office. South Africa has denied that any problems
have ever been
reported there.
http://www.thezimbabwemail.net
Tinashe Madava 21 hours 38 minutes
ago
THERE is a stampede to represent ZANU-PF and the two
formations of the
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) at next’s year’s
polls, including from
Zimbabweans in the Diaspora, a situation likely to
upset incumbents in the
three major parties as the country lumbers towards
next year’s elections.
The race to represent the different political parties
has become intense as
established and upcoming politicians jostle for the
available seats amid
tensions over the holding of primary
elections.
While dates for primaries to choose candidates to represent the
three
parties are yet to be announced, indications are that ZANU-PF could
hold its
primaries after its December conference.
Some ZANU-PF hawks had
wanted the party to hold primaries before the
conference in Gweru but the
proposal was shot down at a recent Politburo
meeting amid fears it would
further divide the party as it prepares for
elections President Robert
Mugabe wants held in March.
Prime Minister (PM) Morgan Tsvangirai’s formation
has also hinted it would
hold its primaries in December. Currently, there
are divisions in the party
over the guidelines on the conduct of the
internal polls.
Incumbents in the MDC-T are pushing hard to prevent any
challenges to their
positions but there is pressure on PM Tsvangirai to
allow leadership renewal
by permitting the contestation for
positions.
Welshman Ncube’s MDC, according to insiders, is on the verge of
finalising
its list of candidates to contest the harmonised polls. Ncube has
already
stated he would stand for his party in the presidential race against
President Mugabe and PM Tsvangirai.
President Mugabe has been
overwhelmingly endorsed to represent ZANU-PF in
the presidential race while
it is a foregone conclusion PM Tsvangirai will
attempt a third bite of the
cheery after contesting in the Presidential race
in 2002 and 2008.
But it
is the overwhelming interest from the Diaspora, intellectuals,
businesspeople and ordinary Zimbabweans to represent the three political
parties in the coalition government that has drawn interest.
ZANU-PF and
the two formations of the MDC this week confirmed that they have
received a
huge number of enquiries from individuals interested in
representing their
respective parties at the next plebiscite although dates
for the primaries
are yet to be set.
Officials from the MDC-T claimed that individuals from a
wide spectrum of
society ranging from youths, church leaders to civic
society representatives
had expressed interest in representing the party in
elections next year.
“There are quite a lot of people interested in
contesting in next year’s
elections ranging from those from civil society to
churches but the most
interesting bit is that there are a large number of
youths who want to
contest sitting Members of Parliament and councillors,”
said MDC-T
spokesperson, Douglas Mwonzora in an interview.
Mwonzora
emphasised that aspirants for any positions must have served the
party for
at least five years and should be 21 years or more.
He revealed that a number
of people in the Diaspora had also shown immense
interest in contesting
under the MDC-T ticket.
Names of two radio personalities and an engineer
(names supplied) based in
the United Kingdom have been mentioned as having
shown interest in
representing PM Tsvangirai’s formation in Parliamentary
polls.
Kurauone Chihwayi, the deputy spokesperson for Ncube’s MDC, said his
party
will hold primary elections next year after their national conference
expected between January and February.
“If we have more than one
candidate in a constituency, we will have primary
elections but as it
stands, indications are that we will have primaries in
most areas as there
is huge interest. Even sitting MPs will face primary
elections,” said
Chihwayi.
ZANU-PF spokesperson, Rugare Gumbo two weeks ago said the issue of
regulations for the conduct of primary elections has been deferred to “maybe
just before the conference” but indicated that the actual primaries will be
after the conference. Yet proposed regulations reported last week to put a
cap on the number of years one is supposed to have served to be allowed to
contest in ZANU-PF primaries and subsequently, general elections, has been
seen as a move to safeguard the old guard who are reportedly facing intense
pressure from some “young Turks”.
The race is on amid reports that the
party’s youths have asked for a quarter
of seats to be reserved for
them.
Several youthful members of the party are eager to contest in primary
elections with the hope of being the eventual party representatives at next
year’s general elections.
For instance, journalist-cum-businessman Supa
Mandiwanzira is reportedly
interested in contesting in Manicaland while
Affirmative Action Group
vice-president Chamu Chiwanza is said to be eyeing
the Mabvuku seat.
Sources within ZANU-PF say the emergence of the young Turks
has unsettled
the old guard who have moved to protect themselves through
policies meant to
curtail the youthful members.
Names of certain members
of the State security agents, including members of
the police and the
military, have been mentioned as being interested in
representing ZANU-PF,
something vehemently opposed by the MDC formations who
accuse them of being
complicit in the 2008 election violence. - Financial
Gazette
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Tererai
Karimakwenda
23 November 2012
Harare’s popular cultural centre, the
Book Café, has organised a series of
events to mark 16 Days of Activism
Against Gender Violence, an annual
campaign that protests violence against
women and puts a spotlight on the
issue worldwide.
The “16 Days
Campaign” originated in New York in 1991 at the Centre for
Women’s Global
Leadership (CWGL). The Book Café’s arts promotion wing,
Pamberi Trust, are
taking up the campaign in Harare.
This year the theme is “From Peace in
the Home to Peace in the World: Let’s
Challenge Militarism and End Violence
Against Women!”
Book Café organiser Penny Yon told SW Radio Africa that
there will be a
fiesta involving different types of artists on Saturday, who
will leave
conscious messages protesting violence against women on the walls
of the
café.
“Our mission is to work strongly towards stopping
violence in our society in
general. And all these ideas are geared towards
that. Of course there is
music and there is entertainment. It’s not just
about preaching, it’s about
celebrating what women have done all these years
since 1991,” Penny
explained.
She added that the campaign is
successful around the world because of the
millions of women and thousands
of organisations who are committed to ending
violence against women in their
communities.
The campaign, which officially begins around the world on
Sunday, comes to
Zimbabwe this year at a time when the assault of well-known
local actress,
by her boyfriend, is in the headlines. This makes the issue
even more
relevant this time around.
Barbra Breeze Anderson, a poet
and event organiser in Harare, told SW Radio
Africa that although she has
not experienced violence herself, she will be
participating in events at the
Book Café because of comments she heard
regarding the assault on the
actress.
“Recently a popular actress in this country was beaten up by her
boyfriend
and some of the comments were shocking, where men try to excuse
hitting a
woman because she has done something wrong. I mean we are in that
culture
where people still have excuses for violence,” Barbra
said.
The fiesta at the Book Café will last for eight hours, from 10 am
to 6 pm.
There will be singers, musicians, poets, writers, and well-known
fashion
designer Sabina Mutsvati, who will present progressive fashions,
with music
and poetry in the background.
Artists due to perform on
the main stage include Ammara Brown, daughter of
the popular late musician
Any Brown, Tina Watyoka, Eve Kawadza, Tsvete from
Pakare Paye Arts Centre in
Norton, Donald Kanyuchi, and mbira soloist
Rutendo Machiridza. Hip-hop and
spoken word artists Godobori and ‘Upmost’
are also on the bill.
Penny
said the 16 days of activities at the Book Café will end December
10th,
which is Human Rights Day around the world. There will be a special
appearance by the acclaimed American hip-hop artist Akua Naru on December
8th and World AIDS Day will be commemorated on the 1st December.
http://www.dailynews.co.zw/
By Jeffrey Muvundusi, Own Correspondent
Friday, 23
November 2012 10:18
BULAWAYO - Zapu leader Dumiso Dabengwa has slammed
Zanu PF for displaying
“irrational fear” of being exposed for stealing late
nationalist Joshua
Nkomo’s ideas.
He said Zanu PF maligned Nkomo but
then moved to “steal” his ideas on land
reform and indigenisation which they
went on to implement haphazardly.
Reacting to a police ban of the Joshua
Nkomo memorial lecture which was
supposed to be held in Bulawayo last
Thursday, Dabengwa said there were
certain people within Zanu PF bent on
ensuring that events related to Nkomo
were derailed “at whatever cost”. The
lecture was being organised by the
Daily News.
Dabengwa, who was
expected to be the headline panellist and had already
prepared comprehensive
presentation notes for the event, described the ban
as a misdirected order
from Zanu PF.
“You actually don’t need a witch doctor to tell you why the
forum was
banned. Anything to do with Nkomo seems to be a
threat.
“This was just an open forum for discussing various issues which
actually
affect people’s lives in the country. But someone for some reasons
chose to
ban it at the last minute.”
Dabengwa, who is now leading a
revived Zapu, said some Zanu PF people felt
threatened by his presence at
the forum for fear he was bound to rekindle
the suppressed “Umdala Wethu”
legacy. He accused Zanu PF of double speak.
“Why should anyone in his
right senses go around and make Joshua Nkomo a
hero and talk good things
about him and at the same time he hates him, to
the extent of stopping
people from reading his book about his own life and
go and praise him and
say he was such a great man but don’t read his book?”
Dabengwa queried,
referring to the ban on the free distribution of Nkomo’s
book.
Dabengwa, a former minister of Home Affairs and Zanu PF
politburo member,
said he was convinced officer commanding Bulawayo Province
Dani Rangwani was
not to blame for the ban as he was just acting on
instructions from his
bosses in Harare.
“Honestly should the nation
suffer because an idea came from Joshua Nkomo?
“He is dead and what is
wrong in giving credit to his efforts? This is all
meant to ensure that
Nkomo’s legacy is completely erased and that there is
nothing to talk
about,” Dabengwa added.
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/
Head of independent Zimbabwe newspaper says state regulation would
be met
with 'unrestrained joy' by despots
By Gordon Rayner, Chief
Reporter10:00PM GMT 22 Nov 2012
Statutory regulation of the press in the
UK would be “manna from heaven” for
Robert Mugabe and other despots who seek
to suppress free speech, the editor
in chief of Zimbabwe’s biggest
independent newspaper has warned.
Jethro Goko, of the Daily News, said it
would be “a very sad day indeed” if
Lord Justice Leveson recommended
statutory underpinning of a new press
watchdog, which would be greeted with
“unrestrained joy” by the world’s
dictators.
He said the rest of the
world looked up to Britain as a role model for press
freedom, and the phone
hacking scandal should not be used as a reason for
government
interference.
In a letter to the Free Speech Network pressure group, Mr Goko,
whose
newspaper was shut down by Robert Mugabe for seven years and still has
to
operate under a state licence, said: “With regards to the Leveson
Inquiry,
it would be a very sad day indeed - not just for the United
Kingdom, but
also for the Commonwealth press, if not global media generally
- if this
were to lead to statutory regulation of the fourth estate in the
UK.
“In the case of sub-Saharan Africa - from South Africa to Zimbabwe,Kenya
and
Nigeria - most of us have always looked up to the UK for a working
example
of genuine commitment by all stakeholders, including the government,
to
media freedom and a passion to defend the values of an open
society.
“To that extent, there is a kind of moral and historical
expectation that
the UK should continue to lead by example and protect media
freedom at all
times, and not slide back into Medieval paranoia about the
media.
“The feeling within the African wing of the Commonwealth is that as
bad and
as reprehensible as the phone hacking scandal was, this should never
justify
the government's direct involvement in the functioning of the
media.
“Many of the publishers and editors on the African continent that I've
discussed this unimaginable possibility with worry that if the UK does
ill-advisedly take this route, it will be like manna from heaven for all the
dictatorial regimes of the world. And we have a fair share of these tin-pot
dictators in Africa.
“Indeed, I can only imagine the unrestrained joy
that some people around
President Robert Mugabe would derive from such a
backward step in the UK. If
gold rusts, what about iron!”
The Daily News,
one of only two privately-owned newspapers in Zimbabwe,
relies on donations
from ordinary Zimbabweans to keep going.
Its reporters face being intimidated
by Mugabe henchmen if they print
stories critical of the government, and
staff began receiving threats almost
as soon as the paper was
re-launched.
Mugabe has for years used the state media, including television
and radio
stations, to pump out propaganda, and it was only after he was
forced to
form a unity government with his opponent Morgan Tsvangirai that
two
independent newspapers were allowed to begin publication.
Mr Goko
added: “We were always encouraged and inspired by the fact that the
UK
government and the British media accepted one another’s bona fides and
the
respective, yet not necessarily divergent, roles each played in the
society.
“Our view is that this exemplary understanding has been critical
in
maintaining an enviable, robust, participatory democracy in the UK, in
which
all of the country's various constituencies work together to build a
better
society for all. No-one should tamper with this.”
http://www.newzimbabwe.com
22/11/2012 00:00:00
by
NewZiana
THE State Procurement Board (SPB) has narrowed down to
two the numbers of
bidders vying for the contract to expand the Hwange
Thermal Power Station.
Zimbabwe Power Company (ZPC) managing director,
Noah Gwariro, said the SPB
would soon be holding the final round of bidding
to choose between SinoHydro
and China National Machinery
Corporation.
"SinoHydro has tendered its bid price to US$1.17 billion,
while its
competitor has placed its bid at US$1. 38 billion," he
added.
"The winning bidder will be announced in January 2013, and they
will move on
to negotiate the contract within the first quarter of next
year."
Expansion of Hwange Power Station will add 600 megawatts (MW) to
the
national grid, which will alleviate the power shortages which have been
gripping the country.
SinoHydro was also awarded the tender for the
Kariba South expansion project
expected to add 300 MW to the national
electricity grid. Tendered at US$368
million, this project is expected to
take off early next year and be
completed within four years.
Zimbabwe
needs 2,200 MW at peak times but only generates around 1,400 MW,
with the
shortfall imported from regional power utilities.
The country has faced
critical power shortages since 2006 when the economic
meltdown took hold and
companies failed to procure new equipment as well as
maintain existing
ones.
The government has set a target of 10,000 MW of installed capacity
by 2040
to support a vision of growing the economy to US$100 billion.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk/
Former St Mary’s MP and MDC 99
President, Job Sikhala (JS), is convinced he
can become the president of
Zimbabwe. Despite the fact that his MDC99 party
is considered to be small,
he told Tarisai Jangara (TJ) that he was
confident he could turn things
around in the country.
21.11.12
by Tarisai Jangara
TJ:
Why have you decided to run for presidency?
JS: Zimbabwe is in shambles
and I have the potential to turn the economy
around. Zanu (PF) and MDC
formations have both failed to bring the much
needed
transformation.
TJ: How do you intend to solve the Zimbabwean crisis if
you are voted into
power?
JS: I will put in place economic policies
that will attract the growth of
our economy through investment opportunities
with foreign investors.
I will also democratise our society to the extent
that it builds confidence
within the international society. MDC 99 will
ensure that the people of
Zimbabwe participate in policy formulation. At the
moment, everything is
decided by the three principals in the government. If
I become president of
this country, I will push for employment creation by
allowing young people
to get support from financial institutions.
I
will also ensure that women are given a huge decision-making role and I
would
address the issue of the 2008 violence perpetrators who have
not been
punished for the atrocities they committed.
TJ: What
motivated you to venture into politics?
JS: I have always been involved
in politics but became visible when I was
part of Student Activism at the
University of Zimbabwe. I then graduated
into national politics when I
participated at the formation of MDC.
TJ: What then inspired you to form
your own party?
JS: When we formed MDC in 1999, we wanted to build a new
Zimbabwe.
Zanu (PF) had destroyed the country and we wanted to bring in
new governance
with new values but that did not happen. I was frustrated and
decided to
form my own party.
TJ: What is your view regarding the
media in Zimbabwe?
JS: There is journalism activism, whereby newspapers
and radio stations
support a particular party. There is closure of space by
the media. We still
have huge challenges in our country. I have already
started campaigning,
preparing for the elections.
However, I don’t
get to be on ZTV because I am not Zanu(PF).
TJ: Do you feel the electoral
system is in place and Zimbabwe can have
elections next year.
JS: A
lot still needs to be done, like putting in place the voter’s roll.
ZEC is
useless, it has always been part of Zanu (PF)’s rigging strategy. We
need an
independent body to monitor the elections.
Mugabe should never attempt to
steal votes from MDC 99, as he will pay
dearly for the election fraud. I am
different from Tsvangirai, he was
cheated in the 2008 election and all he
did was run to Botswana. He
abandoned the people. Instead he should have
stayed with the people and
confronted Mugabe.
TJ: What makes you
think you are a strong contender in the coming election?
JS: I will be
the youngest candidate which shows that I represent the
future. Voting
for Zanu (PF) is as good as digging your own grave. Besides,
people are no
longer interested in having Robert Mugabe as a contestant in
our elections.
He had enough time to rule the country and expose himself. As
for Morgan
Tsvangirai, he does not have leadership qualities. He cannot make
independent decisions. I worked with him at the formation of MDC and he is
always seeking unnecessary consultations.
TJ: In your view, has the
GNU worked?
JS: When the Inclusive Government was formed by Zanu (PF) and
the two MDC
formations led by Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara in
2009, we
expected a new Zimbabwe to be born.
Unfortunately, the
GNU failed to live up to expectations and there has not
been any meaningful
transformation on the ground. Instead, the inclusive
government failed to
eradicate corruption and other social ills.
What we have noticed is the
proliferation of corruption ever since the
inclusive
government was
installed.
TJ: You were instrumental in the formation of the MDC, what
are some of the
blunders that have been made by MDC-T?
JS: MDC-T lost
its creditability when they agreed to the GNU. Unfortunately,
Tsvangirai
would not let go of his only opportunity to taste power. He did
not live by
his word, as he promised to withdraw from the GNU if it did not
work out.
The GNU has been a total disaster. Tsvangirai has stayed on
because he is
enjoying the trappings of power.
TJ: What can you say about the draft
Constitution?
JS: There was total betrayal of the people of Zimbabwe by
political parties
as they chose to install themselves as an authority to
write the new
constitution which was supposed to include all the
stakeholders. Tsvangirai
dragged the nation through a sheer time wasting and
costly new
constitution-making process, fully aware that Mugabe and Zanu
(PF) would
bully MDC into accepting a document that would do nothing to
promote freedom
and justice. We all know that not even a single democratic
reform has been
implemented.
Zanu (PF)-inspired political violence
remains the order of the day. The only
encouraging thing is that Zimbabweans
have realized that MDC was in politics
only for the benefit of its
leadership. Selfishness on the part of MDC
leadership would leave (Zanu PF)
grey with envy.
TJ: Who is Job Sikhala?
JS: I was born on the 30
October 1972 in the Masema area of Gutu in
Masvingo. I studied for a Law
degree at the University of Zimbabwe and I was
the Member of Parliament for
St Marys (in Chitungwiza) from 2000 to 2008.
http://www.bdlive.co.za
BY TAWANDA KAROMBO, NOVEMBER 23 2012,
11:26
ANGLO American Platinum’s (Amplats’) Zimbabwean mine Unki
is reported to be
in discussions with Mimosa, a joint venture between
Aquarius Platinum and
Impala Platinum, to develop exploration rights it has
next to Mimosa land.
The Zimbabwean Financial Gazette newspaper quoted
Unki chief operating
officer Collin Chibafa as saying discussions are being
held about the
possibility of setting up a platinum mining partnership with
Mimosa.
"We are discussing with Mimosa the possibility to set up a joint
venture.
When you have one ore body close to (another ) that is the
practice, but the
discussions are still at an early stage."
Mining
officials familiar with the matter, who declined to be named,
confirmed
yesterday there were discussions, still "in the initial stages",
between the
two companies to jointly develop the claims located close to
where Mimosa
was mining for platinum.
"Early indications point to a potential joint
development of the claims,"
said one of the officials. "It is better to have
a joint operation than to
set up two operations in an area that is
small."
With platinum production in South Africa forecast to fall to an
11-year low
of 4.25-million ounces this year because of illegal strikes,
safety
stoppages and the growing burden of red tape, Zimbabwe is looking
more
attractive to platinum miners. This is despite the country’s
controversial
indigenisation laws.
Johnson Matthey’s recently
released platinum report for this year said
Zimbabwe was the only country
expected to see growth in platinum and
palladium output this year as the
ramp-up of production at the new Unki mine
continues. Zimbabwe’s platinum
output is forecast to rise 6% to 360,000oz
this year from 340,000oz last
year.
The Johnson Matthey report said Mimosa logged a 1% increase in
platinum
production in concentrate to just under 54,000oz in the fi rst half
of this
year.
Last Friday, Implats reported Mimosa had recorded an
increase in both tons
milled and grade. This had resulted in a corresponding
improvement in
platinum output in concentrate to 28,000oz during the
September quarter.
Unki reached full production in the fi rst half of
this year, with
equivalent refi ned production increasing 46% year on year
to about
33,000oz, according to Johnson Matthey’s report.
Unki is
planning a new $400m mine in Zimbabwe, while Zimplats, also owned by
Implats, is forging ahead with a phase-two expansion project for its mines.
Unki is planning to double its production in the next three years from the
65,000oz expected for this financial year.
The Great Dyke, a
mineral-rich region cutting across Zimbabwe, holds vast
deposits of platinum
and these have attracted many foreign investors.
Analysts have said despite
earlier uncertainty, foreign miners — most of
them from South Africa — that
have complied with the indigenisation laws are
now able to focus on their
core business.
http://www.newzimbabwe.com/
23/11/2012 00:00:00
by Addmore
Zhou
THE topic is probably the least that Zimbabweans want to
hear about and
justifiably so. With the Zimbabwean dollar in free fall, the
usefulness of
money for all its basic functions such as medium of exchange,
unit of
account and store of value disappeared.
The country’s currency
ceased to be a store of value as people lost their
lifelong savings
overnight under a hyper-inflationary environment which had
spiralled out of
control. In response, the Zimbabwean government adopted the
US dollar and
the South African rand as official currencies.
Whilst evidence on the
ground suggests the strategy has worked to some
respectable degree thus far,
questions still remain regarding the extent to
which the country can
continue to operate the economy under dollarisation
and multi-currency
system.
In general, relying on another country’s currency is living
dangerously at
its messy. The economy of the adopting country is directly
affected by the
policies of the other country especially with regards to the
performance of
that country’s exchange rate.
In the event of any of
the currencies adopted by Zimbabwe crashing, the
country will be directly
affected to the extent of all assets and cash
holdings denominated in that
currency. Although such a scenario is not
expected or anticipated to happen
in the short term, the long term
possibility cannot be completely written
off especially with the South
African rand.
Whilst South Africa has
been a reliable and stable regional currency patron
over the years, the
country is facing a myriad of social and economic
pressures whose future
ending circumstances are not known.
In order for dollarisation to succeed
over the long term, there must be
permission and mutual understanding
between Zimbabwe and the US and South
Africa, allowing Zimbabwe to continue
adopting the US dollar and the rand as
official currencies.
However,
the current situation is not sustainable as no mutual interest
exists
between Zimbabwe and the United States regarding dollarisation. The
current
practice is undesirable given that Zimbabwe and the United States
have
limited bilateral trade because of existing sanctions imposed on
Zimbabwe.
Although meaningful achievements have been witnessed
especially with regards
to price stabilisation and restoration of some level
of confidence in the
economy, the country is still experiencing acute
shortages of US dollar and
rand currencies particularly in the rural areas.
In some places, people have
resorted to batter trading using livestock such
as chicken, goats and
cattle. Circulating a strong currency such as the US
dollar among the
general populace of a poor country such as Zimbabwe is no
easy task.
The finance sector is bedevilled by acute liquidity related
problems.
Efforts by the government to borrow from the private sector have
not been
successful whilst financial instruments floated onto the market did
not find
any takers. That has worsened the country’s fiscal problems since
no
government can successfully implement its policies without borrowing
unless
it has a strong balance sheet.
Where a country does not manage
its own currency, investors are not keen on
buying and supporting government
debt, hence the central bank has found
itself failing to sell its bond and
Treasury Bill instruments.
Among other problems, export trade has
continued to suffer. There is no
business motivation for importers in Asia,
Europe and other Western
countries to buy goods from Zimbabwe unless they
are cheaper or not
available locally. A well-managed local currency is a
strategic tool which
the country can use to influence trade with other
countries. China and Japan
are dominating international export trade
primarily because of their product
pricing which is partly influenced by the
value of their local currencies.
Countries with stronger currencies
therefore find it cheaper to buy from
these countries particularly
China.
Zimbabwe has a very conducive manufacturing environment because of
very low
labour costs. The job market is characterised by high unemployment
levels
and therefore favourable to manufacturing. However, that potential
may never
be realised unless foreign countries see an economic imperative to
buy
Zimbabwean goods, hence the need for the country to have its own
currency.
Whilst dollarisation has helped by eliminating devaluation risk,
the
strategy has not worked in attracting the much needed global capital and
investment.
But which currency should Zimbabwe re-introduce? Is it
the same Zimbabwean
dollar? That is the most challenging part. The
Zimbabwean dollar is
associated with a bad image and the bad experiences
associated with the
currency may be difficult to shake off. It may be a good
idea to introduce
new currency with a different name. Abandoning the dollar
symbol may not be
a bad idea after all.
In order for the new currency
to be respected on the foreign exchange
market, the government should take
careful and necessary steps needed to
create confidence in the new currency
system. A phased introduction starting
with coins operating alongside the US
dollar and rand is the best strategy.
Only lower coin denominations should
be introduced first.
This strategy will help to avail money for small
transactions such as
transport and daily shopping, promoting low level
commerce whilst at the
same time thwarting the possibility of currency
hoarding for speculative
purposes.
An important part of the process
lies in the exchange rate management system
to be implemented. A flexible
exchange rate regime must be adopted.
Previously, Zimbabwe found itself in a
mess primarily because of the central
bank’s practice of fixing the exchange
rate coupled with reckless money
printing activities. In the end, the system
was subject to abuse by both the
central bank and people in
general.
A fixed exchange rate regime works for stable economies which
are not
susceptible to foreign currency shortages. Efforts to create a fixed
rate
regime by any country with foreign currency shortages will most likely
result in a parallel foreign exchange market. The initial floatation may,
however, peg the new currency at par with the rand. The economies of
Zimbabwe and South Africa are inter-linked and the currencies are likely to
have positive romance.
Another alternative is to join the
Multilateral Monetary Area, formerly
Common Monetary Area, which is
currently composed of South Africa,
Swaziland, Lesotho and Namibia. That way
the Zimbabwean currency will be
pegged at the same level as the rand and
other regional currencies. These
countries’ economies are greatly
interlinked and it makes great sense to
trade with currencies which reflect
their common social and economic
backgrounds.
For that to happen,
Zimbabwe must cooperate and comply with the requirements
of the grouping,
including all monetary policy frameworks especially with
regard to
quantitative easing and exchange rate management. However, the
history of
the central bank under the guidance of Dr Gideon Gono is one that
is not
encouraging.
Dr Gono, a seasoned banker who spent much of his career in
the banking
sector, has failed to steer the sector out of devastating
monetary
challenges. In fact, the governor is blamed for the country’s
previous
financial crisis attributed in part to reckless and irresponsible
monetary
policies under his governorship. His monetary experiments which
included
continuous money printing among others went beyond prudent
boundaries of
economic management.
If the country is to launch new
currency, the question is how will it be
managed and by who? Common wisdom
suggests the Central Bank needs
restructuring especially with regards to its
mandate and structure. The
operations of the Central Bank must be
characterised by very little
government influence. Because the governor is
expected to be a highly
technical individual, there is need to depoliticise
the appointment of the
governor by taking away that task from the President
and pass responsibility
to the board.
The government should however
maintain its level of influence through the
Finance Minister who must be
given the responsibility of appointing the
board. An ideal board must be
composed of key stakeholders such as labour,
industry and banks through
various associations and other interest groups.
In addition, the governor
should not chair the board.
The current structure where the governor
chairs the board creates a
boss-subordinate relationship between him and the
board, taking away the
sense of responsibility and accountability. Global
developments in the
sphere of corporate governance have seen stakeholders
increasingly
questioning the wisdom of having chief executives doubling as
board
chairmen.
To achieve sustainable planning and undertake sound
fiscal interventions,
the Zimbabwean government needs various tools one of
which is the country’s
local currency. Financial instruments meant to ensure
smooth operations of
financial markets can only be introduced successfully
if the country has its
own currency. Without its own currency, the country
will not realise
meaningful economic growth and development.
Addmore
Zhou is a business and real estate consultant. He is a real estate
graduate
of Kingston University in London and an MBA Business Finance
graduate of
University of Liverpool Management School. His PhD research
interest focuses
on Real Estate Investment and Development in developing
countries. He can be
contacted on addmorez@yahoo.co.uk
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
23 November
2012
ZIMBABWE Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR) joins the global community
in
commemorating the 16 Days of Activism Against Gender Violence-an
international campaign which seeks to raise awareness about gender based
violence.
The campaign is commemorated between 25 November
(International Day for the
Elimination of Violence Against Women) and 10
December (International Human
Rights Day), symbolically linking women and
human rights, and confirming
that Gender-Based Violence (GBV) is a human
rights violation.
In 2012, the campaign will continue with the global
theme “From Peace in the
Home to Peace in the World: Let’s Challenge
Militarism and End Violence
Against Women!”
Militarism is ‘an
ideology that creates a culture of fear and supports the
use of violence,
aggression, or military interventions for settling disputes
and enforcing
economic and political interests.’ Militarism therefore refers
to an
attitude that occurs at all levels of society, from the home, to the
workplace, to institutions and organs of State.
It is the
perseverance of women, human rights and peace movements that have
challenged
the social structures which allow violence and discrimination to
continue,
and sought to define security as one that emphasises peace and the
fulfillment of human rights as the way to achieve genuine security for
all.
Zimbabwe is a signatory to many international instruments, protocols
and
tools which seek to protect and respect women’s rights such as the
Beijing
Platform for Action, the Covenant on the Elimination of
Discrimination
Against Women (CEDAW), the United Nations Human Rights
Council, the United
Nations Security Council’s Resolutions 1325, 1820, 1888,
1889, 1960 on
Women, Peace and Security and more. Zimbabwe took the lead in
the SADC
region by being the second state to ratify the SADC Protocol on
Gender and
Development, a key regional instrument for advancing women’s
rights and
gender equality. It contains substantive targets for achieving
gender
equality by 2015, including that of reducing by half current levels
of GBV,
making this initiative a global front-runner!
Although
Zimbabwe has made great progress in accepting these standards for
women,
there remain major gaps in implementation and in accountability for
implementation.
Regrettably, there have been significant violations
of women’s rights,
against such obligations as reported on the eve of the
commemoration of the
16 Days of Activism Against Gender Violence Zimbabwe,
where ZiFM DJ and
actress Tinopona Katsande was a victim of the vice that we
are tirelessly
seeking to eliminate. The horrific act of violence inflicted
on Katsande
raises alarm and also exposes the horrific nature of
gender-based violence
that persists in Zimbabwe.
In Zimbabwe, there
has been no respite in arbitrary arrests and detention of
women Human Rights
Defenders (HRDs) particularly those affiliated to the
Women of Zimbabwe
Arise pressure group including mothers with minors, denial
of medical
treatment for women activists in detention, discrimination,
sexuality,
baiting, discriminatory stereotyping of women HRDs, and
violations of
women’s rights to freedom of expression, association and
peaceful protest in
contravention of CEDAW, one of the most highly endorsed
international human
rights conventions.
Gender-based violence is a deliberate outcome of
discrimination, gender
hierarchies and militaristic behaviour. Of particular
note is the use of
sexual violence such as rape, as a tactic to create fear
and to humiliate or
punish women and their communities. Attention must be
paid to the violation
of women’s rights when they are victimised as part of
a political
process-during election times for example.
Gender-based
violence is a global pandemic that cuts across borders and
impacts all
peoples and societies regardless of ethnicity, race,
socio-economic status,
or religion. In Zimbabwe there is urgent need to deal
decisively with this
vicious cycle of violence, as the violence manifesting
itself in the
political arena mirrors the inner turmoil existing within
individuals and
families. The human rights abuses against women not only
inflict great harm
and suffering on individuals but they tear at the fabric
of entire
societies.
There is need for all members of society to commit themselves
to changing
attitudes and ending all forms of violence against women and
girls. The 16
Days of Activism Against Gender Violence is an opportunity for
all
Zimbabweans to condemn gender-based violence and renew their commitment
and
action towards its elimination. It is critical to note, however, that
action
must be sustained throughout the year, as it confronts and affects
women,
men and children on a daily basis.
In Zimbabwe there are laws
that protect society against family violence and
abuse, rape, sexual assault
and other gender-based violence, but these laws
are meaningless without
effective, fearless and sustained implementation by
the police, prosecutors
and the courts against any and every perpetrator. It
is our collective
responsibility to end the culture of gender-based violence
in Zimbabwe, as
we are all born of woman and have grandmothers, sisters and
daughters who we
must protect and respect.
It is pertinent that on this occasion, ZLHR
challenges individuals,
communities, traditional leaders, the Police and
Prisons Services, the
National Youth Training Programme, Youth and Women’s
Caucuses, the Security
Forces, the Courts and the Inclusive Government; to
reject militarism as a
facet of violence against women; to advocate for
standards of peace and
equality in all relations; and to make progress
towards the elimination of
gender-based violence by ending the culture of
impunity.
ZLHR urges institutions of justice delivery to ensure that the
prosecution
of perpetrators of domestic and gender-based violence is carried
out
expeditiously, publicly, and in a manner that encourages other victims
of
gender-based violence to report their cases with confidence that the law
will protect and vindicate them where they have had the courage to bring
these hidden violations to light.
http://www.sokwanele.com/thisiszimbabwe/archives/8221
November 23rd, 2012
My parents always presented
education to us as the only way out of poverty.
They even sold their
valuables such as goats, sheep and cattle for us to go
to school. At times
my mother would brew beer and sell it just so I could
get an education.
They hoped that one day I would look after them after
completing my
education, but the opposite is true today. They managed to
look after the
seven of us but we continue to fail to look after them.
When I passed my
A levels and went on to enroll as an undergraduate student
I never thought
that I would carry on living in one room. Two years have
passed since
completing my degree yet I am still wandering the streets of
Harare looking
for a job. I no longer have hope that one day I will get a
formal job which
will enable me to look after my family.
My mother was so sure that I
would get a job soon after completing my
studies but she has given up on
that hope now as well. I expected to get a
steady job and a company car and
other benefits such as medical aid, but the
opposite is true and the sweet
dreams have been turned into sour nightmares.
I mourn for myself, my
nation and my family. Sometimes I cry when I think
of all the sacrifices
that my parents made and all they invested in me to go
to school, but
because of the policies of Robert Mugabe and his government l
am harvesting
thorns – instead companies opening, they are closing.
I am even afraid to
marry, but everyone is asking me when are you going to
marry but how can I
marry when I am actually failing to look after myself.
Every year
colleges and universities churn out graduates who are wandering
in the
streets without employment. South Africa is filled with highly
qualified
Zimbabweans forced into menial labour.
I think it is high time people
voted for real change in Zimbabwe.
This entry was posted by Emcee on
Friday, November 23rd, 2012 at 6:32 am.
Lance Guma: Good evening Zimbabwe and thank you for joining me on Nehanda Radio. This week on The Big Interview I am joined by the spokesperson for the Constitutional Parliamentary Select Committee (Copac) Jessie Majome. She is also the Member of Parliament for Harare West constituency and also the Deputy Minister for Women’s Affairs.
Ms Majome, thank you for joining us.
Jessie Majome: You are welcome.
Guma: Okay, the constitution making process, the latest we are hearing is that the parties in the coalition government are going to be seeking the intervention of South African president Jacob Zuma to try and break the impasse caused mainly by Zanu PF seeking to make alterations to this draft.
As far as you are concerned where are we as Zimbabweans and where are you as Copac in this process?
Majome: I will start with Copac. Copac is now almost reaching the final kilometre peg as it were towards concluding its terms of reference. As you are aware we have a draft constitution that came about from the outreach process and finishing the draft itself was the third last stage in our terms of reference.
The next one which is the penultimate one, which is where we are, was convening a Second Stakeholders Conference, in order to table the draft, which we did as you are aware.
Guma: No changes were made at the Second Stakeholders Conference?
Majome: No changes were made at all…
Guma: At this conference the three parties can any one of them or were any of them able to make objections?
Majome: There conference was held in order for the draft to be tabled, because the very words….
Guma: Tabled to the stakeholders who were there?
Majome: Yes, that’s what the three Principals in their wisdom decided to do when they signed the Global Political Agreement, they said we are to table the draft and we did exactly that and the conference noted the draft and it made comments about it.
So this is what we did, we tabled it and what we must then now do in order to prepare for the last, the very last dot, the full stop in the terms of reference of the Select Committee is to prepare a report of the process itself.
Remember we are a select committee of parliament and in terms of the standing rules and orders of parliament, Select Committees and Committees of Parliament report to Parliament. They present reports to parliament, so we are preparing that report. And the biggest component or the most critical part of that report will be the draft constitution.
So when we prepare that report, the very last thing that we will do, which is the very end of the road for the Select Committee in terms of Article 6 and in terms of the process itself, is to present the report to Parliament.
After that Parliament will debate it and then it will be gazetted for a month and then it will then go for a referendum. So as I indicated in we are the very final mile.
Guma: So depending on how the parties in Parliament vote, this could be blocked in parliament?
Majome: Actually a reading of Article 6 gives no room at all for Parliament to vote either this way or that way. It simply says that Parliament debates and in the normal course of events when Parliament is presented with a report of any of its committees, Parliament will debate.
It usually debates the work of the committees, so that’s its ventilated. It is not usually envisaged that Parliament can block because there is hardly ever any room, I don’t know, I am not aware of any process where a report has had to be voted upon because it is a report of a committee itself and Parliament then adopts it as a whole.
Guma: What about this talk that the Principals in the coalition government are going to be taking over this process. Clearly this seems to be the argument advanced by Zanu PF or so we are told, that the Principals will have a final say on this Copac draft.
Majome: I am clear and comfortable with referring to the very letter of the Global Political Agreement. It says in black and white exactly what must be done.
It says clearly, it has milestones that take you from point A to point B in a very clear manner and right now we are at a point were Article 6 says that after the Second Stakeholders conference, we the Select Committee of Parliament established in terms of the standing rules and orders of Parliament we prepare a report and present our report to Parliament.
Parliament, the legislative arm of government is what we present a report to, the executive arm of government is what actually signed the Global Political Agreement and actually mandated the legislative arm of government through a Select Committee of Parliament to conduct the process it is conducting.
So my understanding it looks like from a legal point of view it might be a relationship similar to that of agency in that the Select Committee of Parliament, is executing a mandate for the three Principals. They have already given that mandate to us and we are executing it.
Guma: As the MDC, is your leader, who is also the Prime Minister, Morgan Tsvangirai, is he also clear that the Principals will not have a final say. Is he taking the party position? It seems to be Mugabe who is saying the Principals have the final say, but is Mr Tsvangirai also saying the same?
Majome: The Prime Minister is crystal clear about this and I think he has made several pronouncements at several fora, reminding everyone about what the Global Political Agreement says. He signed the Global Political Agreement and he signed it with every intention that the process goes in this particular way.
And that all goes without saying because even from a common sense point of view because the reason like I was explaining, when the Select Committee is sitting there in the Select Committee, we are a Select Committee of Parliament but on the other hand we are really executing a mandate of those Principals.
When we sit on that committee we do not go on frolicks of our own. We do not subject ourselves to our own whims. We are chosen to represent our political parties. That’s why Article 6 clearly says that the Select Committee shall comprise of, shall be reflective of the diversity of Parliament in terms especially of the parties.
In the Select Committee there are very senior members of Zanu PF, there are very senior members of the MDC led by the Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, such as myself, I am my party’s Secretary for Constitutional and Parliamentary Affairs for example. There are very senior members also of the party led by Professor Welshman Ncube, its Chief Whip Honourable Mhkosi sits in there.
What it then means, because of that, is that each party, it’s a given that when you sit there, we are sitting there to fulfil more or less to fulfil the instructions of our principals, although of course….
Guma: Which is puzzling to a lot of people because if this process done by Copac was a product of all three parties why at the eleventh hour did we have Zanu PF saying they wanted to make amendments?
Majome: Look I’m sure Zanu PF has a democratic right to decide what it wants to decide but at the same time they have not only a moral but a legal obligation as well to adhere to the letter and spirit of the agreement that they signed.
The Global Political Agreement has not been amended at all and it’s a commitment because in the preamble to the Global Political Agreement the three Principals said they are casting away their differences and putting Zimbabwe first and agreeing to work together and we have made a tremendous amount of progress.
So I have difficulty being able to explain exactly how they will do so but I am very clear in my mind and it’s clear for everyone and for all to see. Anyone who cares to read what the three principals agreed, it’s a very simple and straight forward process that says how this should be done and they committed themselves to this and they have been present throughout from the beginning of the process. Their representatives are there, their very senior representatives are there.
Guma: They were sniping at each other calling (Paul) Mangwana (Zanu PF Co-chair of Copac) a sell out and things like that, so clearly not a happy house there but from the way you are describing it there is clearly no need for (South African President) Jacob Zuma to intervene, the process is clear in the GPA.
Majome: According to my vantage point, I would agree because you know the Global Political Agreement is in black and white, it’s in bold and black and white. It’s so clear and the font is very large (…laughs) and it would be difficult to see what, it’s difficult to miss exactly what it says.
Sadly time and time again throughout this process, this process has been punctuated by these detours, attempted detours from the process. I remember at the very beginning when we started the process, our very first term of reference was that we convene a First All Stakeholders conference as a select committee so that we bring civil society on board because the Principals said they wanted, although they the Principals were the ones more or less giving agency to a Select Committee of Parliament, they were very clear that they wanted the process to be characterised by four things.
They chose very deliberate words, and they chose these terms very carefully and there are four terms. They said they wanted the process to be people driven, and they said they wanted it people owned and thirdly democratic and four inclusive and those words are very clear, they chose those words themselves. And they said that they want conditions created that are conducive for the people of Zimbabwe to make a constitution for themselves.
Which is then why I start to wonder, if the Principals, theoretically speaking, they said we are taking over, are those the conditions that are conducive for the people to make a constitution for themselves?
Part 2 of this transcript will be published on Monday……………
http://www.newzimbabwe.com
22/11/2012
00:00:00
by REWT
On November 12, 2012, the
Toronto-based rights group Partnership Africa
Canada released a report on
the Marange diamond fields, alleging looting
worth around $2 billion since
2008. “The scale of illegality is mind
blowing... the biggest plunder of
diamonds since Cecil Rhodes," the report
said.
Zimbabwean NGOs have
been critical of the PAC report which they say is
lacking in detail and
specifics, although they welcome its call for greater
transparency.
One of the NGOs, the Resources Exploitation Watch
Trust, issued the
following statement on Thursday criticising the PAC report
titled 'Reap What
You Sow: Greed and Corruption in Zimbabwe Marange Diamond
Fields':
"Resource Exploitation Watch Trust (REWT) is a pan African civic
society
carrying oversight on the Marange Diamond mining activities pursuant
to the
Kimberly Process Certification Scheme (KPCS) Kinshasa Agreement. REWT
notes
with dismay contents of the Partnership Africa Canada (PAC) report
entitled
Reap What You Sow: Greed and Corruption in Zimbabwe’s Marange
Diamond
Fields.
We disagree with the report on the following
grounds:
# The civic society oversight in Marange diamond fields is to be
carried by
local Zimbabwean Civic Society Organisations (CSO) as directed by
the KP
Kinshasa agreement. PAC as an external and foreign organisation is
excluded
to undertake oversight in the Marange diamond fields. Further, PAC
has no
intimate knowledge of the goings on in Marange. If PAC was sincere in
its
efforts, it should have submitted the report to the KP Chair so that the
allegations, which fall with realm of KP mandate, be
interrogated.
The report is pregnant with serious and malicious
falsehoods. We pick the
following as an example:
# No evidence was
provided to prove that President Robert Mugabe's
government deployed
helicopter gunships to masaccre 200 villagers in
Marange. Names of victims
were not mentioned.
# Farai Mutamangira was not appointed Chief Executive
of Hwange Colliery. In
fact the mine is looking for a new CEO after the
departure of Freddy Moyo.
# The link between the death of the respected
businessman, Allan Banks, and
illegal diamond trade without disclosing the
full details of the
transactions he allegedly made is unfair and insensitive
to the family of
the slain businessman.
# The implication of
Mozambican authorities in the alleged diamond
laundering without affording
them right of reply is grossly mischievous and
disdainful.
# The
allegations of money laundering by players in China, Dubai, India and
UAE
without supporting banking records is indicative of deep hatred of
non-white
actors in the diamond industry by the Canadians.
# There is no precise
breakdown of the alleged US$2 billion diamond sales
which were looted by the
Mugabe government showing the actual buyers, bank
accounts used or caratage
bought by each individual buyer.
The report pre-supposes that Mines
Minisrer Obert Mpofu was a pauper prior
to his appointment as Minister of
Mines and Mining Development in 2009. A
quick cross-check of his alleged
wealth as cointained in the report will
show the following:
# Umguza
Block, 10,060 hectares, formerly owned by Cold Storage Commission
(CSC)
specifically known as blocks 39, 40 and 41: Documents at hand prove
that the
farm is, in fact, Auchenburg blocks 3A, 3B, 6, 6A, 7A, 7B measuring
4,214 ha
and is owned by the CSC which is leasing it to the minister for
US$5,028 in
an agreement that was signed by CSC chief executive officer Mr.
Ngoni
Chinogaramombe.
# 1,027ha Auchenburg Farm, Nyamandlovu: This is actually
a piece of land
that was bought by prominent businessman Mr. Golden Ndlovu
for Z$80 million
in 2001.
# Green Haven Farm located close to Umguza
River: This is not a farm but a
business centre which Dr Mpofu bought in
1987 and sold to another
businessman in 1995. It has since been sold to the
Marima family.
# 3,700ha Umguza CSC Block and Young Farm Nyamandlovu:
This is a repetition
of Auchenburg Farm, which is generally referred to as
"koYoung" as it was
once owned by a Mr. Young.
# 8,000ha Horseshoe Ranch
in Matetsi: This is a 4,000ha conservancy, which
Dr Mpofu acquired through
the land reform programme in 2000.
# 100ha in Epping Forest B Section known
as Mswelangubo Farm: This is an
inaccurate repetition of Auchenburg Farm
which is now known as Mswelangubo
Farm.
# Block 4,000ha: Yet another
repetition of Auchenburg.
# Anchor House, 12th Avenue and Fort Street,
costing between US$1 million
and $2 million in Bulawayo's depressed market:
This building is actually
owned by the Zimbabwe Open University which is
operating from the premises.
The university bought the building in 2011 from
Fort Investments for
US$850,000.
# A dilapidated two-storey office
block at the corner of Fife Street and
Fourth Avenue: Dr Mpofu bought the
building in question in 1996.
# Bought York House for a song in 2007
during an economic depression: Dr
Mpofu bought York House through a mortgage
facility in 1998. He made his
last payment in 2002.
# A house in
Magpie Road in Bulawayo: This is Dr Mpofu's residence, which he
bought in
1994.
# Livingstone Road offices: Dr Mpofu bought these premises from a
Martha
Mtisi in 2004.
# Volvo trucks which retail at US$100,000:
These are recently acquired
trucks that were manufactured in 2004 and are
selling at around US$10,000 in
the United Kingdom.
# The report was
funded by the Irish Aid which is wholy funded by the Irish
government to
further its foreign policy interests. The Irish government’s
stance is known
to be hostile and for regime change in Zimbabwe.
# By its own admission,
the report heavily realied on press reports mostly
from hostile media and
this shows regurtation of unfounded news articles
which were previously
published across the world. Infact, the report
resembles similarities with
the previous reports on Zimbabwe’s Marande
diamond fields.
# The
timing of the realese of report with the opening of the Zimbabwe
Diamond
Conference shows typical high school activism bent on thwarting
Zimbabwe's
attempts to engage the international community on the diamond
trade."
Tafadzwa Musarara
CHAIRMAN
Diamond Production and Sales from the Marange Fields in Eastern Zimbabwe
Paper presented by E G Cross, Member of Parliament for Bulawayo South, to a conference at the Holiday Inn, Harare on 23nd November 2012
On the 27th of July 2011, I asked the Minister of Mines to make a statement to Parliament on the production of diamonds at Marange for the past five years and the value of that production in 2009. In his reply he stated that a total of just over 11 million carats of raw diamonds had been extracted from the Marange fields in the previous five years. He further, declared that total sales had been just $18 dollars per carat in 2009 and this suggested that implied total value of raw diamond sales in five years of just over $200 million dollars.
He further stated that total payments to the Exchequer had been just over $174 million in the same period. In fact this statement imputed that the miners had paid out most of the money earned from the sale of diamonds. As this is patently untrue, I decided to investigate the diamond find independently.
The Marange alluvial diamond deposits were discovered in 2000 by a geologist working for De Beers Limited in South Africa. The company duly registered an Exclusive Prospecting Order over the area (an EPO) with the Ministry of Mines. After extensive exploration work the company abandoned its find and allowed their EPO to lapse at the end of a six year period. The Minister of Mines has consistently accused De Beers of extracting diamonds from Marange for 6 years and at the recent conference at the Falls he further stated that they had taken 100 000 tonnes from the field and by implication he thought that 2 million carats had been exported without the knowledge of the State. The reality is that the De Beers geologist on the site sent back to Johannesburg samples that consistently showed the presence of low quality, industrial diamonds that were of little interest to De Beers.
Following the withdrawal of De Beers in March 2006, a small group of Zimbabweans living in the Diaspora and operating through a company that they had formed in London called “African Consolidated Resources” or ACR took the required steps to register a number of claims over a selected portion of the diamond fields and this process was duly completed in June 2006. ACR geologists had quickly determined that De Beers had missed the main deposits and as part of the registration process, ACR was obliged to declare their findings in accordance with the rules of the London Stock Exchange as a public company and in addition, because the find included gem quality diamonds, they notified the Ministry of Mines.
In September 2006 just three months after registering their claims and commencing preparations to commence mining and understanding the significance of the discovery, ACR proposed a similar arrangement to the Ministry of Mines for the exploitation of the fields as that used in Botswana through a Joint Venture between the State and De Beers mining company. In their proposal ACR suggested that a new company be formed with the equity held by both the Government of Zimbabwe and ACR in the ratio of 50/50 – with ACR being responsible for management and all mining activities. Such an arrangement would have meant that over 70 per cent of the revenues from the diamond fields would have accrued to Government.
For unknown reasons, this proposal was rejected by the Ministry of Mines and ACR was forcibly removed from the claims which were then taken over by the Zimbabwe Mining Development Corporation, even though they had no expertise or the required capital to exploit the discovery. The Ministry immediately opened up the area to small scale miners without restriction.
The people of the Marange District and many others took up this opportunity, discovered that alluvial diamonds had real value and rapid expansion of informal diamond mining activity began. At one stage it was estimated that many thousands of illegal miners were operating in the Marange fields. A very substantial industry sprang up in nearby Mozambique to manage the sale and distribution of the growing supply of raw diamonds from Marange.
In late 2008, a military operation was mounted during which several hundred people were killed and thousands of local diamond miners driven off the claims. This exercise was carefully and ruthlessly carried out and was designed to restore State control over the fields. In my view the primary reason for this was the understanding within the ruling Party at the time, that they were in unsettled water and needed alternative sources of funding.
The legal rights of ACR were brushed aside and in the ensuing period, six groups were permitted by the authorities to start formal mining and extraction activities on the deposits. The six groups permitted on site were the following:
Mbada Diamonds
Anjin/Zimbabwe National Army
Marange Resources (ZMDC and formally Canadile)
The Zimbabwe Republic Police
The Central Intelligence Organisation
The National Prison Service
Since then of this list only Canadile has had its rights revoked for reasons that are still unclear. Their claims are being mined by the ZMDC under the auspices of the company Marange Resources. All the other listed organisations are active on the diamond fields although the relative richness of the individual field allocations varies a great deal from place to place. Marange Resources and Mbada Diamonds occupy the original claims registered by ACR in 2006. Since 2009 another company has been allowed on site, with principals from the Middle East, little is known about this operation.
The activities of these groups on site remain clouded in secrecy and it is clear that no accurate consolidated figures of production exist for the area. However, the statement by the Minister that output in 2010 rose to 8, 5 million carats gives some idea of the magnitude of this operation. That is equal to 23 000 carats a day and this confirms the view that Marange is now one of the largest finds in the global diamond industry for the past century.
My own investigations, using published and unpublished data suggests that diamond extraction from the alluvial deposits at Marange within the area of the ACR claims were averaging approximately 20 carats per tonne of ore processed in the early days. I must explain how this figure was arrived at. As part of my investigations in 2011 I was handed 7 sheets of paper on which are recorded the actual daily production figures for Marange Resources (Pvt.) limited. These showed that in 2009, the company processed 25000 tonnes of ore/sand and produced an average of 19.86 carats per tonne. The production sheets were signed by 4 military officers who signed as “Completed by”, “Checked”, “verified” and “Confirmed”. Each man gave his rank.
Data actually available for 2010 from Mbada Diamonds suggests that output from the Mbada claims has been running at 150 tonnes of ore per hour since new equipment was installed in 2009. This amounts to nearly 1 million tonnes of ore per annum. At 20 carats per tonne this is equal to 20 million carats – two and half times the volume declared by the Minister for 2010 and this estimate ignores the production from the other 5 claims and the hundreds of informal sector miners that are still operating in the area. In my own estimates in the table below I have used a figure of 10 carats per tonne, declining to 5 carats per tonne as the character of the deposits being mined have been changing.
From the data that I have in hand for actual diamond production by quality and size, the Mbada claims in 2010 were running at 15 per cent good quality gem stones, 21.67 per cent quality industrials, and 62.5 per cent low quality industrial diamonds and 0.68 per cent rubbish. The average price achieved on gem stones was $350 in 2010 while industrial diamonds realised between $31 and $3 a carat. The overall average price achieved in 2010 by Mbada, was $67 per carat, this compares to the Ministers claim that they were getting only $18 per carat.
If we value the Ministers figures for diamonds mined in 2010 at Marange at the average price of $67 per carat rather than the figures he gave to Parliament, then the actual value of sales of raw diamonds from Marange in 2010 were $563 million dollars and not the stated $200 million for the past five years. Payments to the fiscus therefore represented only 30 per cent of the diamonds officially produced and sold in 2010.
Although no accurate information is available from the other operators, it is clear that the Angin operations were either equal to or even greater than the Mbada operations. In particular the Angin mining activities expanded rapidly after 2010 and they have commenced hard rock mining on their claims. Recent data based on installed capacity at Angin suggests that this company is now producing up to 7 times the total production of Mbada. Up to date output figures for Marange Resources are not available but are thought to be significant and to have increased since 2009.
The table below sets out estimated production and sales of diamonds from the Marange fields. These estimates are conservative in that they recognise that we simply have no idea of how much was extracted from the fields by informal miners 2006 to 2008. Thereafter I have assumed that yields are declining as the alluvial deposits are exhausted and mines are forced to start mining the aggregate in which the bulk of the diamonds are located. Volumes of ore are based on the installed capacity on each mine. These figures suggest total ore processed since mining began of 15 million tonnes, half of this in 2012. Diamond production at 100 million carats; the values are based on known prices and the quality spread established from data from the Mbada claims.
Production and Sale of Diamonds from the Marange Fields
Year |
2006 |
2007 |
2008 |
2009 |
2010 |
2011 |
2012 |
Totals |
Ore 000 tons |
25 |
50 |
100 |
145 |
1785 |
5710 |
7510 |
15325 |
Carats/ton |
10 |
10 |
10 |
20 |
10 |
7 |
5 |
7 |
Prod 000 C |
.250 |
.500 |
1 |
2.9 |
17.85 |
39.97 |
37.55 |
100 |
Value per Ca |
50 |
50 |
50 |
70 |
70 |
85 |
95 |
85 |
Sales million $ |
12.5 |
25 |
50 |
203 |
1249 |
3397 |
3587 |
8504 |
Had these deposits (thought to contain between 2 and 7 billion carats of diamonds worth $200 billion to $700 billion dollars – source ACR Geologists) been exploited along the lines proposed by ACR in 2006 when the discovery was made, then the revenues to the State from Marange could have reached perhaps $5,5 billion in the past 4 years. In 2012, the Minister of Mines promised to pay to the Treasury some $600 million or less than 17 per cent of the gross revenues estimated above. His failure to do so plunged the Ministry of Finance into a crisis which meant that many items in the national budget could not be funded. No explanation has been given for this failure.
In Botswana where a joint venture along these same lines has functioned for many years, the State receives two thirds of gross sales. Education is free and the people do not pay personal taxes. Botswana has an income per capita today of nearly $9 000 and is rated a middle income country. Zimbabwe has an income per capita of just $390 in 2012 and is rated one of the poorest countries in the world.
Evidence of the reality of these figures for production and sales from Marange, if people need them, can be seen in the following:
Ø A deficit on imports of nearly 50 per cent or in excess of $4 billion this year;
Ø Imports of $1,4 billion in motor vehicles in 2012;
Ø The construction of large, luxury homes in many parts of the country;
Ø Visible evidence of a high standard of living for a significant number of people whose positions do not justify such life styles;
Ø Significant expenditure by individuals and firms linked to Marange including luxury apartments and houses, even high rise buildings in South Africa;
Ø Substantial investments by certain individuals connected to the Marange operations in many areas of Zimbabwe, including the purchase of buildings and companies;
Ø The expenditure of perhaps $300 million via the Presidents Fund on free crop inputs, scholarships and bursaries;
Ø The purchase of two new long range Airbus Aircraft;
Ø Expenditures on military equipment and facilities that are not provided for in the State budget; and
Ø Massive support for political parties in anticipation of a snap election
The Kimberly Process does not take into account human and legal rights abuse in the exploitation of diamonds, it only adopts a stance if it can be demonstrated that diamond production is being used to promote and fund armed attacks on civilians. It does not take into account the use of such funds to destabilise countries or political systems. It therefore cannot be taken as a suitable measure to define what has and is happening in Zimbabwe.
In 2011, the Parliament of Zimbabwe adopted a motion without dissent, that the Marange diamond fields be nationalised. It is pleasing to see that the Minister of Finance has announced that that is exactly what is intended under the new Diamond Act and that we can expect action shortly. This does not remedy the harm done already, but at least it secures the future for the benefit of all Zimbabweans.
While welcoming this measure, we should not lose sight of the compensation that is surely due to the shareholders of ACR, the families of those killed or disposed at Marange itself and the loss of revenue to the State over the past 5 years. My own view is that those who have benefitted so visibly from the illicit sales of Marange diamonds over the past 5 years should be required to pay such compensation to the affected company and communities.
In the meantime it will be enough to turn the Marange discovery from being a curse to a blessing which will benefit every one of us.
An overview of the dissident problem
a.) A summary of contributing factors
Factors contributing to the growth of dissident numbers are complex. The relative importance of these factors has been variously highlighted in existing accounts of these years, depending in part on the implicit agenda of researchers, and in part on their sources.
Some explanations as to why dissidents became an entity, include:
1. The view of the Government and ZANU-PF that the dissidents were actively sponsored by ZAPU leaders, who were hoping to gain through renewed fighting what they had failed to gain in the elections.
2. ZAPU’s view, that the heavy-handed Government reaction to the dissident issue, and its targeting of ZAPU as solely responsible, expressed a long-held desire either to punish ZAPU, or crush ZAPU totally and create a one party state.
3. The well-established view that South Africa exacerbated events by training and funding dissidents, known as Super ZAPU, with the intention of disrupting the newly Independent Zimbabwe.
4. The dissidents’ view, that they were driven to desert the National Army by the persecution of ex-ZIPRA members within its ranks, and that once outside the Army, they found themselves further persecuted and on the run.
While there is evidence to support the last three views, at least in part, to date there is no documentary or material evidence to support the contention that ZAPU leadership concretely supported or instructed the dissidents, apart from an abundance of Government rhetoric at the time, insisting on links between ZAPU and dissidents. Two lengthy treason trials, one in 1982 and one in 1986, both failed to prove ZAPU-dissident collusion.
The political and military violence of the 1980s resulted in huge losses for the citizens of Zimbabwe, in terms of human life, property, and economic development in affected areas. The dissidents themselves became answerable for this in no small measure, and are certainly known to have committed deeds of heinous cruelty against their fellow Zimbabweans during these years.
Civilians who lived in the rural areas and came into contact with them describe them as “cruel, uncontrollable, leaderless”. Their activities led to the abandonment of around 200 000 hectares of commercial farmland in Matabeleland, the murders of scores of civilians, the destruction of many homesteads, and scores of robberies.
At the same time, the dissidents were few, numbering no more than around 400 at their peak, and experiencing large numbers of deaths, captures and desertion. It is also now clear that many dissidents consider themselves to have been driven to lead the lives of fugitives by the partial failure of the Army’s integration process, and the persecution of all former ZIPRAs as the conflict escalated.
Whatever the initial causes of the rising numbers of “dissidents”, the Government certainly had a serious security problem on its hands by mid-1982. The situation needed a military response, but unfortunately, the Government used it to launch a “double edged conflict” in Matabeleland.
The first offensive was against the dissidents, and involved the use of various ZNA units and the Police Support Unit. However, the Government also launched an offensive against the ordinary civilians of Matabeleland, through 5 Brigade: this served both to increase dissident numbers and to exacerbate the plight of those most vulnerable to the dissidents.
These two conflicts escalated into what has been called, including by Government itself, a “civil war”. While there is little love for dissidents in the memories of those who lived with them, it must be acknowledged that it is 5 Brigade that people remember with the most intense hatred and fear.
B) THE DISSIDENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
One contributing factor to escalating dissident numbers, according to the dissidents themselves, was the ZNA’s initial failure successfully to integrate ZANLA and ZIPRA into one army.
The task facing the ZNA at Independence was unprecedented: its role was to integrate three armies, all of which had long-standing animosities towards each other, and form one army with a conventional military background.
The animosities between ZIPRA and ZANLA have already been dealt with. Not only did these two antagonistic forces have to integrate with each other at Independence, but they had to be integrated with the existing Rhodesian Defence Forces (RDF), which had fought to preserve white supremacy in Zimbabwe. There were obvious long-standing political and military antagonisms between the RDF and both the guerrilla armies.
From the time of the negotiated ceasefire in Zimbabwe, ex-guerrillas were held in Assembly Points (APs) throughout the country, from where they were gradually integrated with the RDF, or demobilised.
Many ex-guerrillas from both sides resisted entering the APs, fearing the consequences, or rejecting the negotiated outcome to the war. In the APs, after Independence, there were several minor skirmishes between ZANLA and ZIPRA forces in different parts of the country, and also outbreaks of bad behaviour in the vicinity of the APs, as ex-combatants spent long months waiting for integration to take its course.
In February 1980, The Chronicle reported approximately 200 guerrillas roaming the North West, campaigning for ZAPU and committing crimes. In Nkayi and Gokwe, in northern Matabeleland, there was a group of ZIPRAs operating under a man called “Tommy”, who had been renowned for refusing to obey the ZIPRA High Command structure in the 1970s.
In addition, there was a group of ZIPRAs in Tsholotsho who refused to enter the APs, as they rejected the ceasefire. In May and June 1980, 400 ZIPRA guerrillas were rounded up in Northern Matabeleland and taken to Khami Prison near Bulawayo.
ZANLA was considered as much of a problem as ZIPRA, if not a worse one, in these early months. ZANLA was involved in armed attacks in Mutoko, Mount Darwin and Gutu. Both sides were involved in the concealing of weapons outside the APs.
TROUBLE AT ENTUMBANE
At the end of 1980 only 15 000 out of 65 000 ex-combatants had been integrated into the Army, and the decision was made to remove some of the remaining ex-combatants into housing schemes near the major centres.
Under a rehousing scheme in Entumbane, a suburb of Bulawayo, ZIPRA and ZANLA found themselves living in close proximity to each other, and also with ZIPRA’s civilian supporters.
Coinciding with this development, in November 1980 there was an inflammatory speech by Enos Nkala, a Government minister, in which ZAPU was referred to as the enemy.
This contributed to the first Entumbane uprising, in November 1980, in which ZIPRA and ZANLA fought a pitched battle for two days, before being brought under control by ZIPRA and ZANLA commanders. Five hundred more ZANLA soldiers were moved to Entumbane, and ZAPU officials were arrested.
The fighting between ZIPRA and ZANLA was not restricted to Matabeleland, but led to deaths in holding camps in Mashonaland as well.
In February 1981, a second outburst of fighting started in Entumbane, which spread to Ntabazinduna and Glenville, in the vicinity of Bulawayo, and also to Connemara in the Midlands.
ZIPRA troops elsewhere in Matabeleland North and South headed for the city to join the battle, and Prime Minister Mugabe called in former RDF units to quell the uprising, but not before more than 300 people had lost their lives.
Taken from a report on the 1980’s disturbances in Matabeleland and the Midlands. Compiled by the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace in Zimbabwe, March 1997