By Alex Bell
23 November 2012
The jailing this week of three ZANU PF members, found guilty in the murder
case of an MDC-T supporter more than ten years ago, is being welcomed
despite the ‘lenient’ sentence handed down.
Boy Ndlovu (62), Ben Tshidino Ndou (58) and Ndangano Ndou (53) were on
Wednesday convicted of culpable homicide, after denying murder charges. They
appeared before Bulawayo High Court judge Justice Nicholas Ndou, who
sentenced the three to ten years in jail each.
The three insisted that they had not intended killing Nelson Nare Mudau (68)
when they stormed his Beitbridge home in March 2002 and seriously assaulted
him. Mudau was a known and active MDC supporter, whose two daughters had
acted as polling agents during the presidential vote that year.
Mudau and his daughters were all injured in the attack by the ZANU PF
members. Mudau died six days later in hospital. His attackers admitted in
court that Mudau was targeted for supporting the MDC, but insisted they did
not mean to kill him.
SW Radio Africa’s Bulawayo correspondent Lionel Saungweme said the
sentencing on Wednesday has been welcomed by members of the MDC. But he said
many observers believe the ten year jail term handed down is too lenient.
“This is one of many cases these guys are involved in. They are known for
perpetrating violence in Beitbridge over the last ten years,” Saungweme
A fourth ZANU PF member, who has also been accused in the same case, is
standing trial separately and his case continues.
Saungweme meanwhile said there was more good news for MDC-T supporters in
Bulawayo on Friday, with the arrival of Youth Assembly chairman Solomon
Madzore. Madzore was last week released from Chikurubi prison on bail, more
than a year after being arrested in connection with the death of a policeman
in Glen View last May.
“Madzore has come to see his supporters so there is a get together and a
celebration tonight (Friday). So there is a very happy mood here,” Saungweme
By Tichaona Sibanda
23 November 2012
War vets leader Jabulani Sibanda is in Manicaland province at the behest of
aspiring ZANU PF parliamentary candidates to campaign on their behalf, a
senior MDC-T official said.
Pishai Muchauraya, the MDC-T MP for Makoni South and spokesman for the party
in the province, claimed Sibanda is being paid to do the ‘dirty job’ for the
‘He’s here under contract. These ZANU PF people pay him to intimidate our
supporters in the constituencies they’ve earmarked. When the job is done
they pay him and Sibanda gladly goes back to Bulawayo with money for his
rent and food,’ Muchauraya said.
Last week the war vets leader visited Nyanga South where he held several
meetings with traditional leaders and villagers. He warned them against
voting for the MDC-T.
Sibanda also ordered ZANU PF activists to compile a list of known MDC-T
members and perceived sympathisers and submit it to war vets in Nyanga.
But Muchauraya noted that the ZANU PF officials who are hiring Sibanda for
his services are undermining their chances of winning, by siding with the
one of the worst purveyors of violence in Zimbabwe.
The Makoni South MP accused Sibanda of being responsible for the
disappearance, murder and maiming of many MDC supporters from other
provinces, especially Masvingo.
‘Who doesn’t know Sibanda’s history of violence and who in his right mind
would vote for anyone seen to be associating themselves with this type of
‘It cannot be ignored that politicians from ZANU PF, hoping to win seats in
next year’s elections, are inciting violence in order to displace their
opponents’ supporters. But in so doing they are alienating themselves from
the same communities they’re hoping to lead,’ the MP said.
He continued: ‘Several ZANU PF politicians or political hopefuls have been
linked to violence in many parts of the country and the only way to end
political violence requires bringing to book those behind it.’
By Tererai Karimakwenda
23 November 2012
The battle for the proceeds from Zimbabwe’s diamond mining industry
intensified this week, with a group of war vets demanding a share of diamond
funds from government.
According to the independent Daily News newspaper, the new demands were
confirmed by Andrew Ndlovu, secretary for projects in the Zimbabwe National
Liberation War Veterans Association (ZNLWVA).
Ndlovu is quoted as saying: “We are not asking them to pay us from their
pockets. They do not have money but this country is rich and we are making
lots of money from the sale of diamonds. They should pay us from that.”
War veteran Max Mkandla, president of the Zimbabwe Liberators’ Peace
Initiative (ZLPI), dismissed the demands by Ndhlovu, saying that the diamond
proceeds should benefit all Zimbabweans, not just war vets.
“Diamond money must be distributed to all organs of government and civic
organisations that help Zimbabweans, police, teachers, nurses, doctors and
others who should benefit from diamonds,” Mkandla said.
He added that Ndlovu and the war vets are also part of the problem, because
their acts of violence and threats against businesses chased away potential
investors, affecting the country’s economy.
Mkandla also blamed mismanagement and corruption for the lack of funds in
the national coffers, saying Zimbabwe has many natural resources that can
help the country develop if they are well managed.
Some war vets have been demanding more money from Finance Minister Tendai
Biti, who said the government was broke as diamond money was not making it
into the national coffers. Biti accused the military of creating a “parallel
government” funded by stolen diamond revenue.
According to the Daily News, Ndlovu said war vets who have been demanding
money from Biti “are knocking on the wrong door” because the Finance
Minister cannot make those decisions.
“He cannot pay us on his own, he gets direction from a collective Cabinet
and we want the government and in particular those who lead it, to do
something now,” Ndlovu reportedly said.
The demand comes just days after the Mines Minister Obert Mpofu offered to
give 1% of the diamond proceeds to civic society organisations that he had
accused of “peddling falsehoods” and “malicious reports” about the diamond
Mpofu’s offer was dismissed by the civic groups, who viewed it as a bribe
intended to muzzle them and stop their demands for more accountability in
MP Eddie Cross, Secretary for Research and Policy Coordination, presented a
paper at a Diamond Conference in Harare on Friday, which estimated that
diamond production in 2012 yielded about 37 million carats, worth about $95
a carat or nearly $4 billion dollars.
He said the diamond fields at Marange cover an area of approximately 80,000
hectares, which geologists estimate to contain 2 to 7 billion carats of raw
diamonds. This makes it one of the largest discoveries of its kind in the
world, and explains the sudden rush for a slice and the secrecy involved in
accounting for the funds.
Friday, 23 November 2012 10:41
HARARE - Zimbabwe will lobby for the lifting of US sanctions on its diamond
exports at a meeting in Washington next week, a government official said,
arguing that its stones are no longer a threat to the country’s stability.
The US Treasury Department’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (Ofac) slapped
an embargo on the southern African nation’s diamonds in 2008 to prevent
their sale from fuelling conflict, which began with diamond discoveries in
Marange in 2006.
Zimbabwe was in November last year given the green light to export diamonds
from its Marange fields by the industry’s top certification system,
Kimberley Process Certification Scheme (KP), but the country remains under a
US export ban of gems under Ofac.
“We want the (US) diamond embargo lifted. We have over-complied with the KP
minimum conditions,” Obert Mpofu, the minister of Mines heading the lobbying
He claimed civil society groups were campaigning for the US to keep the
sanctions, an allegation angrily rejected by the NGO leaders.
The US sanctions are on Zimbabwe Mining Development Corporation (ZMDC),
which was put under the embargo pursuant to Executive Order 13469.
A Zimbabwean delegation plans to submit a demand for US sanctions removal on
its diamond sector during a four-day KP meeting that begins in Washington on
Talks are also under way with several international diamond firms to
establish marketing partnerships.
The Washington meeting will be attended by US assistant secretary of state
for economic and business affairs José W Fernandez, KP vice chair Susan
Shabangu, who is also South Africa’s minister of mineral resources, KP chair
Gillian Milovanovic; president of the World Diamond Council Eli Izhakoff and
civil society coalition representatives.
Zimbabwe will make its case at the Working Group Monitoring session on
Wednesday — day two of the conference. - Gift Phiri, Political Editor
Friday, 23 November 2012 10:18
HARARE - Ignatius Chombo, the local government minister’s recent land probe
team is meant to punish more MDC councilors.
MDC councillors claim Chombo is out to destroy them through a land probe
team meant to investigate cooperatives and has targeted at least seven
Targeted for suspension are councilors Victor Chifodya, Charity Bango, Musa
Macheza, Panganai Charumbira, Sunshine Mudavanhu, Gwinyai Mbira and Paula
The seven targeted recently survived the chop from their party’s probe team
which axed 12 other councillors.
Other councillors felt deputy mayor Emmanuel Chiroto, following his ejection
by MDC, was the brains behind the manoeuvres.
This is the second time that Chombo has instituted an investigation on
council operations following the Ellen Chivaviro-headed procurement probe
team which handed its recommendations last week.
Chombo was yesterday quoted saying he was still finalising the review of the
procurement probe report and would have duly dealt with those found on the
wrong side of the law by end of today.
But following the failure by the Chivaviro probe team to nail targeted
councillors, sources claim Chombo decided to institute this second probe.
“They are witch hunting and laying flimsy charges targeted at councilors.
This Monday a land probe team headed by Alfred Tome was put in place and
today (yesterday) as we speak the probe teams are supposed to visit
cooperatives in Budiriro one,” said a council official.
Of worry to the councilors was the minister’s decision to preside over the
“Surprisingly, instead of minister Nyoni (Sithembiso) or Mutsekwa (Giles)
handling that probe as the responsible ministers of Cooperatives and Housing
respectively, we find the Local Government minister on it.
“Is this not interference? He is merely interested in disbanding
cooperatives that he perceives as sympathetic to MDC and replace them with
Efforts to get a comment from Chombo were futile as his phone went
unanswered. - Staff Writer
Friday, 23 November 2012 10:18
HARARE - Anglican Bishop Chad Gandiya’s camp has made sensational
allegations of food poisoning against disgraced and dethroned renegade
clergyman Nolbert Kunonga’s group, which has been ordered by the court to
vacate rectories, schools and hospitals they grabbed five years ago.
Gandiya’s Anglican Church of the Province of Central Africa (CPCA) was on
high alert yesterday and issued warnings to members that it had unearthed a
case where Kunonga’s people, including his relatives had poisoned an orchard
to fix CPCA members expected to move in following the Supreme Court ruling.
Kunonga refused to respond to the allegation when contacted by the Daily
But Precious Shumba, the CPCA spokesperson for the Harare Diocese, urged
CPCA followers and officials moving into properties to be cautious following
the poisoning case.
“It happened,” said Shumba confirming the poisoning allegations.
“It was reported to the police as a case of food poisoning,” he said.
As part of the awareness campaign, the CPCA took to social media yesterday
to warn Anglicans of the food poisoning.
The church, on its Facebook page, fingered Rutendo Kunonga, son of the
controversial ex-communicated Anglican bishop, to have allegedly poisoned
mango fruits at St Paul Church in Chinhoyi where he was in charge.
“Do not trust Kunonga’s people! Be warned! Here is why — information just
received is that Kunonga’s son Rutendo, who was residing at St Paul’s
Chinhoyi Rectory, sprayed a poisonous substance on a mango tree, obviously
expecting to poison our priest and family,” read a statement from the CPCA
The poisoning backfired as Rutendo’s son “picked up one of the poisoned
mangoes, and was immediately taken seriously ill at Chinhoyi Provincial
“The matter was reported to police,” reads the CPCA statement.
The CPCA, which was keen on moving in to their premises immediately, is now
cautions and has warned its members to be wary of Kunonga’s “mischief”.
Shumba said although the Anglican Church is cautious because of the alleged
poisoning of mangoes by Kunonga’s son, it will not hesitate to forcibly
eject Kunonga from the premises in order to avoid further rot.
Fears abound that Kunonga’s supporters — whose brute streak manifested
itself in the past five years as they beat up fellow Christians and
allegedly looted churches, schools and hospitals — could employ similar
“Now you are all warned not to eat any fruit you will find at our church
premises and rectories because they might be poisoned,” reads the statement.
Gandiya has already warned Anglicans against using altars in the churches
until a cleansing ceremony is carried out on December 16.
He said under Kunonga, churches were turned into brothels, crèches and
business premises without shame.
He said attempts to stop the rot were met with violent resistance by Kunonga’s
followers, who often enjoyed backing from the police.
With Kunonga having refused an invitation to “humbly” join the church albeit
as a lay man, Shumba said Anglicans should quickly move in to the properties
because of the dirty tactics that are now being employed by the deposed
“It is now time to evict the Kunonga people without further delay otherwise
they will destroy us,” said Shumba.
Kunonga refused to speak to the Daily News.
“Forget about all those things. Why do you pursue useless business,” a
brooding Kunonga said before cutting off. He did not pick up further calls
from the Daily News.
Kunonga was elected Bishop of the Diocese of Harare in 1997 but parted
company with the CPCA in 2007 after he pulled out citing differences on
He subsequently forcibly took over properties despite having left the church
voluntarily, igniting a five-year legal war.
Ian Kohwera, Mashonaland West police spokesperson said he was not in the
office and could only respond today.
Blessing Zulu, Violet Gonda
A new report produced by KPMG has ranked Zimbabwe as one of the top four
African nations with the highest cases of fraud.
KPMG, which quoted findings in the second Africa Barometer report, said
South Africa has the highest number of fraud cases closely followed by
Nigeria, Zimbabwe and Kenya in fourth position.
In terms of the highest value of the fraud, Nigeria remains at the top of
The four countries are said to account for 74 percent of all fraud cases
reported on the continent, translating to $2 billion in the first half of
According to KPMG, Harare is lagging behind in dealing with fraud cases,
especially in the absence of a targeted response.
However, the organization said business has stepped up awareness of fraud
and fraud prevention through workshops.
The report identified fraud and misrepresentation, misappropriation and
theft, counterfeit and forgery, bribery and corruption; and money laundering
as the major types of reported fraud.
The KPMG Africa Fraud Barometer revealed that the sectors with the highest
risk of fraud are government with 55 percent, financial services with 18
percent and consumer markets at 7 percent.
Emilia Chisango, partner at KPMG-Zimbabwe told the VOA that dollarization of
the economy accelerated fraud in Zimbabwe.
Chisango said: “People were used to making money in a very short space of
time. Now with the dollarization of the economy you find that the basic
economic fundamentals start to apply where a dollar is a dollar and the
returns that you are getting are now in line with the rest of the world.”
Chisango said this means the people who were used to making a lot of money
in a short space of time were now resorting to committing fraud to adjust
Interview with Emilia Chisago
Mary Jane Ncube, executive director of Transparency International Zimbabwe,
said there is little investment placed in dealing with corruption and
investing into ethical business conducts by both the business and political
“Everybody is trying to get a cut so it’s not surprising that the report
will state that we make up 32 percent of the value of Africa’s fraud, which
is quite shameful. We are a corrupt people.”
Economist and former president of the Confederation of Zimbabwe Industries
Callisto Jokonya said there is need to revisit “our value system as a
“The Anti-Corruption Commission does not seem to have the teeth and does not
seem to have the commitment but for me what is strong and serious is the
fact that for a nation to be a strong nation it starts from the family.
“If we do not teach our children proper values, when they move out in the
world, they get corrupted easily,” Jokonya said.
However, Ncube said it does not matter what the Anti-Corruption Commission
or the police does if there is no political will at the top to deal with
“Corruption is a political issue. If people at the top see national assets
as something that they can take for private gain, they will not seriously
address the issue of corruption.
"It doesn’t matter how competent the people you hire in the police or
Anti-Corruption Commission are if the leadership does not give them the go
ahead to say this corrupt person must be made to pay,” Ncube said.
Jokonya pointed out that the public, at the end of the day, has a final say
by changing corrupt official in elections.
23 November 2012
The MDC-T has said it is alarmed by a new wave of arbitrary arrests and
intimidation of its supporters after a number of their youth activists were
fined for criminal nuisance, after being caught gathered in a park in
Twenty-one party youths in Kuwadzana, a constituency held by Nelson Chamisa
the national organizing secretary, were arrested on Wednesday and taken to
Kuwadzana 2 Police Station where they were detained before paying $10 each
as an admission of guilt fine. The youths were putting up posters for a
rally Chamisa will address on Sunday.
The independent Newsday newspaper said provincial police spokesperson
Inspector Tadius Chibanda confirmed the arrests and said the youths were in
a park and failed to explain what they were doing there.
A senior member of the party at Harvest House said he wondered if gathering
in a park in Zimbabwe has now become a crime. He condemned the sharp
crackdown on their activists in the run up to the next year’s crucial
‘It’s not a coincidence that there is now a persistent stream of
intimidation targeting our supporters who dare to speak out against ZANU PF
and Robert Mugabe,’ the official said. Chamisa also castigated the police
action, saying it shows why the country needs serious transformation.
‘Why and how do you arrest people for putting up a poster? I am raising the
issue with the officer-in-charge Southerton to explain how and what law they
are using and what politics they are using,’ he said.
Zimbabwe risks being kicked out of the Southern African Development
Committee and the African Union in the event of a coup, says Australian
Ambassador to Zimbabwe, Matthew Neuhaus.
by Tarisai Jangara
Australian Ambassador to Zimbabwe, Matthew Neuhaus, said the GNU was a
The top diplomat’s statements come in the wake of pronouncements by Patrick
Chinamasa, Zanu (PF) Justice Minister and party negotiator and Rugare Gumbo,
Zanu (PF) spokesperson, that there would be a revolt by securocrats and war
veterans if Morgan Tsvangirai and his party won the next elections.
In the early years of the MDC-T, several generals threatened to stage a coup
in the event that Zanu (PF) was dislodged from power. Zanu (PF) accuses
Tsvangirai and his party of being agents of western governments bent on
toppling Mugabe, an accusation that the MDC has repeatedly refuted.
Breaching SADC guidelines
“I think it is amazing that people from any political party would say there
will be a military coup because it is against the AU and SADC guidelines. It
is important for the army, the police force and civil service to support
whoever the people choose in the upcoming elections to be their leader,”
He added that Africa was moving into its third generation of leadership
despite having faced challenges in the development of democracy in the past.
“It is encouraging that we are moving into third generation African
leadership. I see the growth of many political parties and the progress that
it is bringing to Africa,” he said.
The diplomat commended the Government of National Unity for mending sour
relations between Zimbabwe and Australia.
“Following the land invasions and human rights abuses that happened in the
last decade, relations between the two countries soured, but the GNU here
was a very positive move.
“The GNU allowed us to provide assistance in areas like water and
sanitation, restoring agribusiness, helping African farmers and extending
help to the health sector. Ever since the GNU, we have put at least $150m
into the country,” he said.
President Robert Mugabe’s party embarked on a violent takeover of farms
owned by white commercial farmers from 2000, ejecting close to 5,000 plot
Neuhaus said the country’s indigenisation policy, forcing foreign owned
companies to cede 51 percent of their shares to locals, was the wrong
approach in a globalised world, as it was scaring away potential investors.
“The indigenisation policy is discriminatory and racist, which is
discouraging the Australian investor. The truth is, capital to resuscitate
the economy can only be found in international markets. A lot still needs to
be done to encourage foreign investment.
“A lot of people are waiting to see the election outcome. A positive result
will aid business in the long term. There are Australian investors who have
been harassed in the courts in recent times because they had problems with
their local partners,” said the ambassador.
He called on the government to encourage Zimbabweans in the Diaspora to
invest locally to boost the economy. “We have a number of Zimbabweans in
Australia who are doing very well.
I think it is important to encourage them to invest back home. This is where
the issue of citizenship comes in, people should be allowed to have dual
citizenship,” he added.
He dismissed the allegation that Australia was funding regime change
processes in Zimbabwe.
“Australian aid is not for regime change. We have seen the regime led by
President Robert Mugabe, but we came and distributed aid. If we had an
agenda, we would not be assisting Zimbabwe. Change in leadership is
important and very normal. It is part of democratic development. However, it
is not for Australia to tell Zimbabwe when to change and who to change,” he
Masvingo, November 23, 2012 -Minister of Youth Development, Indegenisation
and Empowerment, Saviour Kasukuwere last Wednesday threatened to throw Zanu
PF big wigs in jail for allegedly shielding and playing fronts for whites
owning foreign firms in a bid to help them escape the Indegenisation
Speaking at a meeting to prepare for the launch of the indegenisation
community ownership scheme by President Robert Mugabe soon, Kasukuwere
lambasted top party chefs of clandestinely acquiring shares from foreign
firm to avoid ceding of 51% to locals.
“We are disappointed to learn that some senior party members are abusing
their political power by being fronts of the whites so that they will not
cede our percentage to the people. Let me warn that we will not hesitate to
have them arrested. It’s actually a shame for one of us to try and block our
programme,” he said.
Kasukuwere was responding from party officials who complained that several
provincial superiors were being used by the whites to shield them by
acquiring some share as indigenous citizens while the profit still belonged
Speaking before Kasukuwere, Zanu PF provincial chairman, Lovemore Matuke had
complained that the programme was not moving in Masvingo because of the big
“We have very senior party cadres who are clandestinely working with the
whites. They are being used as fronts to get shares when they are not
actually the true owners of the shares. They are doing this to prevent
whites from ceding the 51% and we wonder how this
programme will move here” Matuke said.
But Kasukuwere did not mince his words and said the big wigs will be send
behind jails if an audit of share holding structure was done.
“Those who are doing this are against our party and I think they belong to
that group that attacked and criticized the programme when we started it. So
we will deal with them as that is criminal. We are trying to empower our
people and some of us are busy fighting us from within,” Kasukuwere said.
Some senior party officials (names with held) had been fingered as fronts of
the whites in foreign firms were they are allegedly protecting them from
complying with Kasukuwere programme.
Some of them, Politburo members, have been said to be protecting companies
like Bikita Minerals, Tongaart Hullet, Murowa Diamonds and Rio Tinto’s Renco
Kasukuwere seething with anger read the riot act threatening the arrest of
his seniors in the party as well as threatening the companies that they risk
losing all their shares.
“The companies that are doing this and using some politicians also risk
being arrested and losing all their shares. We will not hesitate to take
them and give to them to our people who are owners of the country
resources,” he said.
By Alex Bell
23 November 2012
The South African government could soon face being charged with contempt of
court, as part of an ongoing battle by human rights groups to stop the
closure of refugee reception offices across the country.
There are now only three offices left open across South Africa since the
authorities started closing the facilities last year, as part if what is
understood to be a change in the government’s immigration policies. The
government is believed to be in the process of relocating all refugee
offices to the borders, a plan that has been slammed as an attempt to keep
asylum seekers as close to the borders as possible, making it easier to
The offices in Johannesburg, Port Elizabeth and Cape Town have all been
closed over the course of the last year. Refugees and other foreign
nationals, who need to make regular reports to these offices, are now forced
to travel to Durban, Musina or Pretoria to meet their obligations. The
result has been hundreds of people risking arrest and deportation because
they cannot access the available offices.
The Consortium of Refugee and Migrants in South Africa (CoRMSA) launched an
awareness and pressure campaign in June, urging the government to suspend
its closure plans and also reopen the facilities it has closed. Part of this
campaign has been a lengthy process of litigation, with CoRMSA and other
groups taking legal steps to have the offices reopened.
CoRMSA spokesperson Gwadamirai Majange told SW Radio Africa on Friday that
despite the courts ruling in their favour “in all instances,” there has been
no attempt by the government to honour these rulings. She said they are now
considering filing contempt charges.
“The impact on refugees has really been grave. For example the distances
between Durban and Port Elizabeth is really big, and not all refugees have
the money to make such a journey,” Majange said.
She continued: “In Pretoria, there is such a problem with congestion that
people are queuing for days outside the office there. They are also faced
with corruption, because they are vulnerable to bribes to make the process
move faster. People are missing work, children are missing school. We just
want the government to honour their obligations to refugees.”
Last year it was reported that two people were killed and 14 Zimbabwean
nationals were injured in a stampede of angry, impatient refugees at the
Pretoria office. South Africa has denied that any problems have ever been
Tinashe Madava 21 hours 38 minutes ago
THERE is a stampede to represent ZANU-PF and the two formations of the
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) at next’s year’s polls, including from
Zimbabweans in the Diaspora, a situation likely to upset incumbents in the
three major parties as the country lumbers towards next year’s elections.
The race to represent the different political parties has become intense as
established and upcoming politicians jostle for the available seats amid
tensions over the holding of primary elections.
While dates for primaries to choose candidates to represent the three
parties are yet to be announced, indications are that ZANU-PF could hold its
primaries after its December conference.
Some ZANU-PF hawks had wanted the party to hold primaries before the
conference in Gweru but the proposal was shot down at a recent Politburo
meeting amid fears it would further divide the party as it prepares for
elections President Robert Mugabe wants held in March.
Prime Minister (PM) Morgan Tsvangirai’s formation has also hinted it would
hold its primaries in December. Currently, there are divisions in the party
over the guidelines on the conduct of the internal polls.
Incumbents in the MDC-T are pushing hard to prevent any challenges to their
positions but there is pressure on PM Tsvangirai to allow leadership renewal
by permitting the contestation for positions.
Welshman Ncube’s MDC, according to insiders, is on the verge of finalising
its list of candidates to contest the harmonised polls. Ncube has already
stated he would stand for his party in the presidential race against
President Mugabe and PM Tsvangirai.
President Mugabe has been overwhelmingly endorsed to represent ZANU-PF in
the presidential race while it is a foregone conclusion PM Tsvangirai will
attempt a third bite of the cheery after contesting in the Presidential race
in 2002 and 2008.
But it is the overwhelming interest from the Diaspora, intellectuals,
businesspeople and ordinary Zimbabweans to represent the three political
parties in the coalition government that has drawn interest.
ZANU-PF and the two formations of the MDC this week confirmed that they have
received a huge number of enquiries from individuals interested in
representing their respective parties at the next plebiscite although dates
for the primaries are yet to be set.
Officials from the MDC-T claimed that individuals from a wide spectrum of
society ranging from youths, church leaders to civic society representatives
had expressed interest in representing the party in elections next year.
“There are quite a lot of people interested in contesting in next year’s
elections ranging from those from civil society to churches but the most
interesting bit is that there are a large number of youths who want to
contest sitting Members of Parliament and councillors,” said MDC-T
spokesperson, Douglas Mwonzora in an interview.
Mwonzora emphasised that aspirants for any positions must have served the
party for at least five years and should be 21 years or more.
He revealed that a number of people in the Diaspora had also shown immense
interest in contesting under the MDC-T ticket.
Names of two radio personalities and an engineer (names supplied) based in
the United Kingdom have been mentioned as having shown interest in
representing PM Tsvangirai’s formation in Parliamentary polls.
Kurauone Chihwayi, the deputy spokesperson for Ncube’s MDC, said his party
will hold primary elections next year after their national conference
expected between January and February.
“If we have more than one candidate in a constituency, we will have primary
elections but as it stands, indications are that we will have primaries in
most areas as there is huge interest. Even sitting MPs will face primary
elections,” said Chihwayi.
ZANU-PF spokesperson, Rugare Gumbo two weeks ago said the issue of
regulations for the conduct of primary elections has been deferred to “maybe
just before the conference” but indicated that the actual primaries will be
after the conference. Yet proposed regulations reported last week to put a
cap on the number of years one is supposed to have served to be allowed to
contest in ZANU-PF primaries and subsequently, general elections, has been
seen as a move to safeguard the old guard who are reportedly facing intense
pressure from some “young Turks”.
The race is on amid reports that the party’s youths have asked for a quarter
of seats to be reserved for them.
Several youthful members of the party are eager to contest in primary
elections with the hope of being the eventual party representatives at next
year’s general elections.
For instance, journalist-cum-businessman Supa Mandiwanzira is reportedly
interested in contesting in Manicaland while Affirmative Action Group
vice-president Chamu Chiwanza is said to be eyeing the Mabvuku seat.
Sources within ZANU-PF say the emergence of the young Turks has unsettled
the old guard who have moved to protect themselves through policies meant to
curtail the youthful members.
Names of certain members of the State security agents, including members of
the police and the military, have been mentioned as being interested in
representing ZANU-PF, something vehemently opposed by the MDC formations who
accuse them of being complicit in the 2008 election violence. - Financial
By Tererai Karimakwenda
23 November 2012
Harare’s popular cultural centre, the Book Café, has organised a series of
events to mark 16 Days of Activism Against Gender Violence, an annual
campaign that protests violence against women and puts a spotlight on the
The “16 Days Campaign” originated in New York in 1991 at the Centre for
Women’s Global Leadership (CWGL). The Book Café’s arts promotion wing,
Pamberi Trust, are taking up the campaign in Harare.
This year the theme is “From Peace in the Home to Peace in the World: Let’s
Challenge Militarism and End Violence Against Women!”
Book Café organiser Penny Yon told SW Radio Africa that there will be a
fiesta involving different types of artists on Saturday, who will leave
conscious messages protesting violence against women on the walls of the
“Our mission is to work strongly towards stopping violence in our society in
general. And all these ideas are geared towards that. Of course there is
music and there is entertainment. It’s not just about preaching, it’s about
celebrating what women have done all these years since 1991,” Penny
She added that the campaign is successful around the world because of the
millions of women and thousands of organisations who are committed to ending
violence against women in their communities.
The campaign, which officially begins around the world on Sunday, comes to
Zimbabwe this year at a time when the assault of well-known local actress,
by her boyfriend, is in the headlines. This makes the issue even more
relevant this time around.
Barbra Breeze Anderson, a poet and event organiser in Harare, told SW Radio
Africa that although she has not experienced violence herself, she will be
participating in events at the Book Café because of comments she heard
regarding the assault on the actress.
“Recently a popular actress in this country was beaten up by her boyfriend
and some of the comments were shocking, where men try to excuse hitting a
woman because she has done something wrong. I mean we are in that culture
where people still have excuses for violence,” Barbra said.
The fiesta at the Book Café will last for eight hours, from 10 am to 6 pm.
There will be singers, musicians, poets, writers, and well-known fashion
designer Sabina Mutsvati, who will present progressive fashions, with music
and poetry in the background.
Artists due to perform on the main stage include Ammara Brown, daughter of
the popular late musician Any Brown, Tina Watyoka, Eve Kawadza, Tsvete from
Pakare Paye Arts Centre in Norton, Donald Kanyuchi, and mbira soloist
Rutendo Machiridza. Hip-hop and spoken word artists Godobori and ‘Upmost’
are also on the bill.
Penny said the 16 days of activities at the Book Café will end December
10th, which is Human Rights Day around the world. There will be a special
appearance by the acclaimed American hip-hop artist Akua Naru on December
8th and World AIDS Day will be commemorated on the 1st December.
By Jeffrey Muvundusi, Own Correspondent
Friday, 23 November 2012 10:18
BULAWAYO - Zapu leader Dumiso Dabengwa has slammed Zanu PF for displaying
“irrational fear” of being exposed for stealing late nationalist Joshua
He said Zanu PF maligned Nkomo but then moved to “steal” his ideas on land
reform and indigenisation which they went on to implement haphazardly.
Reacting to a police ban of the Joshua Nkomo memorial lecture which was
supposed to be held in Bulawayo last Thursday, Dabengwa said there were
certain people within Zanu PF bent on ensuring that events related to Nkomo
were derailed “at whatever cost”. The lecture was being organised by the
Dabengwa, who was expected to be the headline panellist and had already
prepared comprehensive presentation notes for the event, described the ban
as a misdirected order from Zanu PF.
“You actually don’t need a witch doctor to tell you why the forum was
banned. Anything to do with Nkomo seems to be a threat.
“This was just an open forum for discussing various issues which actually
affect people’s lives in the country. But someone for some reasons chose to
ban it at the last minute.”
Dabengwa, who is now leading a revived Zapu, said some Zanu PF people felt
threatened by his presence at the forum for fear he was bound to rekindle
the suppressed “Umdala Wethu” legacy. He accused Zanu PF of double speak.
“Why should anyone in his right senses go around and make Joshua Nkomo a
hero and talk good things about him and at the same time he hates him, to
the extent of stopping people from reading his book about his own life and
go and praise him and say he was such a great man but don’t read his book?”
Dabengwa queried, referring to the ban on the free distribution of Nkomo’s
Dabengwa, a former minister of Home Affairs and Zanu PF politburo member,
said he was convinced officer commanding Bulawayo Province Dani Rangwani was
not to blame for the ban as he was just acting on instructions from his
bosses in Harare.
“Honestly should the nation suffer because an idea came from Joshua Nkomo?
“He is dead and what is wrong in giving credit to his efforts? This is all
meant to ensure that Nkomo’s legacy is completely erased and that there is
nothing to talk about,” Dabengwa added.
Head of independent Zimbabwe newspaper says state regulation would be met
with 'unrestrained joy' by despots
By Gordon Rayner, Chief Reporter10:00PM GMT 22 Nov 2012
Statutory regulation of the press in the UK would be “manna from heaven” for
Robert Mugabe and other despots who seek to suppress free speech, the editor
in chief of Zimbabwe’s biggest independent newspaper has warned.
Jethro Goko, of the Daily News, said it would be “a very sad day indeed” if
Lord Justice Leveson recommended statutory underpinning of a new press
watchdog, which would be greeted with “unrestrained joy” by the world’s
He said the rest of the world looked up to Britain as a role model for press
freedom, and the phone hacking scandal should not be used as a reason for
In a letter to the Free Speech Network pressure group, Mr Goko, whose
newspaper was shut down by Robert Mugabe for seven years and still has to
operate under a state licence, said: “With regards to the Leveson Inquiry,
it would be a very sad day indeed - not just for the United Kingdom, but
also for the Commonwealth press, if not global media generally - if this
were to lead to statutory regulation of the fourth estate in the UK.
“In the case of sub-Saharan Africa - from South Africa to Zimbabwe,Kenya and
Nigeria - most of us have always looked up to the UK for a working example
of genuine commitment by all stakeholders, including the government, to
media freedom and a passion to defend the values of an open society.
“To that extent, there is a kind of moral and historical expectation that
the UK should continue to lead by example and protect media freedom at all
times, and not slide back into Medieval paranoia about the media.
“The feeling within the African wing of the Commonwealth is that as bad and
as reprehensible as the phone hacking scandal was, this should never justify
the government's direct involvement in the functioning of the media.
“Many of the publishers and editors on the African continent that I've
discussed this unimaginable possibility with worry that if the UK does
ill-advisedly take this route, it will be like manna from heaven for all the
dictatorial regimes of the world. And we have a fair share of these tin-pot
dictators in Africa.
“Indeed, I can only imagine the unrestrained joy that some people around
President Robert Mugabe would derive from such a backward step in the UK. If
gold rusts, what about iron!”
The Daily News, one of only two privately-owned newspapers in Zimbabwe,
relies on donations from ordinary Zimbabweans to keep going.
Its reporters face being intimidated by Mugabe henchmen if they print
stories critical of the government, and staff began receiving threats almost
as soon as the paper was re-launched.
Mugabe has for years used the state media, including television and radio
stations, to pump out propaganda, and it was only after he was forced to
form a unity government with his opponent Morgan Tsvangirai that two
independent newspapers were allowed to begin publication.
Mr Goko added: “We were always encouraged and inspired by the fact that the
UK government and the British media accepted one another’s bona fides and
the respective, yet not necessarily divergent, roles each played in the
“Our view is that this exemplary understanding has been critical in
maintaining an enviable, robust, participatory democracy in the UK, in which
all of the country's various constituencies work together to build a better
society for all. No-one should tamper with this.”
THE State Procurement Board (SPB) has narrowed down to two the numbers of
bidders vying for the contract to expand the Hwange Thermal Power Station.
Zimbabwe Power Company (ZPC) managing director, Noah Gwariro, said the SPB
would soon be holding the final round of bidding to choose between SinoHydro
and China National Machinery Corporation.
"SinoHydro has tendered its bid price to US$1.17 billion, while its
competitor has placed its bid at US$1. 38 billion," he added.
"The winning bidder will be announced in January 2013, and they will move on
to negotiate the contract within the first quarter of next year."
Expansion of Hwange Power Station will add 600 megawatts (MW) to the
national grid, which will alleviate the power shortages which have been
gripping the country.
SinoHydro was also awarded the tender for the Kariba South expansion project
expected to add 300 MW to the national electricity grid. Tendered at US$368
million, this project is expected to take off early next year and be
completed within four years.
Zimbabwe needs 2,200 MW at peak times but only generates around 1,400 MW,
with the shortfall imported from regional power utilities.
The country has faced critical power shortages since 2006 when the economic
meltdown took hold and companies failed to procure new equipment as well as
maintain existing ones.
The government has set a target of 10,000 MW of installed capacity by 2040
to support a vision of growing the economy to US$100 billion.
Former St Mary’s MP and MDC 99 President, Job Sikhala (JS), is convinced he
can become the president of Zimbabwe. Despite the fact that his MDC99 party
is considered to be small, he told Tarisai Jangara (TJ) that he was
confident he could turn things around in the country.
by Tarisai Jangara
TJ: Why have you decided to run for presidency?
JS: Zimbabwe is in shambles and I have the potential to turn the economy
around. Zanu (PF) and MDC formations have both failed to bring the much
TJ: How do you intend to solve the Zimbabwean crisis if you are voted into
JS: I will put in place economic policies that will attract the growth of
our economy through investment opportunities with foreign investors.
I will also democratise our society to the extent that it builds confidence
within the international society. MDC 99 will ensure that the people of
Zimbabwe participate in policy formulation. At the moment, everything is
decided by the three principals in the government. If I become president of
this country, I will push for employment creation by allowing young people
to get support from financial institutions.
I will also ensure that women are given a huge decision-making role and I
address the issue of the 2008 violence perpetrators who have not been
punished for the atrocities they committed.
TJ: What motivated you to venture into politics?
JS: I have always been involved in politics but became visible when I was
part of Student Activism at the University of Zimbabwe. I then graduated
into national politics when I participated at the formation of MDC.
TJ: What then inspired you to form your own party?
JS: When we formed MDC in 1999, we wanted to build a new Zimbabwe.
Zanu (PF) had destroyed the country and we wanted to bring in new governance
with new values but that did not happen. I was frustrated and decided to
form my own party.
TJ: What is your view regarding the media in Zimbabwe?
JS: There is journalism activism, whereby newspapers and radio stations
support a particular party. There is closure of space by the media. We still
have huge challenges in our country. I have already started campaigning,
preparing for the elections.
However, I don’t get to be on ZTV because I am not Zanu(PF).
TJ: Do you feel the electoral system is in place and Zimbabwe can have
elections next year.
JS: A lot still needs to be done, like putting in place the voter’s roll.
ZEC is useless, it has always been part of Zanu (PF)’s rigging strategy. We
need an independent body to monitor the elections.
Mugabe should never attempt to steal votes from MDC 99, as he will pay
dearly for the election fraud. I am different from Tsvangirai, he was
cheated in the 2008 election and all he did was run to Botswana. He
abandoned the people. Instead he should have stayed with the people and
TJ: What makes you think you are a strong contender in the coming election?
JS: I will be the youngest candidate which shows that I represent the
future. Voting for Zanu (PF) is as good as digging your own grave. Besides,
people are no longer interested in having Robert Mugabe as a contestant in
our elections. He had enough time to rule the country and expose himself. As
for Morgan Tsvangirai, he does not have leadership qualities. He cannot make
independent decisions. I worked with him at the formation of MDC and he is
always seeking unnecessary consultations.
TJ: In your view, has the GNU worked?
JS: When the Inclusive Government was formed by Zanu (PF) and the two MDC
formations led by Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara in 2009, we
expected a new Zimbabwe to be born.
Unfortunately, the GNU failed to live up to expectations and there has not
been any meaningful transformation on the ground. Instead, the inclusive
government failed to eradicate corruption and other social ills.
What we have noticed is the proliferation of corruption ever since the
government was installed.
TJ: You were instrumental in the formation of the MDC, what are some of the
blunders that have been made by MDC-T?
JS: MDC-T lost its creditability when they agreed to the GNU. Unfortunately,
Tsvangirai would not let go of his only opportunity to taste power. He did
not live by his word, as he promised to withdraw from the GNU if it did not
work out. The GNU has been a total disaster. Tsvangirai has stayed on
because he is enjoying the trappings of power.
TJ: What can you say about the draft Constitution?
JS: There was total betrayal of the people of Zimbabwe by political parties
as they chose to install themselves as an authority to write the new
constitution which was supposed to include all the stakeholders. Tsvangirai
dragged the nation through a sheer time wasting and costly new
constitution-making process, fully aware that Mugabe and Zanu (PF) would
bully MDC into accepting a document that would do nothing to promote freedom
and justice. We all know that not even a single democratic reform has been
Zanu (PF)-inspired political violence remains the order of the day. The only
encouraging thing is that Zimbabweans have realized that MDC was in politics
only for the benefit of its leadership. Selfishness on the part of MDC
leadership would leave (Zanu PF) grey with envy.
TJ: Who is Job Sikhala?
JS: I was born on the 30 October 1972 in the Masema area of Gutu in
Masvingo. I studied for a Law degree at the University of Zimbabwe and I was
the Member of Parliament for St Marys (in Chitungwiza) from 2000 to 2008.
BY TAWANDA KAROMBO, NOVEMBER 23 2012, 11:26
ANGLO American Platinum’s (Amplats’) Zimbabwean mine Unki is reported to be
in discussions with Mimosa, a joint venture between Aquarius Platinum and
Impala Platinum, to develop exploration rights it has next to Mimosa land.
The Zimbabwean Financial Gazette newspaper quoted Unki chief operating
officer Collin Chibafa as saying discussions are being held about the
possibility of setting up a platinum mining partnership with Mimosa.
"We are discussing with Mimosa the possibility to set up a joint venture.
When you have one ore body close to (another ) that is the practice, but the
discussions are still at an early stage."
Mining officials familiar with the matter, who declined to be named,
confirmed yesterday there were discussions, still "in the initial stages",
between the two companies to jointly develop the claims located close to
where Mimosa was mining for platinum.
"Early indications point to a potential joint development of the claims,"
said one of the officials. "It is better to have a joint operation than to
set up two operations in an area that is small."
With platinum production in South Africa forecast to fall to an 11-year low
of 4.25-million ounces this year because of illegal strikes, safety
stoppages and the growing burden of red tape, Zimbabwe is looking more
attractive to platinum miners. This is despite the country’s controversial
Johnson Matthey’s recently released platinum report for this year said
Zimbabwe was the only country expected to see growth in platinum and
palladium output this year as the ramp-up of production at the new Unki mine
continues. Zimbabwe’s platinum output is forecast to rise 6% to 360,000oz
this year from 340,000oz last year.
The Johnson Matthey report said Mimosa logged a 1% increase in platinum
production in concentrate to just under 54,000oz in the fi rst half of this
Last Friday, Implats reported Mimosa had recorded an increase in both tons
milled and grade. This had resulted in a corresponding improvement in
platinum output in concentrate to 28,000oz during the September quarter.
Unki reached full production in the fi rst half of this year, with
equivalent refi ned production increasing 46% year on year to about
33,000oz, according to Johnson Matthey’s report.
Unki is planning a new $400m mine in Zimbabwe, while Zimplats, also owned by
Implats, is forging ahead with a phase-two expansion project for its mines.
Unki is planning to double its production in the next three years from the
65,000oz expected for this financial year.
The Great Dyke, a mineral-rich region cutting across Zimbabwe, holds vast
deposits of platinum and these have attracted many foreign investors.
Analysts have said despite earlier uncertainty, foreign miners — most of
them from South Africa — that have complied with the indigenisation laws are
now able to focus on their core business.
by Addmore Zhou
THE topic is probably the least that Zimbabweans want to hear about and
justifiably so. With the Zimbabwean dollar in free fall, the usefulness of
money for all its basic functions such as medium of exchange, unit of
account and store of value disappeared.
The country’s currency ceased to be a store of value as people lost their
lifelong savings overnight under a hyper-inflationary environment which had
spiralled out of control. In response, the Zimbabwean government adopted the
US dollar and the South African rand as official currencies.
Whilst evidence on the ground suggests the strategy has worked to some
respectable degree thus far, questions still remain regarding the extent to
which the country can continue to operate the economy under dollarisation
and multi-currency system.
In general, relying on another country’s currency is living dangerously at
its messy. The economy of the adopting country is directly affected by the
policies of the other country especially with regards to the performance of
that country’s exchange rate.
In the event of any of the currencies adopted by Zimbabwe crashing, the
country will be directly affected to the extent of all assets and cash
holdings denominated in that currency. Although such a scenario is not
expected or anticipated to happen in the short term, the long term
possibility cannot be completely written off especially with the South
Whilst South Africa has been a reliable and stable regional currency patron
over the years, the country is facing a myriad of social and economic
pressures whose future ending circumstances are not known.
In order for dollarisation to succeed over the long term, there must be
permission and mutual understanding between Zimbabwe and the US and South
Africa, allowing Zimbabwe to continue adopting the US dollar and the rand as
However, the current situation is not sustainable as no mutual interest
exists between Zimbabwe and the United States regarding dollarisation. The
current practice is undesirable given that Zimbabwe and the United States
have limited bilateral trade because of existing sanctions imposed on
Although meaningful achievements have been witnessed especially with regards
to price stabilisation and restoration of some level of confidence in the
economy, the country is still experiencing acute shortages of US dollar and
rand currencies particularly in the rural areas. In some places, people have
resorted to batter trading using livestock such as chicken, goats and
cattle. Circulating a strong currency such as the US dollar among the
general populace of a poor country such as Zimbabwe is no easy task.
The finance sector is bedevilled by acute liquidity related problems.
Efforts by the government to borrow from the private sector have not been
successful whilst financial instruments floated onto the market did not find
any takers. That has worsened the country’s fiscal problems since no
government can successfully implement its policies without borrowing unless
it has a strong balance sheet.
Where a country does not manage its own currency, investors are not keen on
buying and supporting government debt, hence the central bank has found
itself failing to sell its bond and Treasury Bill instruments.
Among other problems, export trade has continued to suffer. There is no
business motivation for importers in Asia, Europe and other Western
countries to buy goods from Zimbabwe unless they are cheaper or not
available locally. A well-managed local currency is a strategic tool which
the country can use to influence trade with other countries. China and Japan
are dominating international export trade primarily because of their product
pricing which is partly influenced by the value of their local currencies.
Countries with stronger currencies therefore find it cheaper to buy from
these countries particularly China.
Zimbabwe has a very conducive manufacturing environment because of very low
labour costs. The job market is characterised by high unemployment levels
and therefore favourable to manufacturing. However, that potential may never
be realised unless foreign countries see an economic imperative to buy
Zimbabwean goods, hence the need for the country to have its own currency.
Whilst dollarisation has helped by eliminating devaluation risk, the
strategy has not worked in attracting the much needed global capital and
But which currency should Zimbabwe re-introduce? Is it the same Zimbabwean
dollar? That is the most challenging part. The Zimbabwean dollar is
associated with a bad image and the bad experiences associated with the
currency may be difficult to shake off. It may be a good idea to introduce
new currency with a different name. Abandoning the dollar symbol may not be
a bad idea after all.
In order for the new currency to be respected on the foreign exchange
market, the government should take careful and necessary steps needed to
create confidence in the new currency system. A phased introduction starting
with coins operating alongside the US dollar and rand is the best strategy.
Only lower coin denominations should be introduced first.
This strategy will help to avail money for small transactions such as
transport and daily shopping, promoting low level commerce whilst at the
same time thwarting the possibility of currency hoarding for speculative
An important part of the process lies in the exchange rate management system
to be implemented. A flexible exchange rate regime must be adopted.
Previously, Zimbabwe found itself in a mess primarily because of the central
bank’s practice of fixing the exchange rate coupled with reckless money
printing activities. In the end, the system was subject to abuse by both the
central bank and people in general.
A fixed exchange rate regime works for stable economies which are not
susceptible to foreign currency shortages. Efforts to create a fixed rate
regime by any country with foreign currency shortages will most likely
result in a parallel foreign exchange market. The initial floatation may,
however, peg the new currency at par with the rand. The economies of
Zimbabwe and South Africa are inter-linked and the currencies are likely to
have positive romance.
Another alternative is to join the Multilateral Monetary Area, formerly
Common Monetary Area, which is currently composed of South Africa,
Swaziland, Lesotho and Namibia. That way the Zimbabwean currency will be
pegged at the same level as the rand and other regional currencies. These
countries’ economies are greatly interlinked and it makes great sense to
trade with currencies which reflect their common social and economic
For that to happen, Zimbabwe must cooperate and comply with the requirements
of the grouping, including all monetary policy frameworks especially with
regard to quantitative easing and exchange rate management. However, the
history of the central bank under the guidance of Dr Gideon Gono is one that
is not encouraging.
Dr Gono, a seasoned banker who spent much of his career in the banking
sector, has failed to steer the sector out of devastating monetary
challenges. In fact, the governor is blamed for the country’s previous
financial crisis attributed in part to reckless and irresponsible monetary
policies under his governorship. His monetary experiments which included
continuous money printing among others went beyond prudent boundaries of
If the country is to launch new currency, the question is how will it be
managed and by who? Common wisdom suggests the Central Bank needs
restructuring especially with regards to its mandate and structure. The
operations of the Central Bank must be characterised by very little
government influence. Because the governor is expected to be a highly
technical individual, there is need to depoliticise the appointment of the
governor by taking away that task from the President and pass responsibility
to the board.
The government should however maintain its level of influence through the
Finance Minister who must be given the responsibility of appointing the
board. An ideal board must be composed of key stakeholders such as labour,
industry and banks through various associations and other interest groups.
In addition, the governor should not chair the board.
The current structure where the governor chairs the board creates a
boss-subordinate relationship between him and the board, taking away the
sense of responsibility and accountability. Global developments in the
sphere of corporate governance have seen stakeholders increasingly
questioning the wisdom of having chief executives doubling as board
To achieve sustainable planning and undertake sound fiscal interventions,
the Zimbabwean government needs various tools one of which is the country’s
local currency. Financial instruments meant to ensure smooth operations of
financial markets can only be introduced successfully if the country has its
own currency. Without its own currency, the country will not realise
meaningful economic growth and development.
Addmore Zhou is a business and real estate consultant. He is a real estate
graduate of Kingston University in London and an MBA Business Finance
graduate of University of Liverpool Management School. His PhD research
interest focuses on Real Estate Investment and Development in developing
countries. He can be contacted on email@example.com
23 November 2012
ZIMBABWE Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR) joins the global community in
commemorating the 16 Days of Activism Against Gender Violence-an
international campaign which seeks to raise awareness about gender based
The campaign is commemorated between 25 November (International Day for the
Elimination of Violence Against Women) and 10 December (International Human
Rights Day), symbolically linking women and human rights, and confirming
that Gender-Based Violence (GBV) is a human rights violation.
In 2012, the campaign will continue with the global theme “From Peace in the
Home to Peace in the World: Let’s Challenge Militarism and End Violence
Militarism is ‘an ideology that creates a culture of fear and supports the
use of violence, aggression, or military interventions for settling disputes
and enforcing economic and political interests.’ Militarism therefore refers
to an attitude that occurs at all levels of society, from the home, to the
workplace, to institutions and organs of State.
It is the perseverance of women, human rights and peace movements that have
challenged the social structures which allow violence and discrimination to
continue, and sought to define security as one that emphasises peace and the
fulfillment of human rights as the way to achieve genuine security for all.
Zimbabwe is a signatory to many international instruments, protocols and
tools which seek to protect and respect women’s rights such as the Beijing
Platform for Action, the Covenant on the Elimination of Discrimination
Against Women (CEDAW), the United Nations Human Rights Council, the United
Nations Security Council’s Resolutions 1325, 1820, 1888, 1889, 1960 on
Women, Peace and Security and more. Zimbabwe took the lead in the SADC
region by being the second state to ratify the SADC Protocol on Gender and
Development, a key regional instrument for advancing women’s rights and
gender equality. It contains substantive targets for achieving gender
equality by 2015, including that of reducing by half current levels of GBV,
making this initiative a global front-runner!
Although Zimbabwe has made great progress in accepting these standards for
women, there remain major gaps in implementation and in accountability for
Regrettably, there have been significant violations of women’s rights,
against such obligations as reported on the eve of the commemoration of the
16 Days of Activism Against Gender Violence Zimbabwe, where ZiFM DJ and
actress Tinopona Katsande was a victim of the vice that we are tirelessly
seeking to eliminate. The horrific act of violence inflicted on Katsande
raises alarm and also exposes the horrific nature of gender-based violence
that persists in Zimbabwe.
In Zimbabwe, there has been no respite in arbitrary arrests and detention of
women Human Rights Defenders (HRDs) particularly those affiliated to the
Women of Zimbabwe Arise pressure group including mothers with minors, denial
of medical treatment for women activists in detention, discrimination,
sexuality, baiting, discriminatory stereotyping of women HRDs, and
violations of women’s rights to freedom of expression, association and
peaceful protest in contravention of CEDAW, one of the most highly endorsed
international human rights conventions.
Gender-based violence is a deliberate outcome of discrimination, gender
hierarchies and militaristic behaviour. Of particular note is the use of
sexual violence such as rape, as a tactic to create fear and to humiliate or
punish women and their communities. Attention must be paid to the violation
of women’s rights when they are victimised as part of a political
process-during election times for example.
Gender-based violence is a global pandemic that cuts across borders and
impacts all peoples and societies regardless of ethnicity, race,
socio-economic status, or religion. In Zimbabwe there is urgent need to deal
decisively with this vicious cycle of violence, as the violence manifesting
itself in the political arena mirrors the inner turmoil existing within
individuals and families. The human rights abuses against women not only
inflict great harm and suffering on individuals but they tear at the fabric
of entire societies.
There is need for all members of society to commit themselves to changing
attitudes and ending all forms of violence against women and girls. The 16
Days of Activism Against Gender Violence is an opportunity for all
Zimbabweans to condemn gender-based violence and renew their commitment and
action towards its elimination. It is critical to note, however, that action
must be sustained throughout the year, as it confronts and affects women,
men and children on a daily basis.
In Zimbabwe there are laws that protect society against family violence and
abuse, rape, sexual assault and other gender-based violence, but these laws
are meaningless without effective, fearless and sustained implementation by
the police, prosecutors and the courts against any and every perpetrator. It
is our collective responsibility to end the culture of gender-based violence
in Zimbabwe, as we are all born of woman and have grandmothers, sisters and
daughters who we must protect and respect.
It is pertinent that on this occasion, ZLHR challenges individuals,
communities, traditional leaders, the Police and Prisons Services, the
National Youth Training Programme, Youth and Women’s Caucuses, the Security
Forces, the Courts and the Inclusive Government; to reject militarism as a
facet of violence against women; to advocate for standards of peace and
equality in all relations; and to make progress towards the elimination of
gender-based violence by ending the culture of impunity.
ZLHR urges institutions of justice delivery to ensure that the prosecution
of perpetrators of domestic and gender-based violence is carried out
expeditiously, publicly, and in a manner that encourages other victims of
gender-based violence to report their cases with confidence that the law
will protect and vindicate them where they have had the courage to bring
these hidden violations to light.
November 23rd, 2012
My parents always presented education to us as the only way out of poverty.
They even sold their valuables such as goats, sheep and cattle for us to go
to school. At times my mother would brew beer and sell it just so I could
get an education. They hoped that one day I would look after them after
completing my education, but the opposite is true today. They managed to
look after the seven of us but we continue to fail to look after them.
When I passed my A levels and went on to enroll as an undergraduate student
I never thought that I would carry on living in one room. Two years have
passed since completing my degree yet I am still wandering the streets of
Harare looking for a job. I no longer have hope that one day I will get a
formal job which will enable me to look after my family.
My mother was so sure that I would get a job soon after completing my
studies but she has given up on that hope now as well. I expected to get a
steady job and a company car and other benefits such as medical aid, but the
opposite is true and the sweet dreams have been turned into sour nightmares.
I mourn for myself, my nation and my family. Sometimes I cry when I think
of all the sacrifices that my parents made and all they invested in me to go
to school, but because of the policies of Robert Mugabe and his government l
am harvesting thorns – instead companies opening, they are closing.
I am even afraid to marry, but everyone is asking me when are you going to
marry but how can I marry when I am actually failing to look after myself.
Every year colleges and universities churn out graduates who are wandering
in the streets without employment. South Africa is filled with highly
qualified Zimbabweans forced into menial labour.
I think it is high time people voted for real change in Zimbabwe.
This entry was posted by Emcee on Friday, November 23rd, 2012 at 6:32 am.
Lance Guma: Good evening Zimbabwe and thank you for joining me on Nehanda Radio. This week on The Big Interview I am joined by the spokesperson for the Constitutional Parliamentary Select Committee (Copac) Jessie Majome. She is also the Member of Parliament for Harare West constituency and also the Deputy Minister for Women’s Affairs.
Ms Majome, thank you for joining us.
Jessie Majome: You are welcome.
Guma: Okay, the constitution making process, the latest we are hearing is that the parties in the coalition government are going to be seeking the intervention of South African president Jacob Zuma to try and break the impasse caused mainly by Zanu PF seeking to make alterations to this draft.
As far as you are concerned where are we as Zimbabweans and where are you as Copac in this process?
Majome: I will start with Copac. Copac is now almost reaching the final kilometre peg as it were towards concluding its terms of reference. As you are aware we have a draft constitution that came about from the outreach process and finishing the draft itself was the third last stage in our terms of reference.
The next one which is the penultimate one, which is where we are, was convening a Second Stakeholders Conference, in order to table the draft, which we did as you are aware.
Guma: No changes were made at the Second Stakeholders Conference?
Majome: No changes were made at all…
Guma: At this conference the three parties can any one of them or were any of them able to make objections?
Majome: There conference was held in order for the draft to be tabled, because the very words….
Guma: Tabled to the stakeholders who were there?
Majome: Yes, that’s what the three Principals in their wisdom decided to do when they signed the Global Political Agreement, they said we are to table the draft and we did exactly that and the conference noted the draft and it made comments about it.
So this is what we did, we tabled it and what we must then now do in order to prepare for the last, the very last dot, the full stop in the terms of reference of the Select Committee is to prepare a report of the process itself.
Remember we are a select committee of parliament and in terms of the standing rules and orders of parliament, Select Committees and Committees of Parliament report to Parliament. They present reports to parliament, so we are preparing that report. And the biggest component or the most critical part of that report will be the draft constitution.
So when we prepare that report, the very last thing that we will do, which is the very end of the road for the Select Committee in terms of Article 6 and in terms of the process itself, is to present the report to Parliament.
After that Parliament will debate it and then it will be gazetted for a month and then it will then go for a referendum. So as I indicated in we are the very final mile.
Guma: So depending on how the parties in Parliament vote, this could be blocked in parliament?
Majome: Actually a reading of Article 6 gives no room at all for Parliament to vote either this way or that way. It simply says that Parliament debates and in the normal course of events when Parliament is presented with a report of any of its committees, Parliament will debate.
It usually debates the work of the committees, so that’s its ventilated. It is not usually envisaged that Parliament can block because there is hardly ever any room, I don’t know, I am not aware of any process where a report has had to be voted upon because it is a report of a committee itself and Parliament then adopts it as a whole.
Guma: What about this talk that the Principals in the coalition government are going to be taking over this process. Clearly this seems to be the argument advanced by Zanu PF or so we are told, that the Principals will have a final say on this Copac draft.
Majome: I am clear and comfortable with referring to the very letter of the Global Political Agreement. It says in black and white exactly what must be done.
It says clearly, it has milestones that take you from point A to point B in a very clear manner and right now we are at a point were Article 6 says that after the Second Stakeholders conference, we the Select Committee of Parliament established in terms of the standing rules and orders of Parliament we prepare a report and present our report to Parliament.
Parliament, the legislative arm of government is what we present a report to, the executive arm of government is what actually signed the Global Political Agreement and actually mandated the legislative arm of government through a Select Committee of Parliament to conduct the process it is conducting.
So my understanding it looks like from a legal point of view it might be a relationship similar to that of agency in that the Select Committee of Parliament, is executing a mandate for the three Principals. They have already given that mandate to us and we are executing it.
Guma: As the MDC, is your leader, who is also the Prime Minister, Morgan Tsvangirai, is he also clear that the Principals will not have a final say. Is he taking the party position? It seems to be Mugabe who is saying the Principals have the final say, but is Mr Tsvangirai also saying the same?
Majome: The Prime Minister is crystal clear about this and I think he has made several pronouncements at several fora, reminding everyone about what the Global Political Agreement says. He signed the Global Political Agreement and he signed it with every intention that the process goes in this particular way.
And that all goes without saying because even from a common sense point of view because the reason like I was explaining, when the Select Committee is sitting there in the Select Committee, we are a Select Committee of Parliament but on the other hand we are really executing a mandate of those Principals.
When we sit on that committee we do not go on frolicks of our own. We do not subject ourselves to our own whims. We are chosen to represent our political parties. That’s why Article 6 clearly says that the Select Committee shall comprise of, shall be reflective of the diversity of Parliament in terms especially of the parties.
In the Select Committee there are very senior members of Zanu PF, there are very senior members of the MDC led by the Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, such as myself, I am my party’s Secretary for Constitutional and Parliamentary Affairs for example. There are very senior members also of the party led by Professor Welshman Ncube, its Chief Whip Honourable Mhkosi sits in there.
What it then means, because of that, is that each party, it’s a given that when you sit there, we are sitting there to fulfil more or less to fulfil the instructions of our principals, although of course….
Guma: Which is puzzling to a lot of people because if this process done by Copac was a product of all three parties why at the eleventh hour did we have Zanu PF saying they wanted to make amendments?
Majome: Look I’m sure Zanu PF has a democratic right to decide what it wants to decide but at the same time they have not only a moral but a legal obligation as well to adhere to the letter and spirit of the agreement that they signed.
The Global Political Agreement has not been amended at all and it’s a commitment because in the preamble to the Global Political Agreement the three Principals said they are casting away their differences and putting Zimbabwe first and agreeing to work together and we have made a tremendous amount of progress.
So I have difficulty being able to explain exactly how they will do so but I am very clear in my mind and it’s clear for everyone and for all to see. Anyone who cares to read what the three principals agreed, it’s a very simple and straight forward process that says how this should be done and they committed themselves to this and they have been present throughout from the beginning of the process. Their representatives are there, their very senior representatives are there.
Guma: They were sniping at each other calling (Paul) Mangwana (Zanu PF Co-chair of Copac) a sell out and things like that, so clearly not a happy house there but from the way you are describing it there is clearly no need for (South African President) Jacob Zuma to intervene, the process is clear in the GPA.
Majome: According to my vantage point, I would agree because you know the Global Political Agreement is in black and white, it’s in bold and black and white. It’s so clear and the font is very large (…laughs) and it would be difficult to see what, it’s difficult to miss exactly what it says.
Sadly time and time again throughout this process, this process has been punctuated by these detours, attempted detours from the process. I remember at the very beginning when we started the process, our very first term of reference was that we convene a First All Stakeholders conference as a select committee so that we bring civil society on board because the Principals said they wanted, although they the Principals were the ones more or less giving agency to a Select Committee of Parliament, they were very clear that they wanted the process to be characterised by four things.
They chose very deliberate words, and they chose these terms very carefully and there are four terms. They said they wanted the process to be people driven, and they said they wanted it people owned and thirdly democratic and four inclusive and those words are very clear, they chose those words themselves. And they said that they want conditions created that are conducive for the people of Zimbabwe to make a constitution for themselves.
Which is then why I start to wonder, if the Principals, theoretically speaking, they said we are taking over, are those the conditions that are conducive for the people to make a constitution for themselves?
Part 2 of this transcript will be published on Monday……………
On November 12, 2012, the Toronto-based rights group Partnership Africa
Canada released a report on the Marange diamond fields, alleging looting
worth around $2 billion since 2008. “The scale of illegality is mind
blowing... the biggest plunder of diamonds since Cecil Rhodes," the report
Zimbabwean NGOs have been critical of the PAC report which they say is
lacking in detail and specifics, although they welcome its call for greater
One of the NGOs, the Resources Exploitation Watch Trust, issued the
following statement on Thursday criticising the PAC report titled 'Reap What
You Sow: Greed and Corruption in Zimbabwe Marange Diamond Fields':
"Resource Exploitation Watch Trust (REWT) is a pan African civic society
carrying oversight on the Marange Diamond mining activities pursuant to the
Kimberly Process Certification Scheme (KPCS) Kinshasa Agreement. REWT notes
with dismay contents of the Partnership Africa Canada (PAC) report entitled
Reap What You Sow: Greed and Corruption in Zimbabwe’s Marange Diamond
We disagree with the report on the following grounds:
# The civic society oversight in Marange diamond fields is to be carried by
local Zimbabwean Civic Society Organisations (CSO) as directed by the KP
Kinshasa agreement. PAC as an external and foreign organisation is excluded
to undertake oversight in the Marange diamond fields. Further, PAC has no
intimate knowledge of the goings on in Marange. If PAC was sincere in its
efforts, it should have submitted the report to the KP Chair so that the
allegations, which fall with realm of KP mandate, be interrogated.
The report is pregnant with serious and malicious falsehoods. We pick the
following as an example:
# No evidence was provided to prove that President Robert Mugabe's
government deployed helicopter gunships to masaccre 200 villagers in
Marange. Names of victims were not mentioned.
# Farai Mutamangira was not appointed Chief Executive of Hwange Colliery. In
fact the mine is looking for a new CEO after the departure of Freddy Moyo.
# The link between the death of the respected businessman, Allan Banks, and
illegal diamond trade without disclosing the full details of the
transactions he allegedly made is unfair and insensitive to the family of
the slain businessman.
# The implication of Mozambican authorities in the alleged diamond
laundering without affording them right of reply is grossly mischievous and
# The allegations of money laundering by players in China, Dubai, India and
UAE without supporting banking records is indicative of deep hatred of
non-white actors in the diamond industry by the Canadians.
# There is no precise breakdown of the alleged US$2 billion diamond sales
which were looted by the Mugabe government showing the actual buyers, bank
accounts used or caratage bought by each individual buyer.
The report pre-supposes that Mines Minisrer Obert Mpofu was a pauper prior
to his appointment as Minister of Mines and Mining Development in 2009. A
quick cross-check of his alleged wealth as cointained in the report will
show the following:
# Umguza Block, 10,060 hectares, formerly owned by Cold Storage Commission
(CSC) specifically known as blocks 39, 40 and 41: Documents at hand prove
that the farm is, in fact, Auchenburg blocks 3A, 3B, 6, 6A, 7A, 7B measuring
4,214 ha and is owned by the CSC which is leasing it to the minister for
US$5,028 in an agreement that was signed by CSC chief executive officer Mr.
# 1,027ha Auchenburg Farm, Nyamandlovu: This is actually a piece of land
that was bought by prominent businessman Mr. Golden Ndlovu for Z$80 million
# Green Haven Farm located close to Umguza River: This is not a farm but a
business centre which Dr Mpofu bought in 1987 and sold to another
businessman in 1995. It has since been sold to the Marima family.
# 3,700ha Umguza CSC Block and Young Farm Nyamandlovu: This is a repetition
of Auchenburg Farm, which is generally referred to as "koYoung" as it was
once owned by a Mr. Young.
# 8,000ha Horseshoe Ranch in Matetsi: This is a 4,000ha conservancy, which
Dr Mpofu acquired through the land reform programme in 2000.
# 100ha in Epping Forest B Section known as Mswelangubo Farm: This is an
inaccurate repetition of Auchenburg Farm which is now known as Mswelangubo
# Block 4,000ha: Yet another repetition of Auchenburg.
# Anchor House, 12th Avenue and Fort Street, costing between US$1 million
and $2 million in Bulawayo's depressed market: This building is actually
owned by the Zimbabwe Open University which is operating from the premises.
The university bought the building in 2011 from Fort Investments for
# A dilapidated two-storey office block at the corner of Fife Street and
Fourth Avenue: Dr Mpofu bought the building in question in 1996.
# Bought York House for a song in 2007 during an economic depression: Dr
Mpofu bought York House through a mortgage facility in 1998. He made his
last payment in 2002.
# A house in Magpie Road in Bulawayo: This is Dr Mpofu's residence, which he
bought in 1994.
# Livingstone Road offices: Dr Mpofu bought these premises from a Martha
Mtisi in 2004.
# Volvo trucks which retail at US$100,000: These are recently acquired
trucks that were manufactured in 2004 and are selling at around US$10,000 in
the United Kingdom.
# The report was funded by the Irish Aid which is wholy funded by the Irish
government to further its foreign policy interests. The Irish government’s
stance is known to be hostile and for regime change in Zimbabwe.
# By its own admission, the report heavily realied on press reports mostly
from hostile media and this shows regurtation of unfounded news articles
which were previously published across the world. Infact, the report
resembles similarities with the previous reports on Zimbabwe’s Marande
# The timing of the realese of report with the opening of the Zimbabwe
Diamond Conference shows typical high school activism bent on thwarting
Zimbabwe's attempts to engage the international community on the diamond
Diamond Production and Sales from the Marange Fields in Eastern Zimbabwe
Paper presented by E G Cross, Member of Parliament for Bulawayo South, to a conference at the Holiday Inn, Harare on 23nd November 2012
On the 27th of July 2011, I asked the Minister of Mines to make a statement to Parliament on the production of diamonds at Marange for the past five years and the value of that production in 2009. In his reply he stated that a total of just over 11 million carats of raw diamonds had been extracted from the Marange fields in the previous five years. He further, declared that total sales had been just $18 dollars per carat in 2009 and this suggested that implied total value of raw diamond sales in five years of just over $200 million dollars.
He further stated that total payments to the Exchequer had been just over $174 million in the same period. In fact this statement imputed that the miners had paid out most of the money earned from the sale of diamonds. As this is patently untrue, I decided to investigate the diamond find independently.
The Marange alluvial diamond deposits were discovered in 2000 by a geologist working for De Beers Limited in South Africa. The company duly registered an Exclusive Prospecting Order over the area (an EPO) with the Ministry of Mines. After extensive exploration work the company abandoned its find and allowed their EPO to lapse at the end of a six year period. The Minister of Mines has consistently accused De Beers of extracting diamonds from Marange for 6 years and at the recent conference at the Falls he further stated that they had taken 100 000 tonnes from the field and by implication he thought that 2 million carats had been exported without the knowledge of the State. The reality is that the De Beers geologist on the site sent back to Johannesburg samples that consistently showed the presence of low quality, industrial diamonds that were of little interest to De Beers.
Following the withdrawal of De Beers in March 2006, a small group of Zimbabweans living in the Diaspora and operating through a company that they had formed in London called “African Consolidated Resources” or ACR took the required steps to register a number of claims over a selected portion of the diamond fields and this process was duly completed in June 2006. ACR geologists had quickly determined that De Beers had missed the main deposits and as part of the registration process, ACR was obliged to declare their findings in accordance with the rules of the London Stock Exchange as a public company and in addition, because the find included gem quality diamonds, they notified the Ministry of Mines.
In September 2006 just three months after registering their claims and commencing preparations to commence mining and understanding the significance of the discovery, ACR proposed a similar arrangement to the Ministry of Mines for the exploitation of the fields as that used in Botswana through a Joint Venture between the State and De Beers mining company. In their proposal ACR suggested that a new company be formed with the equity held by both the Government of Zimbabwe and ACR in the ratio of 50/50 – with ACR being responsible for management and all mining activities. Such an arrangement would have meant that over 70 per cent of the revenues from the diamond fields would have accrued to Government.
For unknown reasons, this proposal was rejected by the Ministry of Mines and ACR was forcibly removed from the claims which were then taken over by the Zimbabwe Mining Development Corporation, even though they had no expertise or the required capital to exploit the discovery. The Ministry immediately opened up the area to small scale miners without restriction.
The people of the Marange District and many others took up this opportunity, discovered that alluvial diamonds had real value and rapid expansion of informal diamond mining activity began. At one stage it was estimated that many thousands of illegal miners were operating in the Marange fields. A very substantial industry sprang up in nearby Mozambique to manage the sale and distribution of the growing supply of raw diamonds from Marange.
In late 2008, a military operation was mounted during which several hundred people were killed and thousands of local diamond miners driven off the claims. This exercise was carefully and ruthlessly carried out and was designed to restore State control over the fields. In my view the primary reason for this was the understanding within the ruling Party at the time, that they were in unsettled water and needed alternative sources of funding.
The legal rights of ACR were brushed aside and in the ensuing period, six groups were permitted by the authorities to start formal mining and extraction activities on the deposits. The six groups permitted on site were the following:
Anjin/Zimbabwe National Army
Marange Resources (ZMDC and formally Canadile)
The Zimbabwe Republic Police
The Central Intelligence Organisation
The National Prison Service
Since then of this list only Canadile has had its rights revoked for reasons that are still unclear. Their claims are being mined by the ZMDC under the auspices of the company Marange Resources. All the other listed organisations are active on the diamond fields although the relative richness of the individual field allocations varies a great deal from place to place. Marange Resources and Mbada Diamonds occupy the original claims registered by ACR in 2006. Since 2009 another company has been allowed on site, with principals from the Middle East, little is known about this operation.
The activities of these groups on site remain clouded in secrecy and it is clear that no accurate consolidated figures of production exist for the area. However, the statement by the Minister that output in 2010 rose to 8, 5 million carats gives some idea of the magnitude of this operation. That is equal to 23 000 carats a day and this confirms the view that Marange is now one of the largest finds in the global diamond industry for the past century.
My own investigations, using published and unpublished data suggests that diamond extraction from the alluvial deposits at Marange within the area of the ACR claims were averaging approximately 20 carats per tonne of ore processed in the early days. I must explain how this figure was arrived at. As part of my investigations in 2011 I was handed 7 sheets of paper on which are recorded the actual daily production figures for Marange Resources (Pvt.) limited. These showed that in 2009, the company processed 25000 tonnes of ore/sand and produced an average of 19.86 carats per tonne. The production sheets were signed by 4 military officers who signed as “Completed by”, “Checked”, “verified” and “Confirmed”. Each man gave his rank.
Data actually available for 2010 from Mbada Diamonds suggests that output from the Mbada claims has been running at 150 tonnes of ore per hour since new equipment was installed in 2009. This amounts to nearly 1 million tonnes of ore per annum. At 20 carats per tonne this is equal to 20 million carats – two and half times the volume declared by the Minister for 2010 and this estimate ignores the production from the other 5 claims and the hundreds of informal sector miners that are still operating in the area. In my own estimates in the table below I have used a figure of 10 carats per tonne, declining to 5 carats per tonne as the character of the deposits being mined have been changing.
From the data that I have in hand for actual diamond production by quality and size, the Mbada claims in 2010 were running at 15 per cent good quality gem stones, 21.67 per cent quality industrials, and 62.5 per cent low quality industrial diamonds and 0.68 per cent rubbish. The average price achieved on gem stones was $350 in 2010 while industrial diamonds realised between $31 and $3 a carat. The overall average price achieved in 2010 by Mbada, was $67 per carat, this compares to the Ministers claim that they were getting only $18 per carat.
If we value the Ministers figures for diamonds mined in 2010 at Marange at the average price of $67 per carat rather than the figures he gave to Parliament, then the actual value of sales of raw diamonds from Marange in 2010 were $563 million dollars and not the stated $200 million for the past five years. Payments to the fiscus therefore represented only 30 per cent of the diamonds officially produced and sold in 2010.
Although no accurate information is available from the other operators, it is clear that the Angin operations were either equal to or even greater than the Mbada operations. In particular the Angin mining activities expanded rapidly after 2010 and they have commenced hard rock mining on their claims. Recent data based on installed capacity at Angin suggests that this company is now producing up to 7 times the total production of Mbada. Up to date output figures for Marange Resources are not available but are thought to be significant and to have increased since 2009.
The table below sets out estimated production and sales of diamonds from the Marange fields. These estimates are conservative in that they recognise that we simply have no idea of how much was extracted from the fields by informal miners 2006 to 2008. Thereafter I have assumed that yields are declining as the alluvial deposits are exhausted and mines are forced to start mining the aggregate in which the bulk of the diamonds are located. Volumes of ore are based on the installed capacity on each mine. These figures suggest total ore processed since mining began of 15 million tonnes, half of this in 2012. Diamond production at 100 million carats; the values are based on known prices and the quality spread established from data from the Mbada claims.
Production and Sale of Diamonds from the Marange Fields
Ore 000 tons
Prod 000 C
Value per Ca
Sales million $
Had these deposits (thought to contain between 2 and 7 billion carats of diamonds worth $200 billion to $700 billion dollars – source ACR Geologists) been exploited along the lines proposed by ACR in 2006 when the discovery was made, then the revenues to the State from Marange could have reached perhaps $5,5 billion in the past 4 years. In 2012, the Minister of Mines promised to pay to the Treasury some $600 million or less than 17 per cent of the gross revenues estimated above. His failure to do so plunged the Ministry of Finance into a crisis which meant that many items in the national budget could not be funded. No explanation has been given for this failure.
In Botswana where a joint venture along these same lines has functioned for many years, the State receives two thirds of gross sales. Education is free and the people do not pay personal taxes. Botswana has an income per capita today of nearly $9 000 and is rated a middle income country. Zimbabwe has an income per capita of just $390 in 2012 and is rated one of the poorest countries in the world.
Evidence of the reality of these figures for production and sales from Marange, if people need them, can be seen in the following:
Ø A deficit on imports of nearly 50 per cent or in excess of $4 billion this year;
Ø Imports of $1,4 billion in motor vehicles in 2012;
Ø The construction of large, luxury homes in many parts of the country;
Ø Visible evidence of a high standard of living for a significant number of people whose positions do not justify such life styles;
Ø Significant expenditure by individuals and firms linked to Marange including luxury apartments and houses, even high rise buildings in South Africa;
Ø Substantial investments by certain individuals connected to the Marange operations in many areas of Zimbabwe, including the purchase of buildings and companies;
Ø The expenditure of perhaps $300 million via the Presidents Fund on free crop inputs, scholarships and bursaries;
Ø The purchase of two new long range Airbus Aircraft;
Ø Expenditures on military equipment and facilities that are not provided for in the State budget; and
Ø Massive support for political parties in anticipation of a snap election
The Kimberly Process does not take into account human and legal rights abuse in the exploitation of diamonds, it only adopts a stance if it can be demonstrated that diamond production is being used to promote and fund armed attacks on civilians. It does not take into account the use of such funds to destabilise countries or political systems. It therefore cannot be taken as a suitable measure to define what has and is happening in Zimbabwe.
In 2011, the Parliament of Zimbabwe adopted a motion without dissent, that the Marange diamond fields be nationalised. It is pleasing to see that the Minister of Finance has announced that that is exactly what is intended under the new Diamond Act and that we can expect action shortly. This does not remedy the harm done already, but at least it secures the future for the benefit of all Zimbabweans.
While welcoming this measure, we should not lose sight of the compensation that is surely due to the shareholders of ACR, the families of those killed or disposed at Marange itself and the loss of revenue to the State over the past 5 years. My own view is that those who have benefitted so visibly from the illicit sales of Marange diamonds over the past 5 years should be required to pay such compensation to the affected company and communities.
In the meantime it will be enough to turn the Marange discovery from being a curse to a blessing which will benefit every one of us.
An overview of the dissident problem
a.) A summary of contributing factors
Factors contributing to the growth of dissident numbers are complex. The relative importance of these factors has been variously highlighted in existing accounts of these years, depending in part on the implicit agenda of researchers, and in part on their sources.
Some explanations as to why dissidents became an entity, include:
1. The view of the Government and ZANU-PF that the dissidents were actively sponsored by ZAPU leaders, who were hoping to gain through renewed fighting what they had failed to gain in the elections.
2. ZAPU’s view, that the heavy-handed Government reaction to the dissident issue, and its targeting of ZAPU as solely responsible, expressed a long-held desire either to punish ZAPU, or crush ZAPU totally and create a one party state.
3. The well-established view that South Africa exacerbated events by training and funding dissidents, known as Super ZAPU, with the intention of disrupting the newly Independent Zimbabwe.
4. The dissidents’ view, that they were driven to desert the National Army by the persecution of ex-ZIPRA members within its ranks, and that once outside the Army, they found themselves further persecuted and on the run.
While there is evidence to support the last three views, at least in part, to date there is no documentary or material evidence to support the contention that ZAPU leadership concretely supported or instructed the dissidents, apart from an abundance of Government rhetoric at the time, insisting on links between ZAPU and dissidents. Two lengthy treason trials, one in 1982 and one in 1986, both failed to prove ZAPU-dissident collusion.
The political and military violence of the 1980s resulted in huge losses for the citizens of Zimbabwe, in terms of human life, property, and economic development in affected areas. The dissidents themselves became answerable for this in no small measure, and are certainly known to have committed deeds of heinous cruelty against their fellow Zimbabweans during these years.
Civilians who lived in the rural areas and came into contact with them describe them as “cruel, uncontrollable, leaderless”. Their activities led to the abandonment of around 200 000 hectares of commercial farmland in Matabeleland, the murders of scores of civilians, the destruction of many homesteads, and scores of robberies.
At the same time, the dissidents were few, numbering no more than around 400 at their peak, and experiencing large numbers of deaths, captures and desertion. It is also now clear that many dissidents consider themselves to have been driven to lead the lives of fugitives by the partial failure of the Army’s integration process, and the persecution of all former ZIPRAs as the conflict escalated.
Whatever the initial causes of the rising numbers of “dissidents”, the Government certainly had a serious security problem on its hands by mid-1982. The situation needed a military response, but unfortunately, the Government used it to launch a “double edged conflict” in Matabeleland.
The first offensive was against the dissidents, and involved the use of various ZNA units and the Police Support Unit. However, the Government also launched an offensive against the ordinary civilians of Matabeleland, through 5 Brigade: this served both to increase dissident numbers and to exacerbate the plight of those most vulnerable to the dissidents.
These two conflicts escalated into what has been called, including by Government itself, a “civil war”. While there is little love for dissidents in the memories of those who lived with them, it must be acknowledged that it is 5 Brigade that people remember with the most intense hatred and fear.
B) THE DISSIDENTS’ PERSPECTIVE
One contributing factor to escalating dissident numbers, according to the dissidents themselves, was the ZNA’s initial failure successfully to integrate ZANLA and ZIPRA into one army.
The task facing the ZNA at Independence was unprecedented: its role was to integrate three armies, all of which had long-standing animosities towards each other, and form one army with a conventional military background.
The animosities between ZIPRA and ZANLA have already been dealt with. Not only did these two antagonistic forces have to integrate with each other at Independence, but they had to be integrated with the existing Rhodesian Defence Forces (RDF), which had fought to preserve white supremacy in Zimbabwe. There were obvious long-standing political and military antagonisms between the RDF and both the guerrilla armies.
From the time of the negotiated ceasefire in Zimbabwe, ex-guerrillas were held in Assembly Points (APs) throughout the country, from where they were gradually integrated with the RDF, or demobilised.
Many ex-guerrillas from both sides resisted entering the APs, fearing the consequences, or rejecting the negotiated outcome to the war. In the APs, after Independence, there were several minor skirmishes between ZANLA and ZIPRA forces in different parts of the country, and also outbreaks of bad behaviour in the vicinity of the APs, as ex-combatants spent long months waiting for integration to take its course.
In February 1980, The Chronicle reported approximately 200 guerrillas roaming the North West, campaigning for ZAPU and committing crimes. In Nkayi and Gokwe, in northern Matabeleland, there was a group of ZIPRAs operating under a man called “Tommy”, who had been renowned for refusing to obey the ZIPRA High Command structure in the 1970s.
In addition, there was a group of ZIPRAs in Tsholotsho who refused to enter the APs, as they rejected the ceasefire. In May and June 1980, 400 ZIPRA guerrillas were rounded up in Northern Matabeleland and taken to Khami Prison near Bulawayo.
ZANLA was considered as much of a problem as ZIPRA, if not a worse one, in these early months. ZANLA was involved in armed attacks in Mutoko, Mount Darwin and Gutu. Both sides were involved in the concealing of weapons outside the APs.
TROUBLE AT ENTUMBANE
At the end of 1980 only 15 000 out of 65 000 ex-combatants had been integrated into the Army, and the decision was made to remove some of the remaining ex-combatants into housing schemes near the major centres.
Under a rehousing scheme in Entumbane, a suburb of Bulawayo, ZIPRA and ZANLA found themselves living in close proximity to each other, and also with ZIPRA’s civilian supporters.
Coinciding with this development, in November 1980 there was an inflammatory speech by Enos Nkala, a Government minister, in which ZAPU was referred to as the enemy.
This contributed to the first Entumbane uprising, in November 1980, in which ZIPRA and ZANLA fought a pitched battle for two days, before being brought under control by ZIPRA and ZANLA commanders. Five hundred more ZANLA soldiers were moved to Entumbane, and ZAPU officials were arrested.
The fighting between ZIPRA and ZANLA was not restricted to Matabeleland, but led to deaths in holding camps in Mashonaland as well.
In February 1981, a second outburst of fighting started in Entumbane, which spread to Ntabazinduna and Glenville, in the vicinity of Bulawayo, and also to Connemara in the Midlands.
ZIPRA troops elsewhere in Matabeleland North and South headed for the city to join the battle, and Prime Minister Mugabe called in former RDF units to quell the uprising, but not before more than 300 people had lost their lives.
Taken from a report on the 1980’s disturbances in Matabeleland and the Midlands. Compiled by the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace in Zimbabwe, March 1997