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Zimbabwe’s diaspora: reasons and lessons

23 NOVEMBER 2011

Distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen

At first glance, the decision to invite me to speak at this conference
might seem somewhat unusual. The theme of the conference—
immigration and integration in an age of austerity—is a theme that
ostensibly focuses on the impact of migration in the West in this
time of global economic stress. But on closer examination, my
participation is not so strange. I come from Zimbabwe; indeed, like
many of my countrymen, I am a political exile living in the West—
and so I can speak with some authority about the other side of the
equation. I can provide some insight into push factors, some
insight into the reasons why people leave places like Zimbabwe
and come in numbers, both legally and illegally, to countries like

In other words, it is not my objective to engage substantially in the
debate over multiculturalism—what it means and how to manage
it. That is to talk about the end product or the last link in a chain of
events and processes. Rather, I want to take a step backward and
look at some of the origins. I do not pretend to reduce all migration
issues to the type of experience that Zimbabweans have faced.

International migration is, of course, a complex phenomenon. But
the Zimbabwean experience is the one I know and—apart from its
own importance in terms of scale—I believe there are a series of
lessons to be learned from Zimbabwe that apply to many countries
and situations around the world.

So, to Zimbabwe. Zimbabweans are, by and large, reluctant
migrants. It is critical to grasp this point. Of the millions of
Zimbabweans who have left the country over the last 10 years, the
majority have done so because they felt they had to, not because
they wanted to. Most Zimbabwean migrants live in South Africa.

There are an estimated 3–5 million Zimbabweans who have set up
camp within the borders of our southern neighbour. That figure
represents somewhere between 20 and 30 percent of Zimbabwe’s
total population, including the diaspora. During my own time as a
refugee in South Africa, I have spoken to hundreds of
Zimbabweans and nearly all of them want to go home. South
Africa is not their place; they feel like strangers and are treated as
such. Often they meet with open hostility and sometimes with
violence. Further abroad and in more comfortable settings,
Zimbabweans have perhaps become more ambivalent. Some want
to return, others don’t. Some have created new lives and new
opportunities and have lost the hunger to go home. Yet even those
in the West—and these are the minority—initially left under

What are these powerful push factors? What caused Zimbabweans
with homes and families to leave these things behind and cast out
into unchartered waters? Demographers typically like to make a
distinction between economic and political migrants, but the
distinction is somewhat artificial in the case of Zimbabwe and
Zimbabweans. The root cause of Zimbabwean migration, even
where it seems to be economic, is political. The great Zimbabwean
migration of the 21st century is directly and indirectly political.
Many Zimbabweans have fled under direct threat to life and limb;
others have been forced to leave as a consequence of systemic
collapse, but it is a collapse that has occurred for political reasons.
Allow me to provide some background. The Zimbabwean state is
the result of a long history of inequality, racism and exploitation.
The authoritarian, repressive and violent structures and groups that
we now have are the logical outcome of such a history. If you plant
the seedling you will grow the thorn tree. Zimbabwe is now ruled
by a mafia—a criminal syndicate that dresses itself in elaborate
forms of propaganda, but make no mistake, it is a criminal
syndicate. This lot, Robert Mugabe’s Zanu-PF party, strut around
in the vestments of anti-colonial liberation, but they are a bunch of
felons, pure and simple. Zanu-PF is the operatic performer among
Africa’s Cosa Nostra. All frills and shrills but at heart a common
crook and criminal, no less. She must be dragged kicking and
screaming to the penitentiary.

But I digress. Zimbabwe became independent in 1980. The
authoritarian strands of black nationalism and white supremacy
were interwoven beneath a Zanu-PF government led by Mugabe.
The most obscene kinds of violence and brutality soon surfaced
during the drive for a one party state, culminating in a massacre of
the Ndebele people in 1983 and 1984. The first major postindependence
dispersion of Zimbabweans occurred in this period.

Tens of thousands were internally displaced, fleeing to the second
city of Bulawayo, while others left for Botswana and South Africa.

Yet this crime against humanity was forgotten by the world as
quickly as it had arisen. Riding on the coat-tails of the international
anti-apartheid movement, Mugabe was viewed by many as the
poster-boy of the so-called Frontline States and it was years before
reality set in. Sadly, it took the brutalisation of the white
community in Zimbabwe to awaken the Western media to a
problem that had begun in 1980. It is shameful that we should
remain unmoved by black-on-black violence, beginning only to
make noise when whites are involved, either as victims or
perpetrators. I will return to this point a little later. For now it is
enough to note that Zanu-PF nailed its true colours to the mast
decades before the globally-publicised land invasions of 2000.

Another element that allowed Mugabe to retain a sanitised image
in the West was the strength of the economy he inherited. For
many years, corruption and human rights abuses sat alongside
relative economic prosperity. The white-dominated engine room of
the economy, principally built around commercial agriculture and
agri-processing, was left intact—and violence was also
geographically confined to the Matabeleland provinces of the
southwest. The beast in the basement, though busy, was out of
sight and out of mind. Internationally, the racial element also came
into play in the economic sphere because most Western economic
interests were left intact. Not only was the white community being
left alone, it was making money, as were the subsidiaries of
Western companies. And it was not only whites abroad who were
guilty of ignoring the screaming next door. These were the years
when whites in the north referred to Mugabe as ‘good old Bob’,
the Great Satan of the war years who had turned out to be their best
friend. Or so they thought.

The catalyst for the second major Zimbabwean migration occurred
in 1997 when the economy went into a rapid downward spiral. I
say ‘catalyst’ because it was not an isolated event; it had been a
long time coming—and it also set off a domino effect that will take
a generation to overcome, if we are lucky. First, the context. The
events of 1997 were all the more devastating because they
occurred against a backdrop of grand corruption and nepotism that
had sapped the nation’s economic strength. The coup de grace was
both a decisive moment and a symptom of a bigger problem. Black
veterans of Zimbabwe’s independence war, joined by a motley
crew of opportunists, engaged in a series of aggressive
demonstrations against the government, saying that they had been
living in poverty since independence while the top dogs had
become rich. When Mugabe capitulated to their demands for
gratuities and pensions—payouts that the fiscus could not afford—
the economy went into freefall. Ironically, the chairman of the war
veterans association, Chenjerai ‘Hitler’ Hunzvi, was later
prosecuted for embezzling from a war victims compensation fund
that allowed veterans to claim for disabilities suffered during the
war. Hunzvi had been paid out $43,000 (US) for a rating that put
him as 117 percent disabled. Brain dead would be more accurate.
Under this scheme, Mugabe’s brother-in-law had been awarded
$70,000 for a 95 percent disability that derived from a scar to his
left knee and alleged ulcers. The current Commissioner of Police,
Augustine Chihuri, was granted about $10,000 for ‘toe dermatitis
of the right and left foot’, while current Vice President Joice
Mujuru took around $35,000 for ‘mental stress disorder’ and ‘poor

Those Zimbabweans who had wanted to forget about the country’s
politics after the war—and that was most of us—could literally no
longer afford to ignore the problem. As inflation, taxation and
unemployment began to rocket out of control, Zanu-PF had
become too expensive for those in the formal sectors of the
economy. A political opposition began to coalesce rapidly and
organically. But we were about to re-learn the lessons that had
been learnt by some during the war—that arbitrary and egregious
violence was the Zanu way—a lesson that the Ndebele had had
banged into them after 1980 while the rest of us preferred not to
know. This was to be no polite debate over the economy, followed
by a democratic change of government. To threaten Zanu-PF’s grip
on power was to threaten their raison d’etre—power and the things
that come with it are the very essence of their existence. The
enormous scale of the second Zimbabwean dispersion is a direct
function of the extremes to which Zanu-PF is prepared to go to
retain power and to plunder the nation’s wealth. These extremes
have been truly radical in nature. Many have few parallels in
modern history. The land invasions that began in 2000—
effectively a government-sanctioned looting spree—were a
desperate election ploy in reaction to the rapid rise of the
opposition Movement for Democratic Change, or MDC. Zanu-PF
was prepared to annihilate the vital organs of the economy to win
an election. Agricultural productivity declined by 80 percent
between 2002 and 2008. There were three years of national food
deficit in the 20 years from independence until the beginning of the
land invasions—and these three years were years of severe
drought. In the other years, the country had maintained an export
surplus. Since 2000, there have been 11 consecutive years of food

This pattern of megalomania and pathological self-centredness was
repeated in almost every sphere of national life. Our infamous
hyperinflation—which is thought to have reached 89.7 sextillion
percent—was not simply the result of a collapse in productivity
and poor monetary policies. The regime actively used the printing
press to generate enormous fortunes for a small elite in a way that
they knew was destroying the remnant of economic life for normal
Zimbabweans. Money was pushed on to the black market by the
Reserve Bank and used to buy gold and foreign exchange for a
privileged few. This was money for jam if ever there was. Paper
and ink was the only cost to those with their hands on the levers
and they received vast quantities of gold and real cash in return.

The cost was borne by others. For everyone else, the value of life
savings and pensions was entirely wiped out and most of the
businesses that had survived the knock-on effects of the land
invasions went to the wall. Wage payments, banking and other
transactions that are usually taken for granted became completely
impossible. It is no exaggeration to say that many Zimbabweans
were driven back to the stone age. Barter took over and 80 percent
of our people were out of a job and out on the streets. Accountants
and school teachers traded cigarettes for tomatoes—and sweets for
matches. Others dabbled in the black market, much of which was
controlled and fed by those who had created the problem. Some
simply starved and died quietly in huts and shacks. The budgets of
public institutions were wiped out by hyperinflation within days of
their announcement. Hospitals and schools shut down because
there was no money for equipment and no money for wages. Most
of our public servants, those who supposedly had jobs, did not go
to work because the cost of a trip to the office was more than they
would make in a day or even a month. And Zanu-PF watched on—
and continued to loot.

These people drove over the ever-increasing potholes in their
Mercs and Hummers—and were unmoved by the sight of the
country falling down around their ears. Patriotism and pride meant
nothing to these people. But it was their hardness to human misery
that was most telling and most disgusting. And what misery it was.

Life expectancy plunged to the lowest in the world—37 years for
men and 34 for women. An estimated 3,000 people were dying
weekly of AIDS because they were not provided access to antiretroviral
drugs. There are now one million AIDS orphans out of a
resident population of around 12 million. One child in four has lost
one or both parents to AIDS. Meanwhile, up to 500,000 of the one
million farm workers booted off white farms died of a combination
of malnutrition and inadequate health services. Water supply and
sewage systems fell over and one of the largest outbreaks of
cholera in world history occurred in late 2008, infecting 100,000
people and killing over 4,000. Mugabe blamed the outbreak on the
British and airily advised the populace to avoid shaking hands. The
country’s jails became concentration camps. I know—I spent 8
months there in 2005 and an horrific 40 days in 2009. For many, a
petty offence or a false conviction became a death sentence. In
2009, six people starved to death in cells around me during my
stay as a guest of government. When queried over the state of the
jails and the prisoners dying like flies, Mugabe replied laughingly
that those who had been sentenced were getting what they

Is it any wonder that Zimbabweans fled this tsunami? And I have
not yet described the violence unleashed during every election
since 2000. Political violence in Zimbabwe usually waxes and
wanes in relation to the electoral cycle. It accelerates during
campaigning and reaches a crescendo before the vote. Then it is
often reduced during voting days when observers and the media
are on the ground. Afterward, it is brought to another peak as
revenge attacks are made on those who have voted the ‘wrong’
way. The reason it follows such clearly identifiable patterns is that
it is carefully orchestrated and planned by the state. Mugabe’s war
veterans and plain-clothed state agents coordinate militia groups
that consist mainly of unemployed youth and trained thugs. In the
four elections since 2000, these groups—often numbering in the
hundreds—have terrorised the rural population, setting up torture
bases, raiding villages and attacking opposition rallies. Candidates
and activists for the Movement for Democratic Change have been
prime targets. Many have been savagely beaten and maimed; many
have been killed. In April 2000, two MDC officials, Tichaona
Chiminya and Talent Mabika, were stopped in their car and burnt
to death by state agents. These were two of the early tragedies—
and there have been scores since. At least 35 people were
murdered during the 2000 parliamentary elections and 60 were
killed in 2002’s presidential election. Observers noted that the
2005 elections were less violent than their predecessors—but they
spoke too soon. A few months later, 700,000 people had their
homes flattened or livelihoods destroyed by government
bulldozers—that is a UN figure—as retribution for urban support
for the MDC. This operation occurred in the middle of winter—the
poorest of the poor, tens of thousands of men, women and children
driven out into the elements. It is unknown how many died. More
faceless victims of the Zanu-PF killing fields.

The most recent elections—2008—were worse again. Zanu-PF had
written off the MDC, believing that a series of internal ructions had
discredited and disordered the party. So they toned down their
militia in the lead up to parliamentary elections which were timed
to coincide, for the first time, with a first round of the presidential
election. They received a rude shock. MDC defeated Zanu in the
parliamentary vote—the first time the ruling party had officially
been beaten since independence—and Morgan Tsvangirai gained
more votes than Mugabe in the presidential race, though he did not
receive more than 50 percent (at least according to the electoral
commission) so a second round of presidential voting was called.

This is when the dogs were let loose. Using polling station results
to target areas of opposition sympathy, huge groups of militia
roamed the countryside, beating, burning and killing people at
random. Torture bases were established, nightmarish holes where
the innocent were afflicted for days at a time. In this period, more
than 200 were killed, thousands beaten—hundreds of whom now
have lifelong disabilities—and tens of thousands were displaced.
This was revenge and pre-emptive action rolled into one. The
message was literally driven home that people had a choice
between Mugabe or death in the second round of the vote. Rightly
or wrongly, the MDC decided to pull out of the election with a
week to go, hoping to spare the people further suffering.

Since then, the MDC has entered a temporary shotgun marriage
with these serial abusers—and, of course, the abuse continues.
Mugabe’s security apparatus retains full control. MDC leaders and
activists continue to be arrested on trumped-up charges. As we
speak, the party’s Youth Assembly Chairperson, Solomon
Madzore, is being denied bail after he and 28 other MDC activists
were charged with the murder of a police officer. And in the
streets, the people are being harassed and beaten by Zanu-PF
militias that masquerade as common criminal gangs. These groups
are financed and coordinated by Zanu-PF—and they are becoming
increasingly active ahead of elections that may occur in 2012. We
are still some way from achieving peace and democracy.

To recap—these, then, are the primary causes of the Zimbabwean
dispersion. They are internal and political and are wholly manmade.
I have sketched them in some detail to highlight their
fundamentally domestic and political character—and to show how
deep and how powerful they have been. These home-grown causes
must remain at the front and centre of any analysis of Zimbabwean
migration over the past 10 years. Yet there are external factors that
have exacerbated the crisis. Some of these have been acutely
damaging because they have reinforced the core elements of the
problem. It is these reinforcing factors that I will focus on now. In
doing so, I do not excuse or minimise the fact that the abuse of
Zimbabweans by other Zimbabweans is the principal cause. But
outsiders have, in a variety of ways, played a particularly negative
role by giving succour (both intentionally and unintentionally) to
those maltreating their own people. Thus, to some extent, the size
and time-scale of the diaspora has been expanded by the actions of

The worst example of these destructive outside influences was the
administration of former South African president Thabo Mbeki. A
supposedly neutral arbiter, he sided with Robert Mugabe time and
again—and then he put massive pressure on the MDC to
consummate a unity government in 2008 after Zanu-PF and
Mugabe were shown the exit by the electorate. Mbeki was
supported by his kleptocratic and autocratic allies in the region.

How dare he second guess the people of Zimbabwe? How dare he
put personal loyalties and prejudices before democracy? Always
first to shout about outside interference when the West expresses
an opinion, Mbeki and his ilk have been the quintessential
imperialists when it comes to Zimbabwe. It is now for President
Jacob Zuma to deliver on his promises to create the conditions that
will allow Zimbabweans to finally choose their own leaders and
get on with rebuilding the nation. The Mbeki legacy means that
millions of Zimbabweans remain in South Africa and they are
placing severe strain on infrastructure, services and an already
tenuous social fabric. Zuma must now help South Africa by
helping Zimbabwe.

A second negative outside influence has been a group that should
have been the first to help. This group have been a negative
influence by their absence. Those who formed the backbone of the
international anti-Apartheid movement in the 1980s and 90s have
gone missing in action during the Zimbabwean crisis. Full of moral
outrage back then, they have done little or nothing in the face of
equally unspeakable black-on-black violence and oppression in
Zimbabwe. It is very difficult to avoid the conclusion that for many
of these people the struggle in South Africa was a fashionable
moral appendage rather than an enduring set of principles. Time
has shown them false. Many times I have spoken to the doyens of
this movement and received, frankly, little more than calloused
disinterest. They trade on an outdated reputation and do nothing.
Today, I want to challenge those who made much of Apartheid to
examine their consciences—and to prove to themselves and to us
that it was more than an exercise in self-righteousness. There is a
ready-made opportunity for them to get involved through the
newly-formed Global Alliance for Zimbabwe, or GAZ, of which I
am the chairman. GAZ has been modelled on the international
anti-Apartheid front and looks to mobilise funds and political
pressure for a democratic transition in Zimbabwe. More
information can be found online at

I move on now to Western governments. In some ways I am
hesitant to do so when many of these governments have
consistently supported the democratic cause for over a decade. It is
also true that democratic forces in Zimbabwe have often been a
disappointment in their disorganisation, their contradictions and
their failure to deliver. As such, I will try to speak with some
humility and as a friend. But I will be candid nonetheless. In my
view, the greatest weakness in Western policy toward Zimbabwe is
that assistance is often ill-targeted and it is too often symbolic
rather than substantial.

Western countries have given hundreds of millions in humanitarian
aid to Zimbabwe. We are grateful for this. Thousands owe their
lives to this generosity. But a sizeable portion of this aid should
have been directly targeted at political change. It is a false
economy to pour billions into aid over an extended period when a
fraction of those resources could be used to deliver change in a
fraction of the time.

The rub, of course, is that many Western governments are petrified
of the neo-colonialist tag. Yet I make no apologies for the call to
directly empower opposition groups. Zanu-PF and its supporters
will shriek and wail about imperialism and regime change, but this
is about empowering normal Zimbabweans to make or break
governments when they want. We must never be ashamed of
democracy or principle. Neither will we roll back the frontiers of
autocracy on an lasting basis by pussy-footing around and
tinkering at the edges. The groups capable of confronting
authoritarian regimes must be directly funded and resourced. Many
countries have a tradition of not funding political parties—but
times and needs change. No tradition is sacrosanct. Whether the
democratic change agent is a civil society movement or a political
party is immaterial—resources must go to the most effective
quarter. It should have been bleedingly obvious to any observer
that the MDC has enjoyed majority support in Zimbabwe and has,
till now, been the group most capable of overthrowing the regime.
And yet the MDC has been starved of resources while millions
have gone toward band-aid solutions. If a judgement is made that
the MDC is no longer capable of delivering democracy, then
fine—resources should go elsewhere. But all-too-often the criteria
for directing aid is not broad-based effectiveness, long-term valuefor-
money and long-term self-interest but the dictates of outmoded
traditions and the fear of short-term diplomatic fallout.

To put it differently, a by-product of these weaknesses is that we
end up with the politics of symbolism as opposed to the policies of
positive change. These symbolic interventions go beyond
overblown humanitarian aid budgets. The deficiencies of sanctions
on Zimbabwe are a case in point. I am all for sanctions that avoid
punishing normal people for the sins of those standing on their
backs. But smart and targeted sanctions can be much smarter and
better-directed. Prominent figures in the regime have been hit with
asset freezes and travel bans since the early 2000s, but this
intervention has remained frozen in time. Adaptation has been
needed—and it hasn’t really happened. Here, one of the glaring
issues is that nationals of countries that have applied the
sanctions—both individuals and companies—have continued
merrily supporting the regime and nothing has been done about
them. Therefore, you have the British and others punishing Zanu-
PF while failing to police their own citizens and—more often than
you would care to imagine—neglecting activities that are going on
in their own countries. Companies like Old Mutual were allowing
Zanu-PF functionaries to externalise huge quantities of funds
through share swaps between the Zimbabwe and London Stock
Exchanges. Always keen to make their filthy little fingers dirtier
again, Old Mutual also have joint ventures with the Government of
Zimbabwe—and this occurred before the formation of our pathetic
unity government—and yet nothing is done. What is more, these
are investments that are directly connected to gross human rights
abuses. Old Mutual has shares in a joint venture on the diamond
fields where over 200 panners in rags were gunned down from
helicopters in order to clear the decks for investors. There are also
numerous reports of ongoing abuses. And Old Mutual have the gall
to claim that any regrettable events pre-date their involvement!

Shame on them. Their corporate responsibility claims are a
catalogue of lies. And spitting in the other eye, they remain
invested in a number of Zanu-PF-controlled newspapers, filthy
little propaganda tools that spew out hate speech day-after-day. I
wonder that they didn’t invest in Adolf Hitler’s ‘Der Sturmer’. Old
Mutual has raised the skull and crossbones and kept them there in
spite of repeated warnings. Pirates in suits, we will not forget or
forgive them.

These corporate hypocrites are far from being alone. We had
CAMEC, a mining company led by former English cricketer Phil
Edmonds (what a fine ambassador he is)—in 2008, this mob
purchased from government a chunk of land extorted from another
mining company and in doing so poured tens of millions into the
pockets of the regime at a time when it needed election resources.

Like many other foreigners, they also cooperated with Zimbabwe’s
white trash—in this case a long-time supporter of the regime, Billy
Rautenbach. This scoundrel and their ilk continue their dirty work,
dining out on corrupt relationships with Zanu-PF identities, while
riding roughshod over anyone unfortunate enough to be in the way.

Then we have foreigners resident in Zimbabwe who are involved
in all sorts of vice and crime, but who remain under the radar. For
example, we have an Australian citizen who has been deeply
involved with Zanu-PF groups that were plundering the treasury
and assisting the militia to inflict massive violence during the 2008

Part of the problem here is that foreign ministries, treasuries and
other organs of state in the West do not have the resources to
police all these reprobates. The answer is to give them those
resources. A small investigative team on Zimbabwe could, in many
cases, be paid for by cutting or re-directing a fraction of
humanitarian aid. It is, again, a question of efficiency and
prioritisation. Given that many of these companies and individuals
have played a crucial and very practical role in keeping the regime
afloat, measures against them would be a genuinely effective way
of assisting the democratic process.

Drawing all this together, what are the basic reasons and lessons
that can be gleaned from a study of Zimbabwe’s diaspora? We
have seen that the overwhelming cause of this migration has been
internal and political. Zimbabweans have reluctantly left
Zimbabwe because of a regime that has raped, beaten and killed a
people and an economy in the pursuit of power and money. This
situation has been further exacerbated or elongated by outsiders
who have either failed to engage effectively or who have
deliberately supported the regime.

There seem to me to be a number of lessons that can be drawn
from the Zimbabwean problem and applied more generally—
including by policy-makers and thinkers in the West:

(1) Much international migration continues to have its roots in
misgovernance and oppression. Even so-called economic migrants
are, in effect, often political refugees given that they are commonly
running from the devastating impact of systemic collapse caused
by abusive regimes. Combining governance violations with
political violence, these regimes are a major driver of migration
flows and associated problems.

(2) In this day and age of globalisation, most people still want to
live and prosper in the land of their birth. Dealing with migration is
not simply a question of keeping undesirables at bay. Undoubtedly,
there will always be people who are temperamentally mobile, but
most people in most places want to stay at home. The best way of
giving them what they want—and of easing the burden of
migration on Western economies and societies—is to help them to
choose and change governments whenever they want to.

(3) It is incumbent on neighbouring nations to recognise that their
own self-interest lies in providing such help. Sacrificing such
common sense on the alter of personal loyalty, ideology or partisan
political gain will only serve to exacerbate core problems and
increase migration flows and the serious difficulties these cause in
their own countries. In Africa, solidarity among autocratic elites is
still a key reason why vicious regimes survive and export human
misery to the rest of the world.

(4) The West requires moral consistency and a clear-eyed longterm
vision of self-interest. Here, the choices are not simply
between soft and hard power. We often hear of the use of force
versus the provision of aid, as if these are the only alternatives.

More needs to be done to explore the use of what might be termed
‘the hard edge of soft power’. Indigenous and effective democratic
change agents must be given resources to remove authoritarian
governments. Cancer is not removed by massage, nor are brutal
elites pushed out by drilling boreholes or conducting seminars.
Committed people on the ground who are prepared to bleed for
freedom are the only ones capable of doing that job. Far too often,
they are neglected and sidelined in favour of compatriots whose
roles are palliative or completely useless. For as long as this
neglect continues, the West must continue to expect a poor return
on their investment across the developing world and increased
migration pressures at home. Put differently, the West must
jettison traditions and practices that are symbolic but insubstantial
and inefficient. To the extent that wisdom is about long-term self
interest, I question the wisdom of assistance that is geared to
showing that ‘we are doing something’, or the wisdom of gearing
99 percent of aid to development and humanitarian issues, or the
wisdom of placing short-term diplomatic relations before
democracy, or the wisdom of adhering rigidly to age-old
conventions such as a prohibition on political funding. Western
foreign policy is too often incapable of adaptation and innovation
in a world that is changing rapidly. It is good and right—and, over
the long haul, expedient—to stand for what is right, but it is foolish
to become methodologically inflexible.

Ladies and gentlemen, I thank you for taking the time to listen and
hope that some of it has been useful

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Biti banks on diamond revenue for 2012 budget

By Alex Bell
24 November 2011

Finance Minister Tendai Biti has banked almost 20% of next year’s Budget on
profits from diamond sales, which observers have already criticised as

The 2012 Budget was presented in Parliament on Thursday, with Biti rounding
off the annual allowance from US$3.4 billion to US$4 billion. Biti said this
extra US$600 million windfall will be as a result of diamond sales. He said
that this 17% boost to the national Budget will help the government channel
money into critical services, like health and education.

Biti’s revisal of the national spending allowance came shortly after his
admittance that only US$80 million worth of diamond profits had reached the
Treasury this year. He also made no mention of his previous calls for a
probe into the whereabouts of at least US$100 million in profits that had
not reached the Treasury.

Observers who used social networking websites like Twitter and Facebook to
air their views on the Budget said Biti is being “too optimistic.” Some
comments pointed to the lack of transparency clouding the diamond trade,
which has seen hundreds of millions of dollars in profits go ‘missing’.

Political analyst Clifford Mashiri on Thursday agreed that Biti is being
“very ambitious and brave,” regarding the projected diamond profits.” He
told SW Radio Africa that Biti’s optimism is “questionable,” as there were
no conditions in place to ensure the Treasury gets its share of the diamond

“In the absence of a Diamond Act to ensure accountability and transparency,
there is no reason to be optimistic,” Mashiri said.

Biti has previously voiced the need for such legislation to be in place, but
to date there has been no movement on this issue. Mines Minister Obert Mpofu
has also raised concerns about diamond smuggling, said to be rife at the
controversial Chiadzwa alluvial fields.

Despite these concerns and ongoing reports of human rights abuses, Zimbabwe
has been cleared to resume exporting to the international diamond trade
market. The trade watchdog, the Kimberley Process, this month ended its two
year long deadlock on Zimbabwe’s trade future, announcing that Chiadzwa
diamonds could be sold. The KP membership has until recently been unable to
reach agreement on whether to allow Zim back into trade circles, with mainly
Western KP members raising concerns about human rights violations and

These were issues that the KP itself had ordered Zimbabwe to sort out back
in 2009, when it was faced with either banning the country completely or
giving it a deadline to reform. The KP chose to avoid an official ban and
instead suspended Zim from trade until it fell in line with international
trade standards.

Two years later there are still reports of human rights abuses, smuggling
and a lack of accountability, and the KP is now being criticised for
appearing to bow to pressure to allow Zimbabwe to resume exporting.

An international diamond trading network has since issued a public warning
against buying or trading in Zimbabwe’s diamonds, which the group says
threaten the integrity and reputation of the entire trade.

The US based Rapaport group this week said in a statement that it “strongly
opposes” the recent decision of the KP, warning that “the KP does not
certify against human rights abuses and KP certification does not ensure
that diamonds are not involved in human rights abuses.”

“The Rapaport Group calls on all ethical members of the diamond trade to
cease and desist from the trading of (Chiadzwa) diamonds. We demand that
firms selling (Chiadzwa) diamonds do so with full disclosure,” the group
said in a statement.

The group also warned that any of its members who are found to have
knowingly traded in Zim diamonds “will be expelled and their names will be
publicly communicated.” It added: “The continued sourcing and legitimisation
of diamonds involved in human rights abuses threatens the integrity and
reputation of all diamonds.”

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Zim economy expected to grow

By Alex Bell
24 November 2011

Zimbabwe’s economy is expected to grow more than nine percent in the coming
year, after more than a decade of mismanagement by the previous ZANU PF

Finance Minister Tendai Biti presented the 2012 Budget on Thursday, setting
next year’s spending allowance at US$4 billion. The Finance minister said
the 2012 budget was “pro-poor” and focused on empowering youths and women.

Biti increased the income tax threshold to US$250 with effect from January
1, while the tax-free bonus threshold was moved to US$700, in an effort to
cushion workers in a still volatile economic situation. He also explained
that State employment costs stand at 63% which goes towards civil servants

The big winners in the budget are the Education and Health departments each
getting more than 10% of the total Budget. Education has been allocated more
than US$700 million, with US$27 million for education infrastructure. Health
meanwhile has been allocated US$63 million for infrastructure and maternal
health care has been given a US$445 million boost.

Biti also said that US$800 million has been set aside for Capital
Development Projects, while only US$39 million will be allocated to water
and sanitation. He has also set aside US$220 million for agriculture, but
admitted about US$2 billion is needed for the sector.

The Budget presentation meanwhile pointed to the fact that Zimbabweans are
starting to embrace the social media culture, which all but drove the people’s
revolutions in North Africa and the Middle East. Details of the Budget were
‘tweeted’ live by different Zimbabweans, as it was being presented. Other
Zimbabweans also took to Twitter and Facebook to express their thoughts on
the Budget, as it was happening.

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PM to issue statement on ‘marriage’ rumours

By Lance Guma
24 November 2011

Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai’s spokesman has confirmed to SW Radio
Africa that the PM will be issuing a statement ‘in due course’ clarifying
the confusion over whether he had married or not.

On Tuesday it was reported that Tsvangirai had paid US$36,000 lobola to
marry his long term girlfriend, Harare businesswoman Locadia Karimatsenga
Tembo. When the story broke Tamborinyoka maintained that no such ‘marriage’
had taken place and that the PM had spent the whole day at his Charter House

We interviewed several senior MDC-T officials on Wednesday and were told
that Tsvangirai had paid US$10,000 ‘damages’ for getting her pregnant out of
wedlock. It was also alleged that the Tembo family were trying to embarrass
Tsvangirai into marrying her, using intense pressure from the media.

On Wednesday Tsvangirai reportedly did not attend Prime Minister’s Question
Time in Parliament, perhaps to avoid the media frenzy over his alleged
marriage. Instead Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara stood in for him.

But as we said on Wednesday, ZANU PF appeared to have a vested interest in
the matter. ZANU PF National Chairman, Simon Khaya Moyo, reportedly brought
up the issue in the Senate saying he wished to “take the opportunity to
congratulate the Prime Minister on his marriage”.

Immediately legislators from ZANU PF broke into laughter, while those from
the MDC-T protested, demanding that Moyo withdraw his statement. They argued
“you can’t rely on newspapers” and said no marriage had been confirmed.  The
President of the Senate then asked Moyo to withdraw the congratulations.

As if to confirm suspicions in the MDC-T that Tsvangirai was being tricked
into a marriage with a woman with ZANU PF links, the MP’s from Mugabe’s
party sang “Tauya naye muroora (We have brought the bride).” Tembo’s sister
is the ZANU PF MP for Goromonzi West, Biata Beatrice Nyamupinga.

Many SW Radio Africa listeners who have commented on the story have advised
the PM to urgently issue a statement and put an end to the matter once and
for all. ‘As long as there is no statement clarifying what actually
happened, people will continue speculating,” one listener wrote in.

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Makone denies meddling in Tsvangirai’s private life

Theresa Makone denies meddling in the Prime Minister's love life

By Lance Guma
24 November 2011

Co-Home Affairs Minister Theresa Makone has angrily denied accusations that she is meddling in the private life of Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai. This follows the confusion surrounding news reports of whether Tsvangirai had married a Harare businesswoman or paid ‘damages’ for getting her pregnant out of  wedlock.

On Wednesday political analyst Pedzisai Ruhanya accused Makone of working behind the scenes to influence Tsvangirai into marrying Locadia Karimatsenga Tembo, described as a ‘friend or relative’ of Makone. But in an exclusive interview with SW Radio Africa, Makone said:

“I think it’s a problem of proximity. There is no question I was Susan Tsvangirai’s best friend and that I have paid for this with my political life. People have this natural hatred or jealousy for anyone who happens to be close to a leader, any leader I think, in the world.”

Explaining her relationship with Tsvangirai, Makone said: “I have known the PM and his wife for up to 10 years to the time of Mai Tsvangirai’s death and now almost 12 years with the PM. We do not involve each other in our private lives. We involve each other to the extent that we want, and there are boundaries in that relationship. The PM has never allowed me to go into that area of his life.”

Pressed on allegations that she was related to Tembo and that this had fuelled speculation that she had a hand in introducing the woman to Tsvangirai, Makone said: “So what, so what? Whether she is a friend, a relative, an acquaintance, so what? What has that got to do with me if she is to have a relationship with the Prime Minister? She (Tembo) is not a stranger to me.”

Makone said she did not have to reveal to the world how the two met: “It’s really none of my business and I refuse to be involved in the Prime Minister’s private life. When he wants to involve me in this particular matter he shall approach me, when he hasn’t approached me as he has done so far, then it means he does not want me to get involved.”

In addition to the allegations of meddling, it was also suggested to SW Radio Africa that Makone had ambitions of one day becoming MDC-T president and had a so-called Project 2016 being implemented in the party structures. We asked her about this but she laughed off the idea, saying it was ‘wonderful’ that people think, “I have the potential to lead the largest party in the country.”

She went on to say: “I honestly believe that if we went into elections right now Morgan Tsvangirai would win the elections and more than that he will run this country for the next ten years after elections. I have no ambitions to become even the Secretary General or Organiser or anything in the Standing Committee.” She said her position as Chair of the Women’s Assembly was the highest ‘privilege’ she could attain in the party.

“I don’t know what Pedzisai Ruhanya’s problem with me is? I don’t know him from a bar of cheese and he seems to particularly enjoy taking a dig at me at every turn. I’m actually going to sue him and I will sue him to the last cent because I think this man is getting carried away because I have never responded to his accusations, now I am getting sick and tired,” Makone added.

To listen to the full interview with Theresa Makone you can listen to Crisis Analysis with guest presenter Lance Guma. CLICK HERE


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MISA-Zimbabwe Communique: new radio licenses issued

MISA Zimbabwe Communiqué
24 November 2011
BAZ issues new commercial radio licenses

The Broadcasting Authority of Zimbabwe (BAZ) on 24 November 2011 announced
the state-controlled Zimpapers Talk Radio and AB Communications as Zimbabwe’s
first ever licensed free-to-air independent national commercial radio
stations since independence in 1980.

This follows four public hearings conducted by BAZ in terms of the
Commissions of Inquiry Act and Section 10 (8) of the Broadcasting Services

The licensing of Zimpapers Talk Radio is set to raise eyebrows on whether
the radio station will truly be independent as stipulated under the African
Charter on Broadcasting considering that the government has a controlling
stake in Zimpapers.

Former broadcast journalist, Supa Mandiwanzira, who was taken to task over
his alleged links with Zanu PF, is the majority shareholder and CEO of Zi fm
sterio under the AB Communications stable.

The licensing of the two applicants also brings into question the sincerity
of the government’s calls for Zimbabwean journalists manning foreign-based
stations to return home and legalise their operations. One of the
foreign-based stations, Radio VOP (Communications), which was also among the
applicants, was denied one of the two licenses that were on offer.

Kiss FM is the other unsuccessful applicant out of the four that had been
shortlisted by BAZ.

Also likely to be in contention will be the legality of the licenses issued
given the outstanding issue of the legal status of the current BAZ board
which remains unresolved since its illegal constitution by the Ministry of
Information in 2009.


84 McChlery Drive

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Mandiwanzira, Zimpapers Granted Radio Licences

Harare, November 24, 2011 - Zimbabweans should brace themselves for more
propaganda following the granting of controversial Zanu-PF loyalist a radio
licence and Zanu-PF aligned Zimpapers.

The Broadcasting Authority of Zimbabwe (BAZ) yesterday gave the Super
Mandiwanzira owned AB Communications’ Zi Radio and Zimpapers’ Zimpapers Talk
Radio the country’s first two commercial private radio licences.

The two radio stations are owned by companies with links to Zanu-PF.

Zimpapers has for long been accused by some political players of being
biased towards Zanu-PF and for promoting hate speech through its various
newspaper titles. On the other hand AB Communications owner, Mandiwanzira is
a known Zanu PF member. He was recently introduced at a Zanu-PF rally in
Nyanga North as a potential parliamentary candidate for the party.

BAZ claims that the two radio licences granted yesterday were the remaining
on the Frequency Modulation (FM) broadcasting services band for the
provision of commercial radio broadcasting services of national coverage.

BAZ chairperson, Tafataona Mahoso, told the media yesterday that the
adjudication procedure was split into a two-step process – the Qualification
and the Selection Process.

“Subject to the number of licences available, the applicants who scored the
highest number of points were deemed to be the winners of the licences,”
said Mahoso while announcing the winning two radio companies.

“The two short-listed applicants who scored the highest number of points
were therefore deemed to be the applicants to be issued with the two

On the basis of the total points scored by the applicants, AB Communications
and Zimpapers, having complied with the Qualification Process as prescribed
by law and having scored the highest number of points in terms of the
objectives of the Act in the selection process are deemed to be the winners
of the two licenses for the provision of free to air national commercial
radio broadcasting services.”

Mahoso said BAZ will soon call for applications for fourteen commercial
radio licenses for 14 urban areas.

Responding to the announcement Njabulo Ncube, the Media Institute of
Southern Africa (MISA) Chairman told Radio VOP that: “We are not surprised.
It’s a sham. What is the difference between Zimpapers and AB Communications?
The difference is the same. It doesn’t take media freedom anywhere. These
are cosmetic reforms.”

“We knew that this was coming for as long as the BAZ was not reconstituted
and the result was predictable.”

Four media companies were vying for the radio licenses including Radio VOP.

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Zimbabwe State Television to Broadcast Chinese News Programming

23 November 2011

Media studies lecturer Zenzele Ndebele of the National University of Science
and Technology in Bulawayo said the Chinese programing is only likely to
appeal to core supporters of President Robert Mugabe

Ntungamili Nkomo | Washington

In a move that could bolster the influence of the People’s Republic of China
in Zimbabwe, the state-run Zimbabwe Broadcasting Cooperation will soon start
airing programming from Chinese Central Television or CCTV, which will run
Zimbabwean programs.

A Chinese delegation visiting Harare sealed a deal with the Ministry of
Information on Tuesday for ZBC and CCTV to share news programming.

They will also share digital technology, the state-run Herald newspaper

Information Minister Webster Shamu, a member of the former ruling ZANU-PF
party of President Robert Mugabe, called China a “genuine brother.” CCTV is
already available to many Zimbabweans who have free-to-air satelite

But Deputy Information Minister Murisi Zvizvai of the Movement for
Democratic Change formation of Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai was not
enthusiastic. "Zimbabweans want balanced reporting from ZBC, not Chinese
programs," Zvizvai said.

Media studies lecturer Zenzele Ndebele of the National University of Science
and Technology in Bulawayo said the Chinese programing is only likely to
appeal to core supporters of President Mugabe, who has long pursued closer
ties with Beijing.

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Mugabe calls Cameron 'satanic'

Sapa-AFP | 24 November, 2011 10:53

Zim's President Robert Mugabe has called British Prime Minister David
Cameron "satanic" for considering withholding aid from countries that do not
respect gay rights.

"It becomes worse and satanic when you get a prime minister like Cameron
saying countries that want British aid should accept homosexuality," Mugabe
said in a speech Wednesday in the mining town of Shurugwi, 300 kilometres
(185 miles) south of Harare.

"To come with that diabolic suggestion to our people is a stupid offer," he
said, according to the state-run Herald newspaper.

At the end of the Commonwealth summit in October, Cameron said that
countries receiving British aid should respect human rights, including gay

The issue has re-emerged as Zimbabwe drafts a new constitution, with debate
on whether to follow neighbouring South Africa's model and include gay
rights in the charter.

Mugabe has for decades ranted against homosexuality, and in his latest
speech again threatened to punish gay Zimbabweans.

"Do not get tempted into that (homosexuality). You are young people. If you
go that direction, we will punish you severely," Mugabe said

"It is condemned by nature. It is condemned by insects and that is why I
have said they are worse than pigs and dogs," he said, according to The

Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, who formed a unity government with Mugabe
in 2009, has said that he supports gay rights but that gays should "do their
things in private".

More recently he said that the people of Zimbabwe will decide what they want
in their constitution, which will clear the way for new elections.

The constitution process is running more than a year behind schedule, with a
referendum on the charter expected only next year.

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Mugabe Rules Out Uprising In Zimbabwe

Shurugwi, November 24, 2011- President Robert Mugabe has dismissed
possibilities of uprisings similar to the ones witnessed in North Africa
saying the most likely possibility were coup d’état.

Speaking during the launch of the Unki Tongogara Community share trust
scheme here in Shurugwi at Unki Mine, President Robert Mugabe said he was
certain that the uprising that happened in North Africa will not replicate
in Southern Africa.

He said the most that Southern Africans could do was coup d’etat as Southern
African people can never be influenced to rise against their leaders.

This year witnessed a wave of uprisings in North African countries that’s
saw some larger than life figures being toppled in countries  like Libya,
Tunisia, Ivory Coast and Egypt.

Mugabe said that what was experienced in North Africa could only happen in
an Arab state.

“What happened in North Africa is only peculiar to Arabs and cannot occur in
Southern African countries. It can only be the Arabs that are told to
violently remove their leaders and they just follow without questioning”
added Mugabe.

Mugabe also blamed his usual enemies for the Arab spring that saw his close
friend Muammar Gaddafi being toppled and assassinated.
“You cannot listen to these Westerners who come up with these stupid ideas
and say you rise up against your leaders and you do it because your leaders
are part of you. You will have to think hard about it and we should refuse
to be violators of that which binds us together,” the president said

Political analyst Tawanda Manenji said while it is true that the people in
Southern Africa and especially Zimbabwe were peace loving people it could be
dangerous to rule out the possibility of uprisings.

“ We realize that while Zimbabweans have so far remained calm even at the
most difficult and trying times, the President should not take Zimbabweans
for granted, especially now at a time political leaders are calling for
peace in the country but you have heard victims of political violence vowing
to fight back if ever they are attacked and shows that if pressed to hard
against a wall the peace loving people may become violent.”

Unki transferred 10% of its shares to the community in the first step
towards complying with the Indiginisation and Empowerment Act which states
that 51% of all foreign owned companies operating in Zimbabwe should be in
the hands of the locals. Unki Mine is owned by Anglo America

However speaking at the function, controversial Minister Saviour Kasukuwere
warned Anglo-American Chairman July Ndlovu that the transfer of the 10%
community ownership scheme was just the starting point as they would again
force the company to give some of the shares to the employees.

“Unki this is just the beginning. We will be back again to discuss how much
you will give to the employees who toil so hard during their working days
and languish in poverty after retirement. “

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We’ll punish gay people: Mugabe

by Own Corespondent     Thursday 24 November 2011

SHURUGWI – President Robert Mugabe has vowed to “punish severely”
homosexuality that he said was un-Christian and un-African.

Mugabe is known for his notoriously hostile stance against gay and lesbian
people that he has described as worse than pigs and dogs.

“Do not get tempted into that (homosexuality). If you do fall for it we will
punish you severely," said Mugabe, warning Zimbabweans to stay away from
same sex relationships.

The Zimbabwean leader -- who has previously accused the West of wanting to
use economic might to impose their liberal policies on homosexuality on
Africa -- described as “diabolic” recent suggestions by Prime Minister David
Cameron to in future insist all recipients of British aid to uphold human
rights including gay rights.

“It becomes worse and Satanic when you get a Prime Minister like Cameron
saying countries that want British aid should accept homosexuality.

“To come with that diabolical suggestion to our people is a stupid offer,"
said Mugabe, who was speaking in a mix of the vernacular Shona and English
at the launch of a community trust by Anglo American Platinum (Amplats) at
its Unki mine here.

Homosexual acts are prohibited in Zimbabwe, as they are in most African

But there is a small homosexual community in Zimbabwe that has however
largely remained out of the limelight, largely because Mugabe and his law
enforcement agents have fought hard to keep the community away from the
public view.

And in the clearest sign that the anti-homosexual tendency is common across
the nation, Zimbabweans told the country’s constitutional committee that
they do not want gay rights enshrined in a proposed new constitution.

While the Evangelical Fellowship of Zimbabwe, grouping leaders of various
church denominations, last week took Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai to
task for suggesting that the new governance charter should guarantee and
protect the rights of homosexual people.

Tsvangirai, a social democrat, has struggled to strike a balance between his
personal belief in the rights of all citizens regardless of sexual
orientation and his desire to please his supporters who are largely
conservative and view homosexuality as an abomination.

His calls for enshrinement of homosexual rights in the new constitution
threatens to turn the matter into a major election issue as Zimbabwe
prepares to go to polls next year. -- ZimOnline

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One in two Zimbabweans has bribed police: report

23/11/2011 00:00:00
by Staff Reporter
Concern ... Police Commissioner Augustine Chihuri
ONE in two Zimbabweans has paid a bribe to a police officer in the last 12 months, a shock new report claims.

A staggering 36 percent of people who have dealt with the Zimbabwe Revenue Authority (ZIMRA) say they have also paid bribes, according to the survey of six Southern African countries published by Transparency International this week.

On a perception scale of one to five, where one means “not at all corrupt” and five means “extremely corrupt”, Zimbabweans gave the police a four; politicians, civil servants and the judiciary a three while journalists, NGOs and churches got a two.

Of the 1,000 Zimbabweans surveyed, 42 percent said they paid bribes to “speed things up”, 30 percent to “avoid a problem with authorities” and 28 percent “to receive a service they are entitled to”.

The survey of more than 6,000 people in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Malawi, Mozambique, South Africa, Zambia and Zimbabwe between 2010 and 2011 also found that across the region, 62 percent of people believe corruption has become worse in the past three years.

The survey shows that the DRC is the most corrupt in the region, topping the bribery scale in all but one of the nine key service providers analysed. The DRC (22 percent) only comes second best to Mozambique (35 percent) in medical services corruption.

Chantal Uwimana, Transparency International’s Regional Director said: “Governments must wake up to the fact that people will not tolerate corruption anymore and start reforming weak institutions, particularly the police.

“People have a right to feel that they are protected by the police and not harassed.”

The ‘Daily Lives and Corruption, Public Opinion in Southern Africa’ makes for grim reading, but there is also some good news: 80 percent of those interviewed said they were prepared to get involved in the fight against corruption and three-quarters said ordinary people can make a difference in the fight against corruption.

The Bribes Index By Service and Country


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Typhoid cases escalate

By Wonai Masvingise and Thelma Chikwanha
Thursday, 24 November 2011 15:14

HARARE - Cases of suspected typhoid have spiked to more than 500, Harare
City Council public relations officer Leslie Gwindi has said.

Speaking at a press conference at Town House yesterday, Gwindi revealed that
council was now investigating more suspected cases of the water borne

This comes as council disconnected water supplies to Harare residents who
have not paid bills, a move residents said could escalate the typhoid

Gwindi said: “There has been an increase in patients carrying the bacteria.
We are talking of numbers in excess of 500 right now.

“However, in a lot of these cases it might not be typhoid exactly but it
comes out as watery diarrhoea and we are accepting that this watery
diarrhoea carries typhoid in some cases. There is a misconception that
typhoid is coming from council water, this is not true. Dirty water as a
result of shallow wells, boreholes sunk in unsuitable places and flies are
the main carriers of typhoid.”

Gwindi warned that water shortages were likely to continue saying “demand is
greater than supply.”

He defended water cuts in areas such as Highfield.

“Cutting off of water supplies in Highfield has nothing to do with the
typhoid issue. People should pay for water despite the typhoid outbreak. We
asked for residents to come and submit their payment plans if they are
having difficulties with paying their water bills so the typhoid outbreak
does not mean that water cuts will stop,” said Gwindi.

Typhoid broke out last week with the first cases being reported in
Dzivaresekwa where tests that were carried out on shallow wells and open
water sources came out positive. A shortage of clean water and proper
sanitation has been attributed to the typhoid outbreak.

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Amplats’ Zim empowerment deal

by Own Corespondent     Thursday 24 November 2011

HARARE – The world’s largest platinum producer, Anglo American Platinum
(Amplats), on Wednesday said it will transfer 10 percent shareholding in its
Unki mine in Zimbabwe to local blacks, in line with a government economic
empowerment law.

Under the controversial law that came into force last year, foreign-owned
firms must sell at least 51 percent shares to indigenous Zimbabweans by 2015
or face a host of punitive measures, including hefty fines or withdrawal of
operating licences.

According to a report by the state-onwed Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation,
Amplats will also avail US$10 million in funding for a local community share
ownership trust, in a deal almost identical to the one struck by Zimplats,
the country’s largest platinum miner.

Zimplats, which is majority owned by the world’s second largest platinum
producer, Impala Platinum, agreed in October to provide US$10 million for a
community trust, while also agreeing to hand over a 10 percent stake to

Unki, which only began operations at the beginning of this year, producing
22,400 ounces of platinum in the first half and remains on course to hit
60,000 ounces in the full year, is not a major contributor to Amplats group

Mugabe’s previous government used its majority in Parliament in 2007 to ram
through the indigenisation law requiring all foreign-owned companies to sell
controlling stake to local blacks.

Apart from Unki and Zimplats, other prominent foreign-owned firms ordered to
transfer shares to locals include insurance giant Old Mutual, Rio Tinto’s
diamond mine Murowa, British American Tobacco and the local units of British
banks Standard Chartered and Barclays.

Critics say the empowerment campaign is a ploy by Mugabe to seize thriving
businesses and hand them over to his allies as a reward for support in much
the same way that the veteran leader’s land reforms were executed in the
name of the people but benefited his top lieutenants the most.

Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai -- forced into a unity government with
Mugabe after violence marred and inconclusive elections in 2008 -- says the
law has undermined investor confidence and could plunge the economy back
into crisis after it had started recovering from a decade of collapse. –

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MDC activist bail hearing deferred for fifth time

By Editor
Thursday, 24 November 2011 14:56

HARARE - The High Court  yesterday postponed for the fifth time in a row the
bail hearing of MDC youth leader Solomon Madzore who is accused of murdering
police officer Inspector Petros Mutedza.

Justice Maria Zimba Dube said Madzore’s bail hearing will now proceed on
November 30.

The hearing was postponed to allow state prosecutor Edmore Nyazamba to
analyse the fresh submissions made by Madzore’s lawyer, Gift Mtisi of
Musendekwa and Mtisi Legal Practitioners.

Mtisi had presented an affidavit from the MDC spokesperson Douglas Mwonzora
detailing the rallies that were attended and addressed by Madzore in
September to convince the court that Madzore was not a flight risk.

The presentations would also include a video of the rallies he addressed in
September as proof to show that he was not on the run.

Justice Dube pushed the date to November 30 to allow a thorough assessment
and verification of the new submissions to verify the information with the

“You can also arrange for the court to have sight of the video,” Justice
Dube said.

Mutedza was murdered in Harare’s Glen View suburb in May this year.

Mtisi has also filed an affidavit deposed to by a medical doctor confirming
that Madzore was nowhere near the incident as he had accompanied his wife to
the doctor’s chambers.

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MDC Exonerates Madzore From Evading Police Arrest In Fresh Freedom Bid

Harare, November 24, 2011-Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC-T) party has exonerated its youth leader Solomon
Madzore, whom the State accuse of evading arrest by the police for allegedly
murdering a police officer, Inspector Petros Mutedza.

Douglas Mwonzora, the MDCT spokesperson on Wednesday took the extraordinary
step of filing an affidavit in court seeking to prove that Madzore did not
hide from the police since the alleged murder of Mutedza.

In his response to Madzore’s fresh bail application, Edmore Nyazamba of the
Attorney General’s Office had opposed the granting of bail arguing that the
MDC youth leader had been on the run after the alleged murder of Inspector
Mutedza and hence the police had failed to arrest him.

But in his affidavit which forms part of Madzore’s new submissions, Mwonzora
exonerated his party’s youth leader for skirting arrest stating that after
the alleged commission of the offence, Madzore appeared with him and other
party leaders in a number of public meetings where they interacted with the
police such that if they wanted to arrest him they could have done so with

The MDC-T spokesperson said Madzore, who was arrested early last month
attended MDC rallies in July and September which were sanctioned by the
police, who maintained a heavy presence and at which he even addressed party

Mwonzora said at all gatherings the police, who now claim that Madzore was
on the run after the alleged murder of Inspector Mutedza, did not take any
action to suggest that they were hunting for the MDC-T youth chairperson in
connection with the murder of a police officer.

Justice Maria Zimba Dube on Wednesday postponed the bail hearing to next
Wednesday to allow Nyazamba to solicit responses from the police to the new
affidavit and the recorded video footage and to allow Mtisi to file a
supplementary affidavit.

The High Court is also expected to watch a video footage recorded at the MDC
party’s 12th anniversary celebrations held at Gwanzura Stadium last month,
where Madzore addressed more than 20 000 party supporters as evidence to
prove that the MDC youth leader was never on the run and on the police
wanted person list.

Madzore’s lawyer Gift Mtisi of Musendekwa and Mtisi Legal Practitioners
recently filed the fresh bail application citing changed circumstances after
Justice Hlekani Mwayera dismissed Madzore’s first bail application last
month. Justice Mwayera ruled that the MDC-T youth leader was a flight risk.

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Constitutional Draft on Table, But Unresolved Issues Remain

23 November 2011

Potentially contentious issues still to be resolved by the governing parties
range from multiple ownership of farms following land reform to electoral
system reform, human rights, the death penalty and gay rights

Blessing Zulu | Washington

The Zimbabwean parliamentary select committee in charge of revising the
constitution has a draft of the new basic document from legal experts, but
committee sources say there are many issues to be resolved which could
considerably delay the process.

Potentially contentious issues range from multiple ownership of farms
following land reform to electoral system reform, human rights, the death
penalty and gay rights. In light of this, the committee now says it could
take to next May to hold a national referendum.

Committee sources noted as well that their panel will take a break soon to
accommodate the annual conference of President Robert Mugabe's ZANU-PF

Committee Co-Chairman Douglas Mwonzora of the Movement for Democratic Change
formation led by Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai told VOA reporter Blessing
Zulu that it should be possible to reach common ground on the outstanding

Lawyer Jeremiah Bamu of the Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights said the
constitution is likely to be a compromise document given wide differences
between the ruling parties in the national unity government put in place in
February 2009.

Rewriting the constitution was one of the unity government's key tasks but
doing so has been a long and costly process. Staging a referendum could be
nearly as difficult given the resurgence of political violence in the
country in recent months, and the fact that the referendum will set the
stage for a new round of national elections.

Elections in 2008 were marred by violence that claimed hundreds of lives.

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Hugh Grant warns Britain of Zimbabwe

Celebrity Actor Hugh Grant speaking at the Leveson inquiry on the culture, practices and ethics of media in UK warns that attempts to regulate press will lead to Zimbabwe.

The actor referred to Zimbabwe in number 4 of his "10 Myths of the Popular Press".



Zimbabweans demand press freedom

Myth 4:  Regulation of the Press will make Britain like Zimbabwe

Reader beware that this article is not to assert or deny Hugh Grant's myth.  Whether regulation of the press will make Britain like Zimbabwe is a myth or not is not the aim of this article.   It is obvious from his statement that Britain does not want to be like Zimbabwe. What is Zimbabwe like when it comes to Press Regulation?  Here are some of the details.


In 2002 the Access to Information and Privacy Act was passed into law by President Robert Mugabe.  It is commonly referred to as AIPPA. This repressive piece of legislation brought into effect by ZANU PF as a tool to silence opposition has resulted in closure of independent news outlets and arrests, intimidation, harassment of media workers. The media in Zimbabwe has been stifled and continues to be choked.  Its role as a watchdog is very limited  and Zimbabweans suffer from deprivation of rights to free expression and access to information


Brought into law in 2002 as well the Public Order and Security Act is another of the repressive laws used by the Mugabe regime on the independent media. Section 15 makes it an offense to publish or
communicate false statements which may be prejudicial to  State interests, in the absence of  reasonable grounds for believing they are true. Section 16 makes it a crime, punishable by imprisonment of up to a year, to make statements “knowing or realizing that there is a risk or possibility” of engendering feelings of hostility towards, or cause hatred, contempt or ridicule of, the president”.  In other words do not talk about Mugabe.  A number of arrests have been made by police and court cases have been heard by Judges and Magistrates in Zimbabwe for ordinary citizens and journalists who have "insulted" President Mugabe

The Broadcasting Services Act

This Act was passed into law in 2001.  It is a law used by Mugabe's ZANU PF to essentially monopolize the broadcasting airwaves. The government's Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC) is currently the sole free-to-air broadcasting service provider. No independent broadcasting service provider has ever been licensed in Zimbabwe.  Ordinary Zimbabweans are subjugated to constant ZANU PF propaganda and misinformation on television and radio by ZBC.  The result of this is that Zimbabweans are unaware of the detail of what is going on in their backyard and and have to resort to the World Wide Web and satellite broadcasting services from foreign nations for the true Zimbabwe situation.

The Interception of Communication Act

One of the most recent draconian laws passed by the oppressive regime is the Interception of Communication Act (2007).  It targets ordinary internet, post and telephone users as well as media practitioners who use the World Wide Web as their medium.  The purpose of the act is to establish a spy center operated by government officials, "whose function shall be to monitor and intercept certain communications in the course of their transmission through a telecommunication, postal or any other related service system".

Internet Service Providers (ISPs) are required "to install hardware and software facilities and devices to enable interception of communications". The ISPs in Zimbabwe are obliged by law to redirect their data "in a manner in which information can be re-routed to government's monitoring center".

The Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Act

Enacted in 2005 to close the loopholes left out by AIPPA (2002) and POSA (2002). The Criminal Law imposes even harsher penalties to its victims.  Under this law it is an offense or anyone in or outside Zimbabwe to publish or communicate to any other person a statement which is wholly or materially false with the intention or realizing that there is a risk to public order, defense or economic interests, undermining public confidence in a law enforcement agency and disrupting essential service.  Reader note an offense will have been committed even if the publication or communication does not result in any of the scenarios stated above.  Such is the nature of journalism in Zimbabwe.

Mugabe also uses sections of Criminal Law for his own personal use.  It prohibits the making, publicly and intentionally, of any false statement (including an act or gesture) about or concerning the President or Acting President if the person knows or realizes that there is a risk or possibility of endangering feelings of hostility towards or causing hatred, contempt or ridicule of him/her, whether in his official or personal capacity.

The General Laws Amendment Act

The GLAA increased penalty fines for various crimes and media practitioners were not let out of the loop.  Fines for publishing false statements prejudicial to the state were increased by hundred fold.

This is what Zimbabwe is in Hugh Grant's '10 Myths of the Popular Press' and as can be seen in the context of his words and my further elaboration,  it is nothing good. Hugh Grant paints Zimbabwe as a futuristic, mythical condition which British media should avoid.  He references to Zimbabwe in a statement existing only in the imagination (myth). What a reader might overlook in Hugh Grants comparison of British media to Zimbabwe media is that Zimbabwe is real.

Far from being an imagination the Zimbabwe situation is literally a bloody reality.  Muffling the media's voice is only the foundation of Mugabe's kleptocracy.  The walls are built by corruption and greed. On the roof you will find kidnappings, torture and murder.  Zimbabwe has a population of 12 million,  3 million live as exiles.

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Damned if he does and damned if he doesn’t

In January 2005 MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai famously retorted that the
party was “damned” if it participated in the then forthcoming elections and
was equally damned if it didn't. He was reportedly addressing a seminar of
opposition political parties and campaigners for democracy in Africa that
was held in South Africa in January of that year.

In the MDC context Tsvangirai explained then that if the party were to take
part in the elections it risked sanitising a process that had already been
contaminated by ZANU PF beyond redemption. On the other hand Tsvangirai
again explained that if the part chose to withdraw from the electoral
process at that point citing the apparent irregularities in the electoral
system, it similarly risked being rendered irrelevant to the Zimbabwean
political process because it would lose all the political traction that it
had gained over the preceding five years that it had existed.

Today Tsvangirai faces a similar situation in which he is damned if he does
and equally damned if he doesn’t. News that have been filtering through of
his customary union with a woman is has been reported in Zimbabwean media
circles to be in a relationship with for a number of months now present him
with that similar predicament. If it is true that he married the woman who
is reportedly very strongly linked to ZANU PF then that will definitely
cause some problems for him and those in the MDC party. If he then wriggles
out without the customary or even legal commitment he must never think that
will be last he hears about that woman.

In a normal country or situation this development would have never been an
issue at all because it is common everywhere. People intermarry across
political and religious divides the world over. In countries that have
always been dominated by two or three major political parties such Britain,
America, Australia and France people from across the political divide
intermarry with no whispers at all. Even in African countries such as
Zambia, Kenya, Malawi and South Africa people marry across political
affiliation. But in Zimbabwe it is a totally different situation when it
comes to ZANU PF and the MDC.

This is not about Tsvangirai here, or the woman concerned and her seemingly
very clear ZANU PF connections. It is all about ZANUP history when it comes
to machinations, political chicanery, and dangerous scheming. This is a
party that has survived this far not because of popular support but due to
their unpopular and forceful imposition on the people of Zimbabwe. Where
people have got into ZANU PF’s way they have lost lives and have had their
lives turned upside down. Tsvangirai through the MDC has got into ZANU PF’s
way in a very inconvenient way and they will do anything to stop him. By
default this woman will be used in that process of trying to stop Tsvangirai
especially now when ZANU PF fortunes are at their most vulnerable in the
history of the party.

She does not even have to subscribe to any such plan by ZANU PF. She will be
forced to do it because even she will be at risk if she does not play ball
with ZANU PF. This is a woman who might have just simply been innocently
looking for love but she might now find her ZANU PF links more of an
inconvenient connection as a result. If Tsvangirai does marry her and lives
with her she is very likely to be manipulated into ensuring that Tsvangirai
is thwarted. If he does not marry her however, she may even need any such
manipulation after all as she might actually turn into a very willing tool
of ZANU PF machinations. They hell hath no fury like a scorned woman and she
will readily accept any concoction that ZANU PF might prescribe for her to
pass on to Tsvangirai either directly or indirectly. She could say anything
and no one can dispute her claims because no one knows where these two have
been together in their hitherto covert relationship.

Once again Tsvangirai has put himself into question as far as his judgement
is concerned. It is now an open secret that his pants are his greatest
weakness and his enemies will seek to hit him hard in the groins. Hardly
have the printing presses archived his story of fathering a child with an
almost juvenile in Bulawayo has he been at it again and this time he has
gone one better and got himself twins. That’s should be a joy for anyone to
father a child and more so twins, but at time when Zimbabwe is burning the
last that Zimbabweans are looking for is a womaniser in a liberator’s
garments. Zimbabweans are looking for real leadership that will unify and
take the country out these decades of decadence not someone so obsessed with
the deep end that he has to father three children with different women
against the background of such a ferocious campaign against an unrelenting
dictatorship such as ZANU PF.

The fact that Tsvangirai has failed to score any significant political
scores while scoring quite significantly with women reveals a deep seated
distractive tendency that has been preoccupying him while at the controls of
the democratic struggle? Why is it when it comes to his trysts and
womanising exploits he has clinically managed to stay clear of ZANU PF’s
radar and yet he has failed to steer the MDC ship well clearly out of ZANU
PF’s harm’s way? It is very questionable when one looks at the rate at which
he is going fathering children with unmarried women and more so during a
time when he must be sobering up given the tragic circumstances of the death
of his wife for whom there was a lot of out pouring from among Zimbabweans
and the world over. It all smirks of immorality and cultural

Tsvangirai is hardly being any role model to Zimbabweans either POLITCALLY
OR SOCIALLY and he does not seem to be bothered at all about pausing to
think of his own actions or inactions. A lot of people have tended
misconstrue the Zimbabwean people’s support of the MDC to that of Tsvangirai
personally and that is what makes him think he is indispensible and can do
whatever he wishes. There has been a of lot hostility towards any criticism
of Tsvangirai even when his failings and shortcomings have been glaring for
all to see. In him people are very unwittingly producing another Mugabe.

It is high time our leaders are adequately challenged for their actions not
just letting them slip through the net because they are waving the
liberation flag. Our country needs proper leadership with enough ideas and
inspiration to take us out of this quagmire that is ruining lives and

Silence Chihuri writes from Scotland. He can be contacted at or on twitter @Schihuri

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Bill Watch 52/2011 of 24th November [Budget Today; Setting up Media Council]

BILL WATCH 52/2011

[24th November 2011]

The 2012 Budget will be presented this afternoon

The Minister of Finance will deliver his twice-postponed 2012 Budget Statement in the House of Assembly this afternoon.

In Parliament 22nd and 23rd November

House of Assembly 

Tuesday  The acting chairperson of the Portfolio Committee on Budget, Finance and Investment Promotion reported to the House that in a letter to his Committee the Governor of the Reserve Bank had charged the Committee’s chairperson, Mr Zhanda, with putting pressure on the Governor in an effort to get him to favour Mr Zhanda’s personal interests.  [Under Mr Zhanda’s leadership the Committee has been investigating aspects of Reserve Bank business.]  There was no debate, as the Speaker said he would make a ruling on 24th November on what action should be taken.  As required by Standing Orders, Mr Zhanda has stepped down as chairperson of the Committee pending the resolution of the matter. 

The House then devoted most of its short sitting to hearing the final contributions to the debate on the condolence motion for the late General Mujuru.  Hon Bhasikiti, the motion’s proposer, wound up the debate and the House passed the motion.

There was celebratory noise before the sitting commenced, with congratulations being accepted by ZANU-PF MP Biata Nyamupinga, sister of the paparazzi-alleged bride of the Prime Minister.  A congratulatory remark was made by MP Mazikana,  ZANU-PF, during proceedings, but the Deputy Speaker ruled that celebrations could continue after the session – which they did.  There had been no official confirmation of the marriage.

Wednesday – International Agreements approved  After presentations by the Minister of Industry and Commerce and the chairperson of the Portfolio Committee on Industry and Commerce  the House approved two international agreements:

·      EU-ESA [Eastern and Southern Africa] Interim Economic Partnership Agreement signed in Mauritius on 29th August 2009

·      International Coffee Agreement of 2007

Wednesday – Question Time  Several MPs put questions “without notice” to Deputy Prime Minister Mutambara on MPs’ remuneration.  One asked the Minister of Labour whether she could assist MPs in their plight; she replied it was outside her mandate.  The DPM undertook to report back to the House next week after discussing the matter with the President and the Prime Minister. 


Tuesday  The Senate sat for only 13 minutes.  There were no contributions to the debates on the motions currently before the Senate.

Wednesday  The Senate sat for 24 minutes.  After a brief final contribution to the debate on the motion of thanks to the President for his speech opening the current Session by Senator Simon Khaya Moyo, ZANU-PF Chairperson, the motion was approved.  In concluding his winding-up speech Senator Moyo also, on behalf of ZANU-PF, congratulated the Prime Minister on his “marriage”.  MDC-T Senators objected and their whip Mrs Gladys Dube demanded that that Senator Moyo withdraw this, saying “you can’t rely on newspapers” and no marriage had been confirmed.  The President of the Senate then asked Senator Moyo to withdraw the congratulations.

The Senate then adjourned until Thursday 24th November

Prime Minister’s Question Time in the Senate  Prime Minister’s Question Time will not take place this Thursday because of the Budget presentation.  

In Parliament Last Week

Both Houses sat on Tuesday 15th November only.

House of Assembly

Condolence motions  There were brief contributions to the ongoing debates on the condolence motions for Professor Mukonoweshuro and General Solomon Mujuru.

No Bills dealt with  No moves were made to restore the Human Rights Commission Bill and the Electoral Amendment Bill to the Order Paper.  At this rate neither Bill is likely to be proceeded with this year, as Budget business is likely to dominate the scarce remaining Parliamentary time before the customary December recess. 


Report on APU Conference  Senator Mumvuri presented a report on the Conference of Speakers of Parliaments of the African Parliamentary Union that was held in Equatorial Guinea at the end of 2010.  Senators congratulated President of the Senate Ednah Madzongwe on her election as a Vice-President of the APU at the conference.

Motion on partisan public media  Senator Komichi of MDC-T proposed his motion deploring the partisan nature of TV and radio services in Zimbabwe, and the print and electronic media, condemning hate speech and abuse of press freedom by partisan media, and calling for the “relevant thematic committee” to investigate “these unethical and unprofessional activities”.  His speech concentrated on the failings of the national broadcaster [ZBH] as a public broadcaster and the pro-ZANU-PF and anti MDC-T bias of ZBH’s TV and radio stations.  ZANU-PF’s Senator Monica Mutsvangwa said Hon Komichi should have provided statistics to back up his complaints.  There were other contributions to the debate from all sides, with ZANU-PF Senators levelling criticism against outside radio stations and the independent print media.  [Note: Earlier this year the House of Assembly Portfolio Committee on Media, Information and Communication Technology produced a report on the State of Public Media in Zimbabwe.]  [Electronic version available from]

Zimbabwe Media Commission to Establish Media Council

The chairperson of the Zimbabwe Media Commission [ZMC], Mr Godfrey Majonga, has said that the Commission would establish the Media Council before the end of November.  He said letters had been written to appropriate organisations [see below] asking them to nominate representatives for appointment as members of the Council – each organisation has been asked to put up three names.  Mr Majonga pointed out – correctly – that the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act [AIPPA] obliges ZMC to set up the Council.  [Section 42A(1) says “the Commission shall appoint a Media Council”.  This section and other sections relating to the Media Council were inserted into AIPPA by an amending Act passed by Parliament in late 2007 as part of a “package” agreed to by all three main political parties ahead of the 2008 elections]. 

How Media Council to be appointed:  Under section 42A of AIPPA, the chairperson of the 14-member Media Council must be a member of the Commission.  The other 13 members are:

·      2 members nominated by an association or associations representing accredited journalists;

·      2 members nominated by an association or associations representing advertisers and advertising agencies;

·      7 members nominated  by associations representing each of the following groups [1 member per group]:  publishers, advertising agencies, mass media trainers, religious bodies, business, trade union federations, women’s groups and youth groups

·      2 members representing the legal profession, one selected by the Commission from a panel submitted by the Law Society and the other from a panel submitted by university law faculties. 

[Note:  Only the members representing the legal profession have to be selected by the Commission from panels of nominees; each of the other 11 representative members must be a person nominated by the associations that “in the opinion of the Commission” are representative of the group concerned.  This means that, if the associations put up only one name per group, 11 members could in reality be chosen by the associations, with appointment by the Commission a mere formality.  It is for the Commission, however, to decide which associations are representative of the specified groups – which could cause disputes in groups where there are rival associations.  Importantly, if a group fails to nominate anyone at all, it is for the Commission to appoint someone it considers representative of the group.]

Functions of Media Council:  The principal functions of the Media Council are stated in AIPPA:

·      assisting ZMC in its task of drawing up a code of conduct and ethics for journalists and mass media services [the final word on the code rests with ZMC];

·      conducting disciplinary hearings when alleged breaches of the code are referred to it by ZMC [the Council cannot itself initiate such proceedings]; 

·      when the Council finds a journalist or mass media service guilty, recommending to ZMC the penalty that should be imposed by ZMC [again, the final decision and responsibility for taking action rest with ZMC]. 

Penalties for journalists and mass media services found guilty of breaching the code include cautioning, monetary penalties and suspension of registration.  [Electronic version of AIPPA available from]

Status of Bills

Bills Passed by Parliament awaiting gazetting as Acts

Deposit Protection Corporation Bill [passed in Parliament – 2nd August]

Small Enterprises Development Corporation Amendment Bill [passed in Parliament – 12th July]

Bill Gazetted and Awaiting Presentation

Older Persons Bill [gazetted 9th September]  [Electronic version available from]

Bill being Printed for Gazetting

Urban Councils Amendment Bill [Private Member’s Bill to be presented by Hon Matimba of MDC-T]  [Electronic version available from]

Government Gazette: 11th and 18th November

No Bills or Acts were gazetted.  Statutory instruments under the Customs and Excise Act were the only ones gazetted [electronic copies NOT available].


Veritas makes every effort to ensure reliable information, but cannot take legal responsibility for information supplied


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