Zim Online
Tuesday 28 November
2006
HARARE - The Zimbabwe army has
detained 430 civilians including
children and refused to hand them over to
the police since arresting them
last Friday for illegally panning for gold
at one of its farms,
authoritative sources told ZimOnline.
The
army does not have arresting powers under the law and it is also
illegal to
detain suspects for more than 48 hours without taking them to
court.
The gold panners, many of who our sources described as
being "in a
state of shock" are being held at an army camp at Battlefields,
about 250km
south-west of Harare.
"The gold panners, who
included more than 10 children, were rounded up
by a group of soldiers who
bundled them into some armoured trucks and took
them for detention in their
barracks," said a senior police officer, among a
team that has been trying
unsuccessfully to have the panners released into
the custody of the
police.
It was not possible to establish from the army under which
law they
were holding the panners or how it intended to deal with its
captives.
The Zimbabwe army that is fiercely loyal to President
Robert Mugabe is
notorious for victimising opposition supporters and its
generally
high-handed treatment of civilians.
Defence Minister
Sydney Sekeramayi said he was unable to comment
because he was "yet to be
briefed on the incident".
Deputy police spokesman Oliver Mandipaka
flatly refused to take
questions on the matter. "This is not an issue to
discuss with the Press,"
Mandipaka said before switching off his mobile
phone.
According to sources, the panners had ignored repeated
warnings by the
army to stop digging for gold on its farm near Battlefields
forcing the
soldiers to launch a massive crackdown against the illegal
miners.
Illegal gold panning has become rampant in most pasts of
the country
as thousands of Zimbabweans battle to make ends meet because of
a severe
seven-year old economic crisis that has spawned shortages of jobs,
food and
other basic survival commodities, while inflation has shot to more
than 1
000 percent.
But the gold panners are accused of
wreaking havoc on the environment
through their rudimentary mining methods.
The police have in the past
launched several campaigns to stamp out gold
panning. But this is the first
time that the army has arrested gold
panners.
This is however not the first time that the army - that is
accused by
churches and human rights groups of committing human rights
abuses - has
acted outside the law to arrest and detain civilians. For
example in 1999,
the army detained and tortured journalists Ray Choto and
the late Mark
Chavhunduka for days in open defiance of a High Court order to
release the
journalists.
Mugabe, who has heavily relied on the
army and police to keep public
discontent in check in the face of a
worsening economic crisis, backed the
army for arresting the journalists. -
ZimOnline
Zim Online
Tuesday 28 November
2006
BULAWAYO - Zimbabwe's
biggest but undercapitalised meat processing and
canning company has ceased
operations, in yet another example of the
dramatic collapse of the southern
African nation's once impressive
industrial sector, ZimOnline has
learnt.
The government-owned Cold Storage Company (CSC) that once
raked in
millions of dollars in hard cash through beef exports to the
European Union
(EU) shut down its main slaughterhouses and meat processing
factories in
Bulawayo and Masvingo about three months ago and put more than
3 000 workers
on forced leave, company officials told
ZimOnline.
Other relatively smaller CSC plants across the country
have also been
shut down.
CSC spokeswoman Patience Madambi
would neither confirm nor deny that
the company had ceased operations,
preferring to only say that the meat
company was still grappling with the
same problems that had threatened to
bring it down before.
She
said: "Nothing has changed . . . the problems we are facing the
problems are
still the same."
The CSC had struggled to remain afloat after the
EU suspended beef
imports from Zimbabwe after a foot-and-mouth disease
outbreak in the country
three years ago and starving the meat company of
vital hard cash inflows.
Under the Lome IV Convention, Zimbabwe
enjoys a 9 100 tonnes annual
beef export quota to the EU.
Undercapitalisation, mismanagement and corruption as well as
stiffening
competition from smaller and privately owned abattoirs helped
hasten the
collapse of CSC.
Senior managers at the CSC' main plant in Bulawayo
said there had been
little or no production in the last three months and
that workers sent on
forced leave had not been paid because the company
coffers were empty.
"We have been doing nothing except only for
about two weeks in the
last three months when we were able to do some
production . . . otherwise
things are at a standstill," said one CSC
official who did not want to be
named because he was not authorised to
release such information to the
Press.
Several hundreds of
Zimbabwean companies, both owned by the government
or private investors,
have collapsed as the country battles its worst ever
economic
crisis.
The economic meltdown, classified as the worst in the world
outside a
war zone by the World Bank, has sent inflation soaring to more
than 1 000
percent and spawned shortages of raw materials, machinery and
spares for
industry, while food, fuel, essential medicines and other basic
survival
commodities are also in short supply.
Western
governments and the main opposition Movement for Democratic
Change party
blame the economic crisis on repression and mismanagement by
President
Robert Mugabe. He denies the charge. - ZimOnline
Zim Online
Tuesday 28 November
2006
PORT LOUIS - Zimbabwe is
one of nine Southern African Development
Community (SADC) countries given
until February 2007 to produce their first
reports highlighting progress
towards meeting a set of agreed regional
macroeconomic targets.
Following a meeting of the SADC Macroeconomic Sub-Committee that ended
here
on 24 November, Zimbabwe is expected to have a difficult time
convincing its
southern African neighbours that its economy is sound and
that its policies
are not a liability to the rest of the region.
According to sources
who attended the meeting, only five countries,
including Botswana, Mauritius
and South Africa have so far submitted their
first macroeconomic convergence
reports.
The other nine have either completed the first drafts or
are on the
verge of doing so.
"These reports will be able to
show whether the policies of member
states are indeed working and whether we
are all pulling towards the goal of
a shared future," said a senior SADC
official who spoke on condition he was
not named.
Zimbabwe
Finance Minister Herbert Murerwa was not immediately
available to shed light
as to when he will be presenting his macroeconomic
convergence report to
SADC.
SADC envisages creating a free trade area by 2008 and a
customs union
two years later.
This calls on countries making a
number of commitments. These include
an undertaking to implement
stability-oriented macroeconomic policies and to
aim to meet a range of
specific convergence targets.
The first set of targets - to be
achieved by 2008 - include attaining
single-digit inflation, budget deficit
of less than five percent of Gross
Domestic Product (GDP), reduction of
public and publicly-guaranteed debt
below 60 percent of GDP, and maintaining
a current account deficit of less
than nine percent of GDP.
With an inflation rate of 1 070.2 percent in October - the highest in
the
world - and a budget deficit projected at more than 50 percent in 2006,
Zimbabwe looks the least likely to meet the regional targets.
Some analysts project that the country's inflation rate could, in
fact,
rocket to about 5 000 percent by mid 2007 before tapering off to
around 4
000 percent by the end of the year.
Quasi-fiscal activities by the
Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) and
instability on the foreign exchange
market are expected to contribute to
pressure on inflation as well as to the
widening of the budget deficit in
the foreseeable future.
The
RBZ has - against advice from the International Monetary Fund and
donors -
been dolling out funds to finance non-productive farmers and
collapsed
companies.
The government has since 2000 also largely failed to
live within its
means, with the Ministry of Finance consistently asking
parliament for
supplementary funds to meet its bloated financing
requirements.
In July, Murerwa presented a $327.2 trillion
supplementary budget
which raised the budget deficit from the initial figure
of $13.9 trillion to
a staggering $253 trillion.
This pushed
the projected deficit for 2006 to about 56
percent. -ZimOnline
Zim Online
Tuesday 28 November
2006
HARARE - Divisions within
the Zimbabwe Football Association (ZIFA)
board worsened yesterday over the
disastrous Young Warriors trip to South
Africa for the Under-17 African
Youth Championships qualifier against South
Africa last week.
The Young Warriors were forced to travel by road to Johannesburg after
initially being made to believe that they would travel by air.
The young Zimbabwe team was humiliated 5-1 by the South Africans in
this
first leg tie and the return leg in the country is almost certainly a
formality.
Already the travel plans, which saw driving a day
before the match for
a rigorous 19 hours, have created a platform for the
already divided Zifa
board to trade accusations and counter
accusations.
A ZIFA employee who spoke to ZimOnline yesterday
afternoon confirmed
the developments.
"The interesting thing
about this trip to South Africa is that
everyone at ZIFA is running away
from blame. The chairman (Wellington
Nyatanga) is claiming that when
arrangements for the match were being made,
he was away in Namibia and was
only following developments in the press.
"Regis Dzenga, who is
board member for development is denying
responsibility for the trip while
treasurer, Gladmore Muzambi is also
distancing himself away from the
problem. Nobody knows who did what.
"But the bottom line is that
Zifa members are trying to fight each
other but unfortunately they are using
youngsters as pawns in their big
fight. Individuals in the board are
deliberately creating problems so that
they divert the blame to their
enemies with a view of discrediting them in
the media. It's shocking that
these fighting individuals can sacrifice the
game for their personal wars,"
said the official.
The board members were not available for comment
yesterday as they
were said to be locked up in meetings. - ZimOnline
Reuters
Mon Nov 27, 2006 12:45 PM GMT
By Cris
Chinaka
HARARE (Reuters) - A Chinese company has offered $3 billion for a
60 percent
stake in Zimbabwe's struggling state-owned steel firm, according
to a report
in the government-run Herald newspaper on
Monday.
Zimbabwe's Ambassador to China, Christopher Mutsvangwa, was
quoted in the
paper saying the Metallurgical Corporation of China (MCC) had
put in an
offer for shares in troubled Zimbabwe Iron and Steel Company
(Ziscosteel)
and was waiting for a response from Harare.
The move
would be Beijing's biggest investment yet in the crisis-hit
southern African
country.
"MCC applied for a 60 percent stake in Ziscosteel after a
meeting which was
held between MCC officials and our government," Mutsvangwa
was quoted as
saying.
Analysts were cautious on the report, however,
saying President Robert
Mugabe's government has a history of announcing or
signing pacts with
foreigners which never take off or crumble within
months.
Mutsvangwa said he was expecting Harare to approve the deal and
the Herald
quoted an MCC spokesman, Song Guanghui, confirming the bid,
saying: "We are
ready for the move."
Mugabe's government is battling
to keep Ziscosteel -- which is operating at
around 30 percent of capacity
and which critics say has been looted by top
state officials -- from
collapsing after years of mismanagement.
"If (the) government approves
the deal, which I think it will, Zisco will
regain its status as the biggest
steel manufacturer in Africa south of the
Sahara," Mutsvangwa
said.
FADING FORTUNES
Ziscosteel was the country's main foreign
currency earner before
independence from Britain in 1980, but output has
sharply fallen to just
78,000 tonnes of steel annually because its main
furnace has been derelict
for years.
Industry Minister Obert Mpofu,
whose department is in charge of Ziscosteel,
was not immediately available
for comment.
Zimbabwe economic consultant John Robertson said the
proposed Chinese deal
would be a test of whether Mugabe's government was
ready to cede control of
"big, even largely non-operating parastatals" to
foreign investors.
"We have seen a lot of these grand proposals on the
table, the government
has signed many such agreements, but for lack of
commitment they have never
got off the ground and the economy is suffering,"
he said.
The proposed deal with China comes just two months after the
government
announced the collapse of a $400 million investment by India's
Global Steel
Holdings to rehabilitate Ziscosteel. That agreement was signed
early this
year.
Mugabe's relationship with China dates back to the
1970s when he co-led a
guerrilla war against white minority rule in the
former Rhodesia.
The ties have deepened as Western nations imposed
sanctions on Mugabe's top
officials over allegations of vote-rigging and
political repression. Harare
frequently invokes China as one of its best
allies on the world stage.
Critics say Mugabe has plunged Zimbabwe into
disaster with policies that
have led to an eight year recession and isolated
his government from former
Western donors, prompting it to scramble for aid
from the East.
The crisis has left Zimbabwe with severe foreign currency
shortages and the
world's highest inflation rate at more than 1,000 percent,
keeping the local
dollar a pariah on international markets.
In June a
Chinese company and two Zimbabwean firms signed deals worth $1.3
billion to
establish coal mines and three thermal power stations in the
country and
Chinese companies have bid for rights to explore Zimbabwe's
uranium
deposits.
Analysts say Zimbabwe's platinum, nickel and copper deposits
could all be of
likely interest to Chinese companies.
China is
already the largest buyer of Zimbabwe's tobacco and has over the
last few
years delivered aircraft and buses to boost the country's ageing
fleets,
while Mugabe has also bought jet fighters, arms and armoured trucks
from
Beijing.
Mens News Daily
from VOA
November 27, 2006
Veteran ruling Zanu PF politician and
nationalist John Nkomo says he is
prepared to succeed President Robert
Mugabe when he retires. For VOA, Peta
Thornycroft reports that although
there is much behind the scenes battling
for the top post, Nkomo is the
first to come into the open and say he is
willing to take on the
job.
Seventy-two-year-old John Nkomo is national chairman of Zanu PF, and
speaker
in Zimbabwe's parliament. He Has been a member of President Robert
Mugabe's
Zanu PF for nearly 20 years. He told a gathering of journalists in
Bulawayo
over the weekend that he had come through the ranks of Zanu PF and
was
available for the top job at elections due in March 2008, when Mugabe
has
previously said he would retire.
Whether the election will be
held in 15 months time is uncertain. Several
Zanu PF officials have been
telling the state controlled media for several
months now, that the
presidential election would be merged with the
parliamentary poll in 2010.
This would give Mugabe an extra two years in
power.
To do that, Zanu
PF would have to change the constitution for the 18th time
since Zimbabwe's
independence from Britain in 1980.
Although Nkomo is the first to say on
the record he was available, several
other top Zanu PF members are battling
behind the scenes to be chosen for
the job.
The most prominent is
vice president Joice Mujuru, the first woman to rise
so high in the ruling
party's ranks. She is backed by her husband, former
defense force chief,
Solomon Mujuru, who analysts have long dubbed the "king
maker" for having
wielded so much power in the military, government,
business and political
spheres of Zimbabwe.
Joice Mujuru has been named recently for involvement
in an alleged scandal
at the state owned steel company. A rival camp is lead
by rural housing
minister Emmerson Mnangagwa, who was for years tipped as
Mugabe's automatic
successor, but he fell out of favor among allegations,
which he denies, that
he was plotting against Mugabe.
Another man
said to be running for the top job, is controversial and
powerful central
bank governor Gideon Gono, who has a close working
relationship with Mugabe.
Gono has been accused by the Mujuru camp for
allocating scarce foreign
currency to import sub-standard fertilizer, a
charge he
denies.
Former finance minister and ruling party insider, Simba Makoni,
is also
tipped by many analysts as the dark horse of the race for the
presidency. He
is liked by some in the private sector, but is unknown in
many parts of the
country outside his home district.
Nkomo is part of
the top five in Zanu PF, and has had 40 years experience in
Zimbabwe's pre
and post independence politics. He has little appeal to
voters in his home
area, in southern Zimbabwe, because he joined Zanu PF. In
his home territory
many people are fiercely anti Zanu PF because of
massacres committed by the
army in the 1980's.
Financial Gazette
(Harare)
November 23, 2006
Posted to the web November 27,
2006
Rangarirai Mberi
Harare
STATE-OWNED power utility ZESA is
insolvent and it incurred a loss of $35
billion (or $35 trillion in old
currency) in the first six months of this
year, which could have worsened
the frequent and disruptive power outages
the country is currently
experiencing.
News of the utility's insolvency comes amid mounting fears
of a looming
serious regional power crisis next year.
A confidential
auditors' report obtained by The Financial Gazette this week
warns the
financial status of the parastatal makes it doubtful that ZESA
"can continue
operating as a going concern." The report was handed to
management on
October 17, 2006.
"The group is technically insolvent as evidenced by net
current liabilities
positions of $52.1 billion (historical) and $57.4
billion (adjusted). The
group has a severe working capital deficit, as the
revenue generation cannot
sustain operational costs. Trading, while
technically insolvent, has a
bearing on the directors in their individual
capacities," the report,
prepared by accountants Kudenga and Company,
says.
ZESA, according to the report, is also failing to remit its
employees'
individual tax payments (Pay As You Earn) to revenue authority
Zimra, is
running short on its payments to national pension fund NSSA, and
has also
not been paying its staff's dues to the ZESA Pension
Fund.
There is therefore a "risk of a direct garnish from ZESA's bank
accounts" by
Zimra, warn the auditors.
The report reveals that
salaries at the parastatal gobble up to 79 percent
of ZESA's total revenues.
Out of income of $5.7 billion, $4.5 billion went
into staff costs, the bulk
of which are believed to be salaries. Loans to
staff are also not being
properly accounted for, says the report.
Foreign debt at ZESA stood at
the equivalent of $30 billion as at June this
year -- debts that would have
piled up significantly after the July
devaluation.
The auditors place
insufficient revenue generating capacity, significant
foreign exchange
losses, uneconomic tariffs and breach of contracts at the
base of the
deepening rot at ZESA. Exchange losses stood at $21.4 billion by
June.
"The group's financial statements should actually be prepared
on a break-up
basis, as the going concern assumption cannot be supported by
the facts on
the ground, except the fact that the entity is 100 percent
government owned
and is strategic to the country."
ZESA has been
touting its involvement in agriculture in recent months as a
viable strategy
that would earn it the foreign currency it needs to import
power and relieve
offshore debt. But the company under which ZESA is running
these activities,
ZESA Enterprises, made a $197 million loss from its two
divisions.
Agro-business made a $94.5 million loss, while manufacturing lost
$76.3
million.
On the foreign loans, the auditors say: "Though the shareholder
guarantees
the loans, their non-repayment has greatly affected the
operations of the
entity. A debt takeover by the government or a repayment
plan is imminent to
avoid the crumbling of the sole electricity supplier to
the nation."
The company is also being run entirely on handouts from the
central bank and
government, said the audit, but their continued support
could no longer be
guaranteed because of the increased rate of default by
ZESA. This meant that
the future of the country's sole power supplier is now
at great risk, the
accountants say.
"The capital structure of the
group is not proper, with a debt to equity
percentage of 76 percent and 258
percent in inflation adjusted terms and
historical cost respectively. What
this means is that the group is being
virtually financed by
lenders/creditors."
This is however further worsened by the fact that the
bulk of the equity is
revaluation surplus on immovable assets. In
operational terms, the
accumulated losses stood at $167.8 billion in
inflation-adjusted terms and
$74.3 billion in historical cost terms. The
size of the adjusted loss beats
that of the original national expenditure
for this year, which had been $128
billion.
The report says it is
unlikely that ZESA could find a new investor, which
government officials
have previously pointed to as the only saviour of the
utility.
"The
partner who might be offered a stake in the group in exchange either
for a
financial injection, expertise or managerial assistance would find it
difficult to invest in a group with results like ZESA's."
A total of
US$10.7 million had accrued for invoices not yet received from
engineering
firm Soluziona. Of this amount, US$7.3 was outstanding as at
December
2005.
In reaction to this criticism from the auditors, management at ZESA
said in
a note attached to the report: "The invoices cannot be posted to the
purchases ledger due to shortages of foreign currency. Unless and until the
foreign currency is made available, the foreign currency invoices remain in
the accrual account."
Financial Gazette
(Harare)
COLUMN
November 23, 2006
Posted to the web November 27,
2006
Bornwell Chakaodza
Harare
AN ACT of desperation?
Definitely. But it does highlight once again that a
turnaround of Zimbabwe's
fortunes without thorough going political and
economic reforms is but a
tragic delusion.
I am of course referring to a letter from bread makers
to the government
dated November 7 which unequivocally warned of a total
collapse of the
bakery sector as a result of the government-sanctioned price
controls.
"As we write this letter, we applied for a price of bread of
$467 on October
5 and no price review has been awarded", the National
Bakers' Association
(NBA) said.
"In the meantime, whilst we were
waiting for the response, costs further
escalated and the correct retail
price of a loaf of bread should now be
$638", added the NBA.
A sad
story indeed but one which graphically shows what has gone
catastrophically
wrong with the way we are tackling our crisis and end
people's suffering.
Six years on, things continue to spin out of control all
the time.
In
this current hyperinflationary environment of ours, prices of goods and
services continue to skyrocket on a daily and weekly basis.
It has to
be noted that, over and above maize meal, bread has to all intents
and
purposes become the staple food for all Zimbabweans and the standoff
between
the government and the bakers on the issue of price controls goes
right to
the heart of this country's crisis.
With inflation going in one direction
like a bulldozer coupled with the
continuing fuel and foreign currency
shortages and many other hardships,
there appears to be no end to our
troubles. The remedies that we are
presently pursuing to combat the
inflation that is surging all the time are
clearly not enough.
It is
like the war on terror being waged by the United States, the United
Kingdom
and other countries - a never-ending war. In our case, it is a war
that
could go on and on unless the powers-that-be develop and sustain a
genuine
commitment to comprehensive political and economic reforms. This is
the
greatest challenge that Zanu PF will have to confront very soon, if not
now.
But the question always remains: Is the ruling party prepared to go
down
that road given the fact that they are benefiting from the system big
time?
Plundering the little resources that are available appears to have
become
the only game in town as far as the decision-makers in Zanu PF are
concerned. This is the tragedy as I see it.
The proof of the pudding
is in the eating.
One has only to look at the on-going degrading scramble
for land, for
fertilizer, for farming equipment recently imported by the
Reserve Bank of
Zimbabwe to understand and appreciate what I am talking
about. It is really
one man for himself and God for us all in this dog eat
dog kind of
situation.
This is the reason why so many people do not
believe in the capability and
willingness of Zanu PF to reform
itself.
The point is made very forcefully that the decision-makers in
Zanu PF have
nothing more than a vested interest in the current political
system. Little
wonder therefore that they are always bent on repeating to us
Zimbabweans
and the rest of the world the same tired and wearisome untruths:
western
sponsored sanctions on Zimbabwe instead of talking about targeted
sanctions
on themselves, the principle of land reform which is generally
accepted
anyway instead of the methods that were used to carry it out,
sovereignty
and so on and so forth. But benefiting from the largesse flowing
from the
present system by this tiny fraction of Zimbabweans is one thing,
sustaining
it in the long term is quite another.
There are huge
limits to continually fighting for a cake that is shrinking
by the
day.
In an environment like ours characterized by lack of productivity,
ostracism
and isolation from the markets that matter most i.e. the West,
what hope is
there for a full-blown economic turnaround? The ruling party
has to find a
convincing and sustainable answer to a question like this
one.
To those of us who have a vested interest in the successful
turnaround of
our fortunes, there is really no other choice but to engage
all Zimbabweans
in the search for solutions to our problems.
In the
end, there has to be a political solution in which there is a total
buy-in
by Zimbabweans of all races and creeds and the entire international
community i.e. East and West, North and South.
Without comprehensive
economic and political reforms, we are going nowhere.
Costs and prices of
everything will continue to rise daily as they are doing
at the moment
making life impossible for the majority of Zimbabweans.
Zimbabweans will
continue to flee the poverty of their homeland and in the
process paying a
high price in terms of families being torn apart as
children are either
reared by their grand parents or children themselves
looking after other
children. It is not easy to leave one's culture and
one's family behind. In
fact, the high cost on the social fabric of the
Zimbabwean society is yet to
be quantified.
The question to be posed is thus: When will Zanu PF wake
up to this reality?
Can the country afford this kind of
fragmentation?
Is this what the fight for independence was all about? Is
power so sweet
that a political leadership can go to the extent of
sacrificing its people
on the altar of expediency? Is Zanu PF so obsessed
with power that it can
shut its eyes like this to the enormous suffering
that Zimbabweans are going
through at the present moment?
How many
decent people in Zanu PF - who should know better - are conniving
and
contributing to the continued misery and agony of fellow Zimbabweans
purely
on the basis of self-interest?
I am asking all these questions not only
to prick the consciences of the
decision-makers within the ruling party but
also to emphasize the point that
the departure of President Mugabe from the
political scene in the not too
distant future might not result in the cure
for our political crisis.
Yes, the grand old man of the Zimbabwean
politics is at the epicentre of the
crisis that the country is currently
facing but let us not forget also that
there are structural problems within
the Zanu PF roadmap.
What thought have we given to the struggles that are
going on beneath the
surface of Zanu PF and sometimes above the surface? Is
President Mugabe to
blame for all that?
No doubt, the civil war
within Zanu PF is set to intensify and only time
will tell how it will play
out eventually.
Obviously, we are hoping for a soft landing but there is
no guarantee that
that will be the case. Behind the rhetoric and the
posturing, I think it is
important to set in context the drama of the
day.
By way of conclusion, I want to stress the fact that just as the
ruling
party has made many choices over the years, it has another choice to
make
regarding the seemingly unending crisis we are currently engulfed
in.
Life is hard for Zimbabweans today. In this crisis, ordinary
Zimbabweans are
paying a heavy price. Businesses are equally paying a high
price as
exemplified by the bread manufacturers' letter to government
already
referred to.
Zimbabweans including the Central Bank Governor
Gideon Gono and his team are
working their guts out - the former to simply
survive and latter to try to
offer bandages and administer palliatives
without curing the disease.
Will you Mr President, before coming to the
end of your political lifespan
begin, at least begin the process of
fulfilling your side of the bargain by
simply administering the right
medicine: All-encompassing political and
economic reforms.
Financial Gazette
(Harare)
November 23, 2006
Posted to the web November 27,
2006
Stanley Kwenda
Harare
ZIMBABWEANS could go without bread
this festive season, according to one of
the country's largest
bakers.
Bakers Inn, the bakery arm of listed food group Innscor, has
warned of the
impending shortage of the commodity due to the worsening
shortage of wheat
and bread flour.
"We are facing a critical shortage
of wheat which we get from the Grain
Marketing Board (GMB). Unless something
is done to import more wheat, the
country will have a Christmas without
bread," said an official at Bakers
Inn.
During the past two weeks,
consumers have had to deal with intermittent
shortages of bread.
In
addition to the wheat supply shortages, Bakers Inn is also facing a
critical
shortage of branded packaging.
Bakers Inn has also rejected claims that
the shortages are deliberate,
designed to push the price up.
"Bread
is sold at a controlled price and there is no way we can change the
price,
if we are to import wheat then the price of bread will be around
$700. But
since we cannot charge that price, we will wait for the government
to give
us wheat," said the official.
The grain regulatory board, GMB, is
understood to be releasing 6 000 tonnes
of wheat into the market per month
at a subsidised price of $12 000 a tonne.
The grain board acquires the
wheat at $217 000 per tonne from farmers making
a subsidy of up to $205
000.
But most of the wheat released into the market by GMB finds its way
to the
black market and pre-packs by the millers, leaving very little
quantities
for bakers.
Experts also expect supply to tighten further
after large quantities of
ready-for-harvest wheat was destroyed by early
summer rains, with farmers
still unable to secure combine harvesters to pull
the crop in.
Recently, more than 200 retailers and bakers were arrested
for flouting
price regulations.
From The Daily Telegraph (UK), 27 November
So far there have been no takers for the Zimbabwe
government's latest offer
of compensation to 1700 white farmers who were
kicked off their land since
2000. The latest offer was made 10 days ago.
These regular offers work out
at less than 10 percent of the value of assets
on the farmers' property. One
elderly farmer who has been negotiating with
the government for some time
did get paid out last week and slightly more
than the pitiful amount
originally offered for his farm in eastern Zimbabwe.
It was enough to pay
for him to have a heart operation in South Africa where
he is presently
recovering in hospital. His wife, who is with him in
Johannesburg, is also
gravely ill. The rest of the few hundred white farmers
who still live in
towns in Zimbabwe have made other lives for themselves.
They are importing
fuel, making furniture, designing and producing household
linen, working on
the fringes of the hunting industry, running coffee shops,
etc and some
still send money to some of their former workers, who are now
mostly
destitute. They say they will wait, and wait, and wait, until they
are
offered a proper price for their life's investment on their former
farms.
President Robert Mugabe began confiscating white owned farms in 2000.
Less
than 20 percent of about 20 million acres taken is now productive.
Financial Gazette
(Harare)
November 23, 2006
Posted to the web November 27,
2006
Nkululeko Sibanda
Harare
GOVERNMENT ignored a warning by a
former cabinet minister not to engage
Global Steel Holdings, whose brief
US$400 million partnership with the
Zimbabwe Iron and Steel Company (Zisco)
collapsed spectacularly earlier this
year, it has
emerged.
Information reaching The Financial Gazette shows that Samuel
Mumbengegwi,
former Industry and International Trade Minister, travelled to
India on a
mission to evaluate GSHL and advised against going into a
partnership with
the firms.
The trip followed reports that Zisco and
GSHL were on the verge of clinching
a multi-trillion dollar deal designed to
revive the fortunes of the bleeding
steel manufacturer. GHSL was awarded the
Zisco management contract ahead of
nine other bidders.
Had the deal
not fallen through, GSHL would have injected US $400 million
into
Zisco.
A parliamentary committee that recently probed the aborted
Zisco-GSHL
partnership noted that there was no due diligence in ascertaining
the
authenticity and business record of GSHL before the contract was
awarded.
The committee said management at the steelworks had raised alarm
over US$145
000 worth of deals agreed to between GSHL and Stemcor, a South
African
associate of the Indian firm.
The committee also established
that procedures were not followed in choosing
GSHL as a partner for Zisco
adding that the powers of the Zisco board, which
was supposed to represent
the shareholders' interests, had been "usurped" by
the ministry during the
signing of the GSHL agreement.
Said one source: "This issue of the deal
between GSHL and Zisco was
discussed in Cabinet where a number of ministers
raised concern over GSHL
being awarded the contract."
The basis of
Mumbengegwi's reservations was reportedly a record of poor
business conduct
on the part of GSHL, a company that is said to have faced
countless lawsuits
in Nigeria, the United States and various other countries
for botched
business deals.
The parliamentary portfolio committee on Foreign Affairs,
Industry and
International Trade has expressed similar concerns over GSHL's
record.
"Investigations by the committee revealed that GSHL was awarded a
contract
against a background of multi-billion dollar lawsuits pertaining to
agreements in Nigeria and the United States of America where the company had
entered into steel deals which it had failed to honour. The implementation
of the contract was unplanned, improper, and highly questionable. There were
no provisions for evaluation and monitoring mechanisms that were put in
place by both parties, a situation that gave GSHL free rein in the whole
deal," reads part of the committee's report.
Mumbengegwi this week
confirmed travelling to India but declined to comment
further.
"It is
best that you talk to the concerned minister (Obert Mpofu). I did
travel to
India and when I came back, I made my report to cabinet and left
everything
there as per procedure. The incumbent minister should be in a
position to
comment on what then transpired," said Mumbengegwi.
Mpofu could not shed
light on the matter, saying he feared contempt of
parliament charges as the
parliamentary portfolio committee on Foreign
Affairs, Industry and
International Trade was yet to present its report to
Parliament.
"I
cannot discuss any issues pertaining to Zisco until the parliamentary
portfolio committee report on Zisco is out. Should I do that, I might be
charged with contempt of parliament. For now, I will have to wait until the
report is tabled in parliament," said Mpofu.
International Herald Tribune
The Associated
PressPublished: November 27, 2006
HARARE, Zimbabwe: Church
leaders in Zimbabwe attempted Monday to head off a
rift over a church report
on the nation's political and economic turmoil
after priests of the Jesuit
order alleged the report, issued last month, was
censored by government
agents.
The Roman Catholic Bishops Conference said in a statement Monday
there were
misunderstandings over the report calling for a new "national
vision" and
reconciliation and national dialogue to heal conflict in the
nation and ease
deepening economic woes. Officials denied the document was
"compromised."
But Jesuit priests said in their monthly newsletter
differences appeared in
drafts of the report that was issued in final form
as a national discussion
paper at a prayer gathering attended by President
Robert Mugabe on Oct. 27.
The Jesuits cited several passages they said
were watered down.
Referring to sweeping security and media laws,
"oppressive laws" in the
original became "contentious laws."
On political
and election violence blamed largely on ruling party militants
and
government agents since 2000, the Jesuits said in the original church
leaders noted that Zimbabwe's rulers had a "tendency to label anyone who
criticizes the dominant view as an enemy" of the state.
"That was too
strong for the censors," said the Jesuit newsletter. Also, any
reference to
election violence was eliminated.
In later passages in the "official"
version, some references to rights
violations and paragraphs on and freedom
of association and freedom of
speech and expression were
deleted.
"Who would have an interest in leaving out those paragraphs?
Everything
points in one direction," said the Jesuits.
The official
text handed over to Mugabe at the October prayer ceremony
claimed churches
praised efforts by the government to rehouse people left
homeless in a slum
clearance operation in 2005.
"This is a figment of the censors'
imagination. It is a blatant lie," said
the Jesuit newsletter.
Most
of the estimated 700,000 people who lost their homes and livelihoods in
Operation Murambatsvina, or Clear Out Trash in the local Shona language, are
still homeless or destitute.
The 42-page report given to Mugabe,
entitled "The Zimbabwe We Want: Towards
a National Vision", was published by
the Catholic Bishops Conference, the
Zimbabwe Council of Churches and the
Ecumenical Fellowship.
Some leaders of those groups have been accused of
openly backing the
government and the ruling party.
In Monday's
statement, those three groups said their document aimed to open
debate in
the troubled former regional breadbasket now suffering 1,070
percent
inflation, the highest in the world, and acute shortages of food,
hard
currency and imports during the worst economic crisis since
independence in
1980.
"Questions have been asked: Who wrote this document? It would
indeed be
disturbing if the State felt it could dictate the Churches'
agenda. The
discussion document is a Church initiative," they
said.
They said there were eight drafts of the document during its
compilation,
some having been leaked to outsiders.
"Where there is
talk there is hope. However, the Church understands that the
dissemination
process still has to earn credibility through broad
consultations and
participation," they said.
New Zimbabwe
By Staff
Reporter
Last updated: 11/27/2006 10:03:08
PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe's fight
against corruption is closing in on his
closest confidants. The 82-year-old
leader is in a quandary and is unwilling
to pass a routine political
directive for the arrest and prosecution of
Zanu-PF officials allegedly
involved in illegal foreign currency dealings.
Police insiders have said
that no arrest or prosecution of a Cabinet
minister or member of Zanu-PF's
Politburo takes place without Mugabe's
sanction. It is a political formality
that the police and Attorney General
adhere to, but Mugabe's selective
approach has irked some of his colleagues
in Cabinet.
The police's
criminal investigations department investigated Mugabe's close
ally, retired
General Solomon Mujuru, husband of Vice-President Joice
Mujuru, for flouting
exchange control regulations and running Mafia-type
shelf
companies.
These companies would buy and trade foreign currency on the
black market
with individuals and companies in which the government has an
interest.
Mujuru then made weekly transfers involving billions of Zim
dollars (see
"The docket").
The official exchange rate is set at
Z$250 to the US dollar, but the black
market is thriving: the greenback
fetches about Z$1 500.
Central bank Governor Gideon Gono has accused big
business of sabotaging his
economic reforms by trading on the black market
and flouting the Exchange
Control Act, an offence punishable with jail time
or a fine.
Since 2003, when the exchange rate was fixed, several business
people,
hoteliers and bankers have been arrested for illegally dealing in
foreign
currency. However, it appears that no one has the guts to go after
Mujuru --
whom police insiders have dubbed the "Godfather" of murky foreign
currency
dealings in Harare.
Mujuru's dealings have also implicated
the Commercial Bank of Zimbabwe and
the Zimbabwe Fertiliser Company, of
which the government is the second major
shareholder.
The Mail &
Guardian can reveal that a docket was opened this year and handed
to Mugabe
by police Commissioner Augustine Chihuri. But no "political
directive" was
forthcoming, so police put an end to the investigation.
The M&G is
reliably informed that a second probe was conducted by the
national economic
conduct inspectorate, a crime investigating unit of the
finance and state
intelligence ministry.
The docket was made available to the M&G by a
high-ranking source in the
government, who is concerned that Mugabe is
"frying small fish" and leaving
his confidants untouched.
This is
despite Mugabe's public assurances that he will prosecute anyone
involved in
corruption regardless of "status" or "political affiliation". In
the past
two years his crackdown has netted just two ministers.
Front
companies
The docket against Mujuru states that there are two front
companies
operating from Harare's Five Avenue shopping centre: Cellular
Unique (Star
all) and Longfeld Investments. Cellular Unique is mysteriously
registered as
a cellphone business operating company.
Both companies
use the same address -- CY3095, Causeway, Harare, and have
accounts at the
National Merchant Bank's Angwa City branch denominated in
Zim
dollars.
The police report indicates that Cellular Unique and Longfeld
are front
companies for a parent holding company, Parlovan Investments,
owned by
Mujuru. Parlovan is a registered money transfer business that made
several
big deposits into Longfeld and Cellular investments
accounts.
Another company, identified as AIT, is also allegedly owned by
Mujuru and,
according to the docket, is used in illegal foreign currency
dealings.
According to a senior government official, Gono is aware of the
docket on
Mujuru and has grown frustrated with Mugabe's failure to take
action against
the general.
When Gono unveiled his monetary policy
statement on August 31 he made a
thinly disguised reference to companies in
the Avenues area illegally
transacting in foreign currency deals. "He [Gono]
has knowledge of the
police investigation into General Mujuru," said the
senior government
official.
A week later, Gono said he would not be
prevented from turning the economy
around by people who were trying to
intimidate him with their "liberation
war credentials".
This week,
when contacted by the M&G to name these powerful people with
liberation
war credentials and those masterminding foreign currency
dealings, Gono
referred the newspaper to "his Excellency, the president" and
"the police
commissioner".
In October Gono banned all money transfer agencies,
accusing them of
breaching foreign exchange regulations. Gono believes
illegal foreign
currency dealings are ruining the economy by encouraging
speculative
tendencies that fuel inflation which, at about 1 000%, is the
highest in the
world.
The docket
In the docket against Solomon
Mujuru, the police reveal that "the money
transfers and transactions involve
large volumes of cash, such as
$40-billion a day".
The criminal
investigations department's (CID) probe reveals that "the two
front
companies are dealing in illegal forex business". The dealings are
done by
Emmanuel Manyika, who heads both companies, with a buyer identified
as
Wadzanayi.
The currency is then sold to individuals and companies,
including the
Commercial Bank of Zimbabwe and the Zimbabwe Fertiliser
Company, of which
the government is a major shareholder.
Six pages of
statements from Longfeld's National Merchant Bank accounts made
available to
the CID show large deposits from Parlovan Investments during
two months
between December 2005 and February 2006.
Why Mugabe won't
act
Should Robert Mugabe act against Solomon Mujuru, there is likely to
be an
outcry from the powerful Zezuru ethnic group within his party and
government. Mujuru is a Zezuru from Chikomba district, Mugabe's first wife,
Grace's home area.
Mugabe is aware of more than 10 completed
investigations into corrupt
activities by senior government officials, but
he has not acted on them. As
a result there is a feeling that acting against
Mujuru could open a can of
worms, with disgruntled party members spilling
the beans on their rivals.
This could dent the image of his party and the
government.
A ruling Zanu-PF party Politburo member told the Mail &
Guardian that Mugabe's
loyalty to Mujuru dates back to 1976, during the
liberation struggle. It was
Mujuru, then known as Rex Nhongo, who formalised
Mugabe's leadership of Zanu's
military wing in the presence of the late
Tanzanian leader Julius Nyerere.
Before joining the struggle Mujuru had
worked as a tyre salesman at Dunlop
in Bulawayo. In 1976 he worked with the
late former Zanla commander, Josiah
Tongogara, to have Mugabe accepted by
the liberation fighters in the
struggle.
Back then, there was
deep-seated distrust between the liberation fighters
and the political
leadership. The leadership had been accused of selling out
the struggle, but
Tongogara and Mujuru forced the liberation fighters to
accept Mugabe during
a turbulent period that saw countless fighters killed
and others detained
for mutineering.
A senior official said that despite becoming
"disdainful" and "very annoyed"
by Mujuru's business dealings and lack of
party commitment in the past
years, Mugabe is reluctant to send him to
prison given his war credentials.
Although Mujuru is part of Mugabe's
supreme organ, the Politburo, over the
past years he has not been active in
party affairs. But last November he
played a crucial role in elevating his
wife to the vice-presidency, fighting
off a challenge by presidential
aspirant Rural Housing Minister Emmerson
Mnangagwa.
Financial Gazette
(Harare)
COLUMN
November 23, 2006
Posted to the web November 27,
2006
Mavis Makuni
Harare
A RECENT television news clip showing
an elderly woman farm worker threshing
harvested wheat reminded me of the
days when my siblings and I used to do
similar work in my parents' field
decades ago.
However, despite the long intervening period and the fact
that our land was
the usual, tiny rural patch, I still remember with a
shudder what
back-breaking work that was.
I therefore fully
understand and sympathise with those of Zimbabwe's new
farmers facing the
challenge of working the huge tracts of land allocated to
them under the
land reform programme using their bare hands. In the news
clip referred to
above, a number of these farmers spoke out about the
insurmountable task
farming had turned out to be because of their
ill-preparedness. Some farmers
described how they were in danger of losing
their winter wheat crop once the
rainy season began. They did not have
access to combine harvesters to clear
the crop mechanically and have to use
sickles to cut whatever amount of
wheat they can. It was however, an
unwinnable race against time as the
heavens could open any time as they did
this week. It means that for these
farmers everything spent on land
preparation, inputs and labour, is money
down the drain.
The farmers will not only lose their wheat, but this
failure to harvest will
affect their preparation of the land for the next
crop. The ripple effects
will manifest themselves in many other ways,
including shortages of wheat,
which will hit the consumer in the form of
bread shortages and unaffordable
prices.
It has taken such a long
time for the dust to settle in the agricultural
sector since the farm
invasions began in 2000 that the problems being
experienced in growing and
harvesting wheat are replicated across the board
with respect to most other
crops. It will take ages for all the
ramifications of the violent and
chaotic manner in which the government
embarked on the land redistribution
programme to be addressed. It would be
tragic not to learn from the
outrageous mistakes made so far so as to
proceed more humanely and
cautiously.
The authorities may peddle as much deceptive propaganda about
the success of
the initiative as they want but it is only by admitting that
they blundered
by not planning ahead that they can seek lasting solutions
while avoiding
creating new problems. The prevailing populist approach of
tackling issues
piecemeal is bound to prolong the chaos and compromise
production further.
Take the 99-year leases. Despite the hype surrounding
their awarding to the
first group of farmers, these are bound to make no
impact as long as the
majority of those allocated land have neither the
inclination, expertise nor
the wherewithal to use the land productively. The
Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe
has recently acquired tractors and combine
harvesters that are to be
distributed to farmers. RBZ chief Gideon Gono
announced on state television
that productive farmers with a track record of
delivering to the Grain
Marketing Board (GMB) or Cotton Company of Zimbabwe
(Cottco) would be
allowed to buy the machinery under agreed terms.
It
is doubtful however, if, like the 99-year leases, this Biblical
to-those-who-have-more-shall-be-given approach is the best way to address
the lack of productivity on the farms. It means that the relatively few who
already have some capacity to enable them to deliver regularly to the GMB or
Cottco will benefit, while the majority who have nothing will continue to
hold on to land they cannot till. The cycle of declining productivity, as
seen with regard to tobacco, will therefore continue. Another round of
evictions to get rid of these unproductive people will mean more time wasted
before sanity can be restored in the agricultural sector.
But on the
other hand, while one sympathises with new farmers who now openly
admit that
commercial farming is a mission impossible without the
appropriate
machinery, one wonders how they were allocated land in the first
place and
how they thought they could succeed as large-scale commercial
producers when
all they had were their bare hands. After six years on the
land, they cannot
continue to be called "new farmers" who must depend on the
government -- in
reality the taxpayers -- for handouts every season.
If agriculture is to
be restored to its former vital position as a major
contributor to the gross
domestic product instead of being a leech on the
tottering economy as has
been the case for the last six years, the
authorities must be more sincere
about how they are tackling the mess.
It is all very well to appear
decisive as Minister Didymus Mutasa likes to
project himself whenever he
announces the latest wave of farm evictions. But
if the criterion for
deciding who gets the vacated land continues to be
obscure and suspect, the
vicious cycle will continue for the foreseeable
future. The unrelenting
chaos and confusion on the farms have proved beyond
doubt that getting an
"offer letter" solely because one is a party cadre and
has liberation war
credentials is no guarantee for farming success. The
authorities must decide
whether taking land from a productive white farmer
for its own sake is in
the national interest when it results in perennial
food shortages and hunger
for the majority of the population.
The new farmers have had enough time
to prove themselves and those who have
not measured up must give up the land
they are occupying for allocation to
those capable of utilising it
productively. The time has come for everyone
to accept that no amount of
revolutionary zeal or slogans can substitute for
the hard slog required to
produce enough to meet national needs.
Financial Gazette
(Harare)
COLUMN
November 23, 2006
Posted to the web November 27,
2006
Gondo Gushungo
Harare
GOVERNMENT has droned on at
nauseating length about its supposed
unquestionable sincerity and unwavering
commitment to fighting corruption
fuelled by influential and powerful
politicians known for their shameless
display of greed.
But nobody
believes a word of it. And it is not getting any plaudits for its
astounding
claims about the anti-corruption drive. The reason is simple.
Everything we
see is to the contrary of what the government says.
I make my case with
reference to facts. Systematic corruption in high places
has been exposed
and plenty remains to be uncovered. It is hard to pick up a
newspaper today
and not see horror stories about corruption in high places
and the ever
present need to urgently deal with the scourge. Yet all the
politically
powerful culprits in these corruption cases are still on the
loose. The
cases are too numerous to mention.
Thus the shameless posturing by
government officials such as the hardly
convincing Minister of State
Enterprises, Anti-Monopolies and
Anti-Corruption, Munyaradzi Paul Mangwana
who said the toothless
Anti-Corruption Commission is to be given more bite
by transforming it into
a Zimbabwean version of the Scorpions of South
Africa should be seen for
what it is: a placatory gesture to an angry and
resentful public by an
increasingly insincere and ill-poised political
establishment.
Statements such as: ". . . The commission should be able
to receive reports,
start investigations, arrest and prosecute in cases of
corruption, serious
fraud and organised crimes to make the commission's work
more effective . .
.", as attributed to Mangwana in one of the dailies last
week, are
sufficiently pointed to attract the attention of unquestioning
media who
have chosen to be embedded with the establishment and where
official lies in
all shapes and sizes go forth unchallenged. This is why
Mangwana's remarks
clearly did not convert a sceptical public which knows
only too well that
the medium is the message.
The good news though is
that this is a tacit admission by a government
minister who all along has
been pretending to be fighting corruption that
the Commission is useless.
The bad news is that we are being taken for fools
who are supposed to
believe that merely mimicking the Scorpions will give
the Anti-Corruption
Commission teeth overnight! In law-based states, yes
that would be possible.
But not in Zimbabwe where laws are changed at a whim
and not everyone is
liable to punishment for breaches of the law. Thus one
should pay no
attention to Mangwana's language and formulae which create a
false
impression of novelty.
In a futile attempt to maintain a façade of
determined effort to rid the
country of corruption, Mangwana is trying to
make us believe that the
problem lies with the "corporate structure" of the
commission. Yet nothing
could be further from the truth.
Disenchanted
Zimbabweans know that government is the problem -- the
roadblock to the
fight against corruption. This it has done through
politically bribing or
intimidating potential witnesses and blocking access
to critical records as
is the case with the still unfolding ZISCO scandal
and the multiple farm
ownership case, among many others.
Paradoxically, more-often-than-not, a
great deal of effort has gone into
hunting anyone leaking information to the
press than probing corruption
itself! And I do not have to belabour the
reason why. I have already
indicated why in my previous instalments of this
column: the pursuit of
corruption cases in Zimbabwe hinges on the political
influence of those
implicated.
Wary of what might come out in the
wash, government is keen to keep a lid on
corruption for the simple reason
that influential and powerful politicians
and their cronies known for
bragging about their influence and closeness to
the centre of power are
ninety-nine times out of a hundred, implicated. But
they remain free as the
nation's future is compromised for the culprits'
narrow political interests
and personal gain. Which is why I have said in
the past that the
government's much-vaunted anti-corruption drive is full of
sham and
hypocrisy.
What is increasingly clear therefore is that corruption in
Zimbabwe is a
political case, which is most probably why the unwritten rule
is that
prosecutorial and investigative decisions must of necessity be made
from the
top.
If this is so, what will stop the influential
politicians, with or without a
Scorpions set-up, from putting a halt on
investigative leads that might
expose them? Indeed, what will stop the
politicians, known for their bloated
self-interest from, like they have
always done, making it difficult for
investigators to subpoena witnesses,
suspects and records?
There has always been heavy censoring of critical
documents by the
government in its effort to stonewall investigations into
cases that the
politicians deem to be too sensitive and politically
explosive to be handled
in a routine manner. That is why so many corruption
cases from several years
ago were never pursued or there is no visible
progress on those that have
just been unearthed. This has in turn frustrated
the country's law
enforcement agents.
If the police force, which also
came into existence through an Act of
Parliament, is directly or indirectly
restricted or prohibited from pursuing
these cases what chances are there
that politicians will not interfer with
aggressive inquiries by a
Scorpions-look-alike Anti-Corruption Commission? I
mean rules are also
written down for the police. But has that stopped
interference by
politicians? Have the police been left to get on with their
job?
These questions are some of the reasons why the government's
sincerity,
commitment and political will to deal with corruption will always
remain
highly debatable.
True, President Mugabe himself has publicly
rebuked and admonished his ZANU
PF colleagues for corruption. He even went
so far as to invoke emergency
laws supposedly to deal with the corruption
scourge. But nothing much has
happened since then.
It has been the
same old story which in the past I have referred to as
revving the car
without necessarily engaging the gears. There hasn't been a
more robust and
spirited fight against corruption. And we all know why.
There is always that
political dimension which has created sacred cows
within the country's
political establishment.
An Open Letter to Robert Gabriel Mugabe
President,
ZANU-PF
By Dr. Stan Mukasa
November 27, 2006
In
today's Letter from America Dr. Stan Mukasa writes an open
no-holds-bared
letter to Mugabe urging him to seek mental and spiritual
counseling for a
possible redemption for his soul, as the 83-year-old
geriatric dictator
approaches the inevitable political and physical exit
doors from this
world.
An Open Letter to Robert Gabriel Mugabe President,
ZANU-PF
Robert Mugabe:
Jongwe House
Harare
If you close your eyes and imagine what the mood in the
country would
be like on the news of your death you may or may not be
surprised to learn
about all-day, all- night exuberant celebrations and
riotous festivities and
yes, pungwes that will most likely take place along
the length and breadth
of this country.
Your ears would almost be
deafened by the unending horn blasts from
all those cars.
Or, try
what Idi Amin Dada, Uganda's former dictator, did one time. He
spread
rumours that he had died. His security chiefs took him on a
helicopter ride
and he personally witnessed the ecstatic jubilation that
spread around
Uganda.
Lest you think this is an unjustified accusation coming from a
disgruntled Zimbabwean living outside Zimbabwe your very own security chiefs
have advised you that you are the most hated man in Zimbabwe today. They
have also told you that if the leadership of the opposition movement was
organized and united Zimbabweans are ready, willing and able to storm the
State House and hang you upside down by a meat hook like what Italians did
to your fellow dictator, Benito Mussolini, in 1945.
Maybe that
explains why you have moved from the State House to your
multimillion-dollar
ultra luxurious mansion that you built on the backs of
the struggling
masses. And maybe that also explains why you are now busy
militarily
fortifying your mansion. You are a fast learner! You are probably
more aware
than any of us the degree and extent of resentment, contempt and
hatred that
is leveled against you. But all those underground bunkers and
all those
missile defenses and radar will not save you or guarantee you a
permanent
peace of mind.
You are now 83 years old and way in the sunset of your
life. In
African tradition people of your age are regarded with great
respect as
sources of wisdom who should teach younger generations the
virtues of life.
My grandparents were honorable and well respected. When
they died hundreds
of people gathered to pay their respects.
In
contrast, when you die thousands of people will come to your
graveside not
to pay respect but to make sure it's you being lowered into
the grave so
they can pour contempt and ridicule. They will do this
notwithstanding the
tradition of not speaking ill about the dead. You will
definitely be an
exception to that tradition. Take my word for it.
Zimbabweans are circling
like vultures waiting for the day they will hear
the news.
I do not
harbor any wish for death for you. I would hope you live long
enough to be
brought, like Liberia's Charles Taylor, to trial at The Hague
for crimes
against humanity. I would, however, prefer you were tried in Kezi
at the
VERY same spot where on one fateful day back in 1983 your Fifth
Brigade
soldiers gathered villagers and told them they were "serious about
hunting
dissidents." And to prove their point they lined up scores of
civilians and
massacred them in cold blood.
This was one of the thousands of acts of
genocide committed under your
watch and which resulted in the murder of over
20,000 innocent civilians. At
that spot in Kezi I would hope that each of
the surviving relatives of the
innocent civilians you butchered will come
and stare at you in the face and
tell you what they think of you. And, after
you are found guilty, I would
hope you are saved from the people's rage and
the gallows so you can serve
the rest of your miserable life in Chikurubi
maximum prison.
While in Chikurubi you will be compelled to listen
AGAIN to video
recordings of testimonies from every Zimbabwean who was
affected by your
Fascist dictatorship.
The walls around your
solitary confinement in Chikurubi prison should
contain a complete record of
how you brought death, misery, destruction and
a Stone Age existence to
millions of Zimbabweans.
When God at His time should decide to take
your life I would hope you
are buried with all your sins so they can be your
documented record in the
other world.
In 1980 Zimbabweans gave you
an overwhelming vote of confidence when
they voted you in office. Millions
converged at the airport to meet you from
exile. Their expectation was that
you would bring them out of the settler
colonialism of Ian Smith where they
had no political rights.
You betrayed this hope and trust when you
started behaving like Ian
Smith immediately after independence. You did not
dismantle the colonial
laws that oppressed blacks. You used them to your
advantage. Whatever
economic gains Zimbabwe made in the first ten years of
its so-called
independence they were a smokescreen for your real motives.
These were spelt
out by the late Edison Zvobgo when he said your single
ambition in life was
to stay in power indefinitely and at all
costs.
Incidentally, Zvobgo may have been in your political party but
he
spoke very contemptuously about you.
I remember one day he said
people were mischievously misled into
thinking you were very educated by the
virtue of all those degrees you
gained through distance education. He said
you boasted about having more
degrees than a thermometer. The reality,
according to Zvobgo, was, as he put
it, "A B.A .plus a B.A. plus B.A. is
still a B.A."
Zvobgo also ridiculed the so-called ZANUPF women's league
who wore
dresses emblazoned with your picture and became a characteristic
circus and
spectacle at the airport to welcome you from your endless trips
abroad.
Congratulations, you probably beat the late Kamuzu Banda of Malawi's
record
on this! Zvobgo used to openly scorn those women whom he said were
other
people's wives yet they had unashamedly Mugabe's picture almost
tattooed on
their butts and other parts of their bodies!
Zvobgo was
apocalyptically right when he said you have a schizophrenic
obsession in
clinging to power even when you know very well that you have
lost the
respect, let alone political support, of the majority of
Zimbabweans. He
derisively called you the madman from Ngomahuru - that
hospital for mental
patients in Masvingo! He said you had been given a baton
in a relay race to
pass it on to the next person. Instead, you fled with
that baton into the
mountains where you are still running wildly today!
The fact that
Zimbabwe is being ruled by a madman from Ngomahuru
accurately explains the
crisis situation in the country today.
Today, everything that can
possibly go wrong in Zimbabwe has happened.
Zimbabwe is not at war yet it
has all the symptoms of a war ravaged country.
You thirst for blood, to
quote a statement from one of your fanatical
supporters Joyce Chiwengwa in
reference to another occasion in her turbulent
life of unearned luxury, has
been a permanent feature of your despotic rule.
You mobilized unemployed
youths and trained them into a militia of thugs
numbering 50000 - more than
the size of the army! Then you set them off to
kill, torture, rape, abduct
members of the opposition movement. The past six
years have been pure hell
on earth for Zimbabweans. Human rights
organizations have documented over
400 members of the opposition movement
who were killed, hundreds of women
raped some of whom have now contracted
the deadly HIV/AIDS disease. Your
militia thugs also gang -raped women and
we have the riveting testimony
about this.
Your disastrous seizure of commercial farms, ostensibly to
give blacks
what you called the stolen land, ended up replacing half a
million blacks.
It is amazing that you realized that land had been stolen
and needed to be
retrieved 20 years after you had been in power and just
when you also
discovered you were about to lose the 2000 elections! And now
you have
discovered that the same blacks, except your cronies and relatives,
you gave
back the stolen land do not deserve it.
As if that was not
enough you launched the so called Operation
Murambatsvina which left
millions of already destitute Zimbabweans homeless.
You were an odd sort of
Robin Hood. You robbed from the rich but you did not
give to the poor
because you also robbed from the poor!
The results of your disastrous
policies are everywhere around you. You
only need to roll down the windows
in your bulletproof imported Mercedes
Benz to see how thousands of
Zimbabweans are toiling and scavenging just to
survive from one day to the
next.
Zimbabwe's economy, which ironically was vibrant during the
settler
colonial regime despite the imposition of sanctions, now lies in
tatters. It
has been in recession for the seventh year in a row and has
contracted by 40
percent. No other country in the SADC region has
experienced this phenomenal
free fall in its economy. Eight out of ten
Zimbabweans are unemployed.
Inflation which stands at over 1,000 percent is
the highest in the world.
Just to show how high the inflation is , if we
exclude Zimbabwe, the range
of inflation rates in the developing countries
is between 5 and 100 percent!
Corruption is now endemic and pandemic.
You have created out of state
resources and the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe a
gravy train for your cronies
who are living a life of unbridled luxury in a
country where the vast
majority are starving and homeless. And now the pigs
in the feeding trough
are stumbling on each other as the trough runs empty.
In your desperation to
refill this trough you are gallivanting around the
world selling Zimbabwean
resources to the highest bidder.
This has
got to be a scandal of monumental proportions. It is more
than a
justification for your dismissal from office. Yet you have rigged all
elections because you knew very well that you would lose miserably. You have
also manipulated efforts to seek redress through the courts because the
judiciary system is now stuffed with your cronies.
You have turned
down, like a spoilt child, all genuine efforts at
mediating the crisis of
governance that you have precipitated. You have, in
what can be termed as
act of a madman from Ngomahuru, turned down efforts to
give food and shelter
to victims of your disastrous policies. Do you
remember saying Zimbabweans
do not need outside food otherwise they will
choke? What can be more insane
than this cruel hoax of a statement made in a
country where all indications
are that over two million Zimbabweans are in
urgent need of food aid? Even
your militia thugs and rank and file soldiers
upon whom, by your very
admission, you rely to stay in power have been
reduced to beggars and
scavengers.
If there was any chance at all that you are still capable
of listening
to reason and sense this letter would demand that you step down
immediately
as you have neither a constitutional nor legitimate right to
rule Zimbabwe.
This would pave way for a transitional government made up of
representatives
of the opposition movements in the country and under the
protection of the
United Nations peace keeping forces who will facilitate a
democratic
transition to free and fair and internationally supervised
elections,
democratic rule, the rule of law and economic recovery.
The crisis in Zimbabwe is 90 percent a direct result of your misguided
policies and insatiable and ruthless determination to stay in power
indefinitely. You will be fully responsible and will be held fully
accountable for BOTH the causes and the consequences of acts of civil
disobedience by the Zimbabweans who are clearly fed up with you.
At
the age of 83, you should seek , even at this late hour, spiritual
and
mental counselling . You are coming to the end of your life. There is no
redemption for your soul. The future generations and including your own
offspring will spit and curse at your grave. You have brought shame and
disrepute not only to yourself but all those who once trusted you and gave
you the mandate to rule the country.
God may forgive you. But
Zimbabweans cannot forgive you because the
blood and the spirits of
thousands of innocent civilians that you butchered
in cold blood and
thousands others whom you tortured demand justice.
Yours
sincerely,
Stan
SW Radio
Africa Zimbabwe news
Zimbabwejournalists.com
By Nyasha Nyakunu
HARARE - The African
Commission for Human and Peoples' Rights (ACHPR)
has deferred to the next
session a Communication filed jointly by the
Independent Journalists
Association of Zimbabwe (IJAZ), Zimbabwe Lawyers for
Human Rights (ZLHR) and
the Media Institute of Southern Africa
(MISA-Zimbabwe) challenging the
Access to Information and Protection of
Privacy Act (AIPPA).
This follows a request by the government of Zimbabwe to the Commission
which
is currently in session at its headquarters in Banjul, the Gambia to
defer
the matter so as to allow consultations between itself and
MISA-Zimbabwe to
proceed in a harmonious manner. The government also argued
that the
deferment "will aid in the confidence building necessary for the
consultative process."
Margaret Chiduku, Director of Policy and
Legal Research in the
Ministry of Justice advised the Commission of a model
Access to Information
Bill which was submitted by MISA-Zimbabwe to the
government and Parliament
of Zimbabwe copies of which were availed to the
Commissioners. She
confirmed that the government had accepted the model "in
good faith".
Asked by the Commission whether the draft by
MISA-Zimbabwe is the
official draft that the government will be working on
as the basis for
negotiations, Chiduku confirmed that the draft is the one
the government is
working on.
"We have submitted it to our
Attorney General who is in charge of
legislation drafting. We have compared
it with existing legislation. The
third complainant (MISA-Zimbabwe) has
also submitted the model to
Parliament," said Chiduku.
Chiduku
also advised the Commission that government had consented to a
self-regulatory mechanism for media practitioners in Zimbabwe and that the
launch of the Media Council of Zimbabwe in December this year will go a long
way in addressing concerns raised by the three complainants in their prayer
to the Commission.
Appearing on behalf of both IJAZ and
MISA-Zimbabwe, Legal Officer
Wilbert Mandinde confirmed to the Commission
that his organisation had
submitted the model legislation to government. He
also confirmed the
pending launch of the self-regulatory mechanism, the
Media Council of
Zimbabwe.
Mandinde, however, expressed concern
that the government request for
deferment might be a ploy to buy time.
MISA-Zimbabwe, requested an
assurance that should the matter be postponed
and nothing happened between
now and the next session, the Commission would
proceed to deal with the
matter during its 41st session in
2007.
Appearing on behalf of ZLHR, Harrison Nkomo associated
himself fully
with the remarks by Mandinde.
Delivering its
ruling on the matter, the Commission assured the
parties that it was not
striking the matter down, but was simply postponing
it so that both parties
attempt an amicable solution regarding contentious
pieces of legalisation in
Zimbabwe .
"We are mandated to reconcile the parties. An amicable
settlement
begins with the parties. We will try to support the initiative,"
said the
Commission.
Apart from AIPPA, MISA-Zimbabwe and other
civic groups are demanding
the repeal of the Broadcasting Services Act
(BSA), Public Order and Security
Act and an array of laws that impinge on
media and freedom of expression
rights such as the Official Secrets Act and
Criminal defamation laws.
MISA-Zimbabwe, working with Article 19 and Capitol
Radio have already
challenged the BSA at the ACHPR.
IJAZ,
MISA-Zimbabwe and ZLHR submitted this communication seeking a
prayer for an
opinion by the Commission to the effect that Sections 79(1)
(on
Accreditation of Journalists) and 80 (criminalisation of falsehoods) of
the
Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act contravene Article 9
(on
Freedom of Expression) of the African Charter on Human and Peoples'
Rights.
The complainants are also seeking for a directive to
the government of
Zimbabwe to ensure that the said sections are repealed to
remove
accreditation of journalists and criminalisation of
falsehoods.
Zimbabwejournalists.com
By Chenjerai Chitsaru
HARARE - REUBEN
Barwe, embedded with President Robert Mugabe on his
recent trip to Iran,
told us of a speech in which the president seemed to
bellyache about the
lack of solid African support for his stance against the
West.
To put it more diplomatic, pan-Africanist parlance, Mugabe was
appealing for
unity among African countries in Zimbabwe's new "chimurenga"
against the
West.
Exactly why he would choose Iran, a non-African country, to
make this
appeal is a little problematical. Perhaps, he hoped the Iranians,
who have
many friends among African leaders whose grudge against the West
may never
be dissipated even after with billions of dollars in aid, would
pass on the
message on his behalf.
I detected, even in Barwe's
report, a plaintive note: Mugabe sounded
very pained that not too many
African countries were as aggressive in their
anti-West stance as he
is.
In many ways, this is very sad. It presumes Mugabe has
recognized,
belatedly, that his campaign against the West does not enjoy the
unanimous
support of his African colleagues that he hoped it would or
should.
Yet he ought to have sensed this after his petulant pullout
from the
Commonwealth in 2004. If he had hoped for a positive response from
the rest
of the African members of that multiracial grouping, in the form of
a mass
walkout, he must have been disappointed.
Unless, as with
some of his political decisions since independence, he
didn't care what
anybody else thought of his action - least of all the
people of
Zimbabwe.
There can now be no doubt at all that our pullout from
the
Commonwealth has been costly in terms of the material and moral support
we
would have received from fellow member-states in these times of grave
crisis.
It is profitless to cry over that spilt milk, yet it is
prudent for
the people of Zimbabwe to remember that this is the price they
must pay for
allowing leaders not to recognise their enormous responsibility
of
accountability to the people, for every action they take.
In
future, the people must exercise their right of absolute
censorship. No
leaders should be allowed to get away with such a betrayal of
the people's
interest out of personal pique.
Such a leader must be made to pay
the ultimate price for such
betrayal.
Mugabe's appears to have
been a case of grave miscalculation. True,
relations between Africa and its
former colonial masters in Europe are still
frosty and, in some cases,
bordering on fresh hostilities.
Yet when one African country, facing
internal armed dissent, calls on
the former colonial masters to send troops
to quell the insurgency, what
message does that send to the rest of the
continent?
If another African country celebrates the name of a
colonialist who
gave his name to the country's capital - which was not
changed at
independence in 1960 - doesn't that suggest a new era of
closeness,
belying the coldness of the past?
Zimbabwe could be
alone in maintaining a stubborn, almost juvenile
antipathy towards the
West. Most of Africa is struggling to give its people
the kind of economic
freedom that would give their political independence a
semblance of meaning
- never mind the subtle political implications.
Europe remains
dubious of Africa's ability to run its own affairs -
without help from the
former masters. Take corruption, for instance: Some
Europeans have put
forward the proposition that the problem with African
leaders is that their
views of power and politics "often have more to do
with consumption than
with transformation".
To some of Europeans, African power is
'inseparably associated with
metaphors of "food" and "eating".
Some of this could be laughably biased; until you look at examples of
recent
African excesses: Mobutu Sese Seko, Idi Amin, JeanoBedel Bokassa,
Macias
Nguema and others.
African scholars are right to respond to this
scandalous portrayal of
African leadership with a massive "Oh, yeah? What
about Attila the Hun,
Hitler, Mussolini, Stalin, Nicolae Caecescu and
Slobodan Milosevic?"
In other words, despotic or corrupt rule is
not peculiar to Africa.
Yet the one continent which can ill-afford such
luxuries as unbridled
corruption is Africa, because it is way behind the
other continents and will
not catch up with them if it persists in
squandering opportunities to
improve its delivery of service to the
people.
Zimbabwe is a microcosm: it had so much going for it in
1980, yet in a
few short years, it squandered it all in policy gaffes which
were monumental
in their devastating effects on the economy and political
stability.
Corruption was always going to be the major challenger,
as it has been
in other African countries which gained independence before
1980. Ghana
itself did not escape the scourge, in spite of the
much-recognised integrity
of Kwame Nkrumah.
Most historians now
accept that it was the ambition of the Convention
People's Party to rule
Ghana in perpetuity that undid all the work that
Nkrumah and others intended
to achieve for the country.
Krobo Edusei remains a prime example of
this.
After 1957, every ruling party in newly-independent Africa
craved the
hegemony that the CPP enjoyed in Ghana. It was seen as a bulwark
against the
dilution of the party's aims and objectives: to achieve unity
based on a
one-party system.
That aim was bolstered by the
gospel preached by the Soviet Union and
the People's Republic of China, both
of which lent their material and
spiritual support wholeheartedly to the
African struggle for independence,
unleashing the Cold war on a world
recovering from the Second World War.
Europe did not act with
philanthropy towards Africa. It was as
avaricious towards the continent as
it was during the notorious Scramble.
The rest, it could be said,
is history. In their struggle for economic
independence, African leaders
realized they would need the aid of the former
colonial masters - but at
what cost to their political independence?.
A few African leaders
did not hesitate to put the welfare and
well-being of their people in the
forefront of this new struggle. Samora
Machel in Mozambique realized, a
little late in his political life, that
Aluta Continua! had to translate
pretty quickly into food on the tables of
the poorest Mozambican for it to
have any meaning at all. It was left to
Joachim Chissano to complete what
Machel must have realized was the real
politik of the objective of the
struggle against the Portuguese.
Even earlier than that, Mwalimu
Julius Nyerere had stumbled upon that
reality too. Ujamma, fashioned on the
collective farming tragedy of the
People's Republic, would not be the
panacea of the hunger among his own
people.
In Zimbabwe, it is
Mugabe's concept of sovereignty which has gummed up
the works of a return to
the reality of the geopolitics of the world after
the Cold War.
Europe still has the wealth to help Zimbabwe; what Mugabe wants Europe
to
forget is the horror of the land reform programme. For him, it was a
quarrel
between Zimbabwe and Britain, which may be in Europe but is not the
total of
Europe.
If Britain, the United States and the Europeean Union had
not acted
against in the aftermath of the land reform horror and the
questionable
conduct of the elections that followed, where would Zimbabwe be
today?
More importantly, where would Zimbabweans be today?
Certainly, there
would be no hope at all for an improvement in the political
and economic
future of the country.
It is true that, right now,
such hope is forlorn. Yet as long as
Mugabe and Zanu PF know that there are
other people, apart from Zimbabweans,
who are struggling against their
semi-totalitarian system of government,
they are heavily constrained somehow
from going over the edge,
It may be true that most African
countries have not played the role of
catalyst that they ought to have
played in helping Mugabe see the light.
South Africa, for instance, has been
a huge disappointment in this respect.
Yet Mugabe's cry in the
wilderness in Iran would seem to suggest he is
not getting his way as far as
the continent is concerned. It must be hoped
that, in his desperation for
African support, he must end up by asking the
next logical question: what do
you want me to do to earn your respect and
support?
All
Zimbabweans must pray that Africa will tell him in no uncertain
terms:
respect your people and everyone will respect you.
Who knows? Even
Britain, the European Union and the United States
might decide the man has
had enough of their stick, if he decides not to ape
Mobutu, Idi Amin et
al..
Financial Mail
By Sue Grant-Marshall
Zimbabwe-born Peter Godwin's memoir of the disintegration of that country, and simultaneously his family, is powerful, heartbreaking and disturbing. South Africans have lived cheek by jowl with its breakdown of law and order as we have observed the land invasions, murder of farmers and flight by well-educated, economically active Zimbabweans of all colours from the land of their birth.
The impact of Crocodile is that it distils and compacts the awful truth of what has happened to Africa's one-time breadbasket so succinctly that there's no escaping the question: are we next?
Godwin doesn't address it in his book but it dogs the reader on every page. Many of us have friends and relatives who have endured hardship in a country Godwin first chronicled in his international bestseller Mukiwa. It has been reissued on the back of this fifth book by the New York-based, award-winning journalist, screenwriter and TV documentary maker.
"When a crocodile eats the sun" is how the Shona traditionally describe a solar eclipse. The celestial crocodile, they say, briefly consumes the life-giving star as a warning that he is displeased with man below. And dark times indeed befall a nation that rejoiced in Mugabe's conciliatory approach at independence.
Crocodile begins with Godwin's father fighting a heart attack in Harare and ends with Peter lighting a Hindu funeral pyre. His father wanted to be cremated, the disintegrating city is without power and the morgue's back-up generator is running out of diesel. As milky smoke flows up from the chimney stack, he knows that he has fulfilled his father's dying wish. He has cremated the man who was born a Polish Jew, became an English Christian and ended life as an African Hindu. For Godwin learns only shortly before his dad's death that he was born George Goldfarb in Poland and that his mother and young sister were Holocaust victims.
In between that first call to his father's bedside and the end, Godwin takes us on a five-year trip through the land invasions, beginning in 2000. We learn that 78% of white farmers were on property they had purchased after independence, only when it had first been offered to and declined by the government, as the law required.
We are there with Godwin when farmer Alan Dunn dies, opposition MP Roy Bennett is besieged and his wife, Heather, loses her baby after being forced to dance until she collapses. We go with him to his sister Jain's grave, covered with human faeces. Reports have it that she was decapitated in an ambush. He organises the reinterment of her ashes. As Zimbabwe reels under the violence, his other sister Georgina, a broadcaster, has to flee for safety to London.
The sense of unreality is highlighted when Godwin returns home to his Marie Claire editor wife, Joanna Coles, and their two young sons, in New York.
Back in Harare his parents need food, medicine, blood. Godwin returns and watches in horror as the bougainvillea hedge, which serves as a buffer between "Fort Godwin" and the hawkers' camp, goes up in flames. His family is left exposed to passers-by.
But tragedy and desolation are leavened with humour in this intensely readable book, written with dignity and not a shred of self-pity. Mukiwa won every nonfiction award it was entered for and Crocodile should do the same for its insight into how a family and a nation live and die. |
Financial Gazette
(Harare)
November 23, 2006
Posted to the web November 27,
2006
Kumbirai Mafunda
Harare
PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe's
government, desperate to arrest a seven-year
economic crisis, is crafting
yet another "economic recovery" plan to try and
extricate the economy from
catastrophe.
Government and private sector sources say an announcement
will be made mid
next month outlining details of the new economic recovery
plan, which will
succeed the NEDPP, which was announced in
April.
Economic Development Minister Rugare Gumbo confirmed this week
that the
government is working on the "mechanics" of the new economic
recovery plan.
"We have not worked on the mechanics of it. We are
thinking along those
lines. Why don't you take my word and wait until
December," said Gumbo in a
terse response to The Financial
Gazette.
Zimbabwe has, over the past seven years, suffered the world's
fastest
economic decline under President Mugabe's administration, which is
accused
of being at the centre of the crisis through its expropriation of
land and
threats to businesses, actions that critics say have frightened off
donors
and investors.
The new plan would be the eighth such
"blueprint" since independence. Other
notable plans have been the Zimbabwe
Programme for Economic Stabilisation
and Transformation (Zimprest), the
Millennium Economic Recovery Plan (Merp),
the 10- point economic plan,
Vision 2020, the National Economic Recovery
Plan (Nerp) and the Economic
Structural Adjustment Programme (Esap), and
NEDPP. None of them yielded any
tangible results.
In April, the government launched the National Economic
Development Priority
Programme (NEDPP), an ambitious public-private sector
partnership which
sought to halt inflation, boost agricultural production
and raise US$2.5
billion in investment. But the economic recovery plan
appears to have veered
off track, just like its predecessors, amid reports
of bickering among key
stakeholders.
Despite a pledge by the
government to end further farm seizures and allow
farm production to
continue, ruling party loyalists have intensified their
grabbing of prime
estates and plantations, hindering planning and production
for most
agro-exporting firms.
Economic critics say the crafting of a new economic
blueprint is an
admission of failure to fix the crisis by the government and
is meant to buy
time.
"It is not only an admission of failure but
confusion. Measures in this plan
(NEDPP) have not come to fruition,"
observed Daniel Ndlela, economic
consultant at Zimconsult.
Sokwanele
Sokwanele Report : 27 November
2006
In a country such as Zimbabwe, where the media is far from free,
still
greater reliance than normal is placed on international reporting of
the
gross human rights abuses that are being perpetrated within our borders.
Here, journalists are threatened with arrest and imprisonment under the
draconian AIPPA (Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act),
accreditation by the regime is required, and foreign reporters and press
agencies are selectively banned. Accordingly, Zimbabweans learned of the
biased reporting policy practised by the South African national broadcaster
with a profound sense of shock and dismay.
The shameful news of
the South African Broadcasting Corporation's
(SABC) informal reporting
policy came to light in September after an
internal commission was set up to
investigate the News and Current Affairs
Managing Director Snuki
Zikalala.
The commission - under former SABC head Zwelakhe Sisulu
and advocate
Gilbert Marcus SC - found that the SABC had indeed blacklisted
certain
commentators and analysts. It was not official policy, but rather
"by
instruction" that certain commentators and analysts were not used
because
they were critical of President Thabo Mbeki. Those on the blacklist
included
commentators on both South Africa, and on the Zimbabwe situation.
The
commission found that these "instructions" were not always objectively
justifiable, particularly in the case of reporting on Zimbabwe.
The commission found direct evidence that Zikalala gave instructions
that
Moeletsi Mbeki, Elinor Sisulu and Trevor Ncube should not be used as
commentators on Zimbabwe. Both Mbeki and Sisulu appeared before the
commission. "Contrary to Dr Zikalala's impression that they were out of
touch, both struck us as having deep roots and connections within Zimbabwe,"
the report says. "This is especially true of Ms Sisulu." It adds: "We find
that there was an instruction given not to use Mr Mbeki and Ms Sisulu for
reasons which are not objectively defensible. We also find that Mr Ncube was
directly informed by Dr Zikalala that he could not be used for reasons which
are not justifiable."
The obvious question to which these
revelations gives rise is why
these persons in particular were
"blacklisted". Elinor Sisulu is an active
member of civil society both in
South Africa and in Zimbabwe; Moeletsi Mbeki
is a former journalist and now
businessman and head of the South African
Institute of International
Affairs; and publisher Trevor Ncube is a
successful Zimbabwean newspaper
editor, whose stable includes the Zimbabwe
Independent, and the South
African Mail and Guardian. None of these eminent
persons conform to South
African President Thabo Mbeki's agenda of quiet
diplomacy - indeed, all have
been outspoken in the cause of freedom and
democracy in
Zimbabwe.
Nor is this interference in objective media reporting
confined to the
last few months. Back in April 2005, the then Head of News
at SABC Radio,
wrote Zikalala a letter outlining her concern:
...if your instruction was not to use Moeletsi Mbeki, Archbishop Pius
Ncube,
Trevor Ncube or Elinor Sisulu, all legitimate public figures, then I
submit
that it is so unreasonable to be unimplementable. It would be morally
wrong,
professionally wrong, and ethically wrong, and violate not only our
editorial code but the spirit of our Constitution.
Tellingly,
that letter elicited a one-sentence reply from Zikalala the
same day: "I
don't think that I will have the time and energy to be involved
in such
arguments".
The fourth name blacklisted above, Archbishop Pius
Ncube, is that of
the Roman Catholic Archbishop of Bulawayo, a courageous
and outspoken critic
of the Mugabe regime, who is also far from pursuing the
"quiet diplomacy" of
Thabo Mbeki.
Still more tellingly, at the
conclusion of the commission's mandate,
SABC sought to keep its findings
secret, going to court to get an interdict
forbidding The Mail and Guardian
from publishing the full text of the
report. Thankfully, the High Court
Judge dismissed their application,
saying, "I don't believe that it is okay
to suppress information or to hide
information written in the report", and
stating that the content of the
report was of extreme importance to the
public as the SABC was a public
broadcaster.
Franz Krüger, a
senior lecturer at the University of the
Witwatersrand's school of
journalism, said the SABC had "handled this whole
episode very poorly": "I
think it's a real indictment for a news
organisation to try [to] interdict
another from publishing something that's
clearly in the public interest." He
said that The Mail & Guardian Online's
decision to release the report
was "a completely appropriate decision and
that there was no justification
for keeping the report under wraps". "People
need to see what the
commissioners actually found," he said. He added that
the fact that the
report found that people were excluded was "horrific". "I
don't see how
[Snuki Zikalala] can survive this but he probably will. He's
doing what the
board wants him to do. The board wants coverage that is
sympathetic."
The questions that this affair raises are,
firstly, from how far up
the chain of command did this reporting policy
originate; and secondly, what
are the implications for Zimbabwe (not to
mention, of course, for South
Africa)?
To address the first
question, as was pointed out above by Wits'
senior lecturer Franz Kruger,
the policy employed was almost certainly
dictated by the board of SABC. It
is highly unlikely that Zikalala would
have been acting on his own
initiative. It was even reported, directly after
the event, that the Group
Chief Executive of SABC, Dali Mpofu, was
"reconsidering his options". So
SABC - the national media house of South
Africa - has been exposed as
having, albeit unofficially, a policy of biased
reporting.
Would SABC take this stand on its own initiative? This seems unlikely.
Here,
it is pertinent to look at the official government attitude in South
Africa
to the situation north of their borders, in Zimbabwe. Thabo Mbeki has
been
employing a much-criticised tactic of "quiet diplomacy" for a number of
years now. Initially, this was not unreasonable, his rationale being to work
behind the scenes with Mugabe to effect policy changes in Zimbabwe. However,
as the months and years have passed, any such efforts that he might have
been employing have been demonstrated to be worse than useless because the
regime has become progressively more entrenched and more intractable.
Accordingly his tactic has been increasingly criticised in the international
community.
So did the instruction to the SABC come from the man
at the top
himself? That we cannot say for sure, though there are many
indicators that
point in that direction.
As to the second
question, the most serious implication for Zimbabwe
is that the current
political and economic crisis - and the attendant
humanitarian catastrophe -
will deepen without the benefit of the objective
reporting and informed
analysis one would have expected in South Africa.
People are dying
in Zimbabwe. Aids, poverty and malnutrition have
taken their toll on the
population, so much so that the average life
expectancy has fallen to 34
years for women, and 37 for men. We need this
news to be publicised; we need
people - influential foreign leaders - to
realise the depth of the
humanitarian crisis here and to intervene. As
already stated, Zimbabwean
journalists are hamstrung by draconian laws and
by the threat of the
ever-present and much-feared (and rightly so!) Central
Intelligence
Organisation (the CIO, Zimbabwe's secret police). As such, we
rely heavily
on South African media houses who are on our doorstep, to
report the
situation accurately and objectively. They have an historic
opportunity to
play a part in exposing, not only the humanitarian disaster
which is
unfolding within Zimbabwe but the massive crisis in governance
which has
created, and is now prolonging, that situation. If they should
fail to seize
this opportunity now in effect they would be contributing to
the
perpetuation of misrule and suffering. Biased reporting - or simply
looking
the other way - is costing lives in Zimbabwe.
"Publish and be
damned" runs the old adage of intrepid reporters who
refuse to allow
themselves to be intimidated by tyranny in any guise. For
Zimbabweans
however who have no free press of their own, it is more a case
of certainly
being damned - condemned to untold further suffering - unless
the truth
about their country is published.
Zimbabweans are as united in
their resolve today to remove the Mugabe
regime as ever South Africans were
to remove the cancer of Apartheid from
their country. It is a Zimbabwean
struggle of course but, critically, they
need the understanding and
strategic support of South Africa - as the
liberation movement in South
Africa once required the strategic support of
the international community.
The international community can criticise
Mugabe and his regime but, with
silence from South Africa and President
Mbeki, this can all too easily be
dismissed by Harare as "white neo-colonial
interference". What is needed is
for Mbeki, as a black African head of state
to stand up to the bully and say
"No". Mbeki has the power and influence
that comes with being the leader of
the economic and financial powerhouse of
Africa to lead the way for a
concerted international push on Mugabe to step
down and hold free and fair
elections.
We can be thankful that the evil of SABC's reporting
policy has been
exposed: when matters come to the light they can be dealt
with; whilst they
remain hidden, the evil can work unhindered. We hope that
the findings of
the commission, and the subsequent subterfuge, will prompt
all South
Africans to pose hard questions to their elected representatives.
We trust
this will lead to a purge of the web of deceit that has been spun,
and a new
openness to objective, truthful and balanced
reporting.
Most of all, we look to the day when President Mbeki
will wake up to
the fact that the disaster on his doorstep will not go away
unless he and
his government act decisively. Forget the old liberation war
credentials -
we need to be rid of the tyrant - and we need President Mbeki
to act as
senior African statesman to make this a reality.
Wake
up, South Africa !
Business Report
November
27, 2006
By Tom Robbins
Cape Town - Local mining companies need to
be aware that the Chinese are
increasingly acquiring control of African
resources at source in a bid to
sidestep high commodity prices, according to
a specialist on China.
"They negotiate the prices of assets with local
politicians and then lock
them into 20-year deals," Martyn Davies, the
director of the Centre for
Chinese Studies at the University of
Stellenbosch, said last week.
He said the strategy was to cut out the
middleman, such as the London Metal
Exchange, in a bid to secure the
resources required for Chinese
industrialisation.
Moreover, the
Chinese would set up their own parallel commodities market as
they viewed
existing markets as "a London and New York old boys' club".
Davies, who
was speaking at an Institute for Futures Research conference,
predicted that
this Chinese market would eventually be bigger than existing
institutions.
He said the Chinese had already set up their own
diamond exchange to rival
the bourse in Antwerp.
But Davies said
there were many geopolitical complexities to the Chinese
government's
strategy regarding demand for African resources.
The US invasion of Iraq
had accelerated Chinese business interests in Africa
as they had lost oil
assets in that country. The US had strategically
"locked down" the Middle
East ,with the Chinese now having access only to
Iranian oil.
On top
of this Davies said, the Russians had purposefully excluded the
Chinese as
oil customers, preferring the Japanese.
He said that as a result, the
Chinese had chosen Sudan as a strategic energy
partner, describing the 3 000
Chinese peacekeepers in that country as
"energy asset
protectors".
This explained the Sudanese government's reluctance to allow
UN peacekeepers
into Sudan, as they were perceived as US
influenced.
But apart from demand for resources, the Chinese saw the 700
million
sub-Saharan Africans as an important market for Chinese manufactured
goods.
Davies said that despite the fact that Africans were poor, the
Chinese had
experience in their own country of producing goods for the
bottom end of the
market.
On top of this, he said Chinese
"international" companies were interested in
operating in Africa as part of
a quest to learn how to become true
"multinationals" before expanding across
the globe.
Despite the risks, they were attracted to Africa because of
the lack of
competition in many African markets, he added.
People's Daily
The Zimbabwean government is set to develop a new air
cargo hub at
Harare International Airport to facilitate the transportation
of exports to
the world market, The Sunday Mail reported.
Obert
Mpofu, the Minister of Industry and International Trade, said
the hub will
handle cargo to and from regional and international countries,
which would
enable countries to consolidate their goods before they are
exported.
Zimbabwe is expected to earn foreign currency from cargo hub fees.
He said the government would also establish a national cargo carrier
as the
absence has negatively affected the country's exports, particularly
horticultural produce and other perishables.
"The absence of a
national cargo carrier has serious transport cost
implications and this is
compounded by the fact that Zimbabwe is
landlocked," said
Mpofu.
He said preparations for the construction of the hub are
already
underway and that work on the project with interested parties was
already in
progress. Funding for the project is expected to come from the
government
under the National Export Strategy. He also added that
establishing the hub
would be a positive development in Zimbabwe as this
would see the country
raking in the much-needed foreign
currency.
Developing the hub is an advantage to Zimbabwe as this
would see the
country generating a lot of foreign currency through landing
fees for large
aircraft from Asia, Europe and other regions which trade with
countries in
the region, service fees for packaging, packing, unpacking,
repacking and
consolidating the cargo from regional countries before their
goods are
exported, said Mpofu.
Source: Xinhua
People's Daily
The National Oil Company of Zimbabwe (NOCZIM) is
set to grow 25,000
jatropha plant seedlings to distribute to farmers within
the next month for
the 2006-2007 season, The Sunday News
reported.
In a statement, the company said it has been mandated by
the
government to spearhead the bio-diesel project. It is the intention of
NOCZIM to embark on a seedling-based jatropha out- grower scheme where the
company enters into direct relationships with willing farmers including
schools and institutions who have land, infrastructure and capacity to raise
seedling.
Farmers who are interested in participating in the
scheme have been
urged to apply. Progress towards exploring sustainable
solutions to the
energy shortfall has been slowed down by a lack of
follow-up programmes in
the growing of the jatropha tree.
About
a year after the launch, progress towards the commercial
production of
bio-diesel has been checked by operational challenges and
policy
deficiencies.
Feasibility studies conducted at the University of
Zimbabwe have shown
that bio-diesel is a sustainable solution to the
country's energy problems.
In trying to meet the volumes of
jatropha seed required for the
large-scale production of bio-diesel, NOCZIM
introduced an out- grower
scheme in which farmers were invited to supply
land while the national oil
company would make jatropha seed
available.
The buying price of jatropha seed was also benchmarked
against
international diesel prices to incentivise farmers to grow the
jatropha.
However, the response from key institutions has not been
positive.
Source: Xinhua
IPS
Thessa Bos
CAPE TOWN, Nov 27
(IPS) - Seventy percent of the Zambezi river's hydropower
potential remains
untapped because stakeholder countries have failed to
ratify an agreement as
the first step towards activating this potential.
This problem emerged at
the annual Zambezi River Basin stakeholders'
conference which took place in
Windhoek, Namibia, on Nov. 22 and 23.
The conference was organised by the
Zambezi Action Plan Project 6 Phase 2
(ZACPRO 6.2), a Southern African
Development Community (SADC) initiative
which aims to facilitate social and
economic development in the basin
through improving the management of its
resources.
At the opening of the conference, the Namibian deputy minister
of
agriculture, water and rural development, Paul Smit, urged those
countries
which have not yet ratified the agreement to expedite the process.
"It is
teamwork that makes the dream work," he said.
Eight riparian
states signed an agreement over a decade ago to establish the
Zambezi
Watercourse Commission (ZAMCOM) to lead the development of the
Zambezi River
Basin.
So far, only Angola, Botswana, Mozambique and Namibia have
ratified the
agreement. ZAMCOM will only come into force after ratification
by at least
six of the riparian states. Those still to take the step are
Malawi,
Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe.
Currently, several actors are
involved in the management and development of
water resources within the
Zambezi river basin, a situation which has
sometimes led to
inefficiency.
An acute shortage of electricity generation capacity led to
SADC's decision
to develop the Zambezi river's high hydropower potential.
Power shortages in
Southern Africa are expected to get worse as demand for
electricity
continues to exceed the available supply.
However,
building dams for hydropower generation purposes can have
far-reaching
consequences for the environment and those eking out
livelihoods on river
banks.
At the conference the need for electricity was widely recognised,
but
participants also stressed the possible consequences of such
development.
The extent of these effects needs to be identified through the
effective
application of environmental impact assessments (EIAs) which
include
stakeholder participation.
Moreover, without the
participation of stakeholders at all levels of
society, including water
users, ZACPRO's Integrated Water Resources
Management (IWRM) strategy will
not enjoy the sense of ownership it needs to
succeed.
To ensure
stakeholder participation at community level, national steering
committees
(NSCs) have been created to link ZACPRO 6.2 with citizens on the
ground.
However, the majority of the NSCs have not, so far, been able to
include
representatives from local communities in their membership.
As a
solution, participants suggested that the steering committees link up
with
existing institutions. Each riparian state already has systems for
information sharing with local communities. These include sub-committees of
local councils.
Some participants called for the establishment of
"smart partnerships" with
community-based organisations. This is another way
in which ZACPRO 6.2 can
ensure grassroots involvement.
Malawi's
principal secretary in the Ministry of Irrigation and Water
Development,
Grain Malunga, pointed out that Malawi has been successful in
involving
stakeholders through using grassroots initiatives. These include
community
radio stations and community-based natural resources management
committees.
Further brainstorming led to suggestions to incorporate
awareness of water
management in school curricula, as well as to shift the
focus of current
awareness programmes from mainstream media to rural
community-based media.
"At the end of the day, the mainstream media reach
very few people at the
grassroots level," one participant
said.
Fitting the regional plans in with national plans presents another
challenge. Water management strategies rely on a joint effort from different
governmental departments, such as water, agriculture, tourism, energy and
finance.
The regional project manager of Global Water Partnership
Southern Africa,
Alex Simalabwi, drew attention to the fact that the United
Nations World
Summit in September 2005 called for the preparation of water
management
plans as part of national development plans.
This has
created an opportunity to reach out to policy makers and planners
in other
sectors of government to put water issues onto national agendas,
said
Simalabwi. Global Water Partnership Southern Africa is one of ZACPRO's
strategic partners.
He pointed out that by working with officials
from the Department of Finance
and other government departments, Malawi's
water sector budget increased by
64 percent between the 2005 and 2006
financial years.
Simalabwi also underlined the opportunity for national
water management
strategies to serve as building blocks for the Zambezi IWRM
strategy.
Mozambique, Malawi and Zambia are in the process of developing
national
water management plans. Malawi and Zambia have succeeded in
integrating the
Zambezi water management plan into their national
development frameworks.
"Using national plans and strategies as a basis
for the Zambezi management
plan would underscore the national ownership of
the strategy," said Malunga.
(END/2006)