• Cops break up farmers' meeting
• Mugabe hints at Commonwealth exit
• Zimbabwe failure haunts Don McKinnon
• JAG Open Letter Forum No. 195
• Chefs caught in gold licence blitz
• MDC reads council members the riot act
• War vets cancel Mutare congress as succession battle hots up
• Herald accused of demonising judiciary in Daily News case
• US refutes accusations over sanctions
• Divisions emerge in Mash Central after Zanu PF poll
• Urban dwellers to get assistance
• Govt/Zanu PF loses $800 million to sanctions
• Diplomatic row brews as Mugabe's nephew takes farm
• Killing Zim
• Murerwa’s budget: full of sound and fury …
• Mumbengegwi’s confession of failure
• Sanctions not the cause of economic decline
• Why is the Herald silent on Georgia?
• Mandiwanza calls for Noczim's deregulation

Harare - Police broke up a meeting of displaced white farmers and detained
at least four of their leaders for questioning, the group's lawyer said on
Friday.

More than 100 white farmers gathered at an agricultural research institute
north of Harare to discuss legal implications of the government's seizure of
thousands of white-owned farms for redistribution to blacks.

Police accused organisers of convening a public meeting without notifying
them - an offense punishable by up to six months in jail under strict
security laws - according to their lawyer, Beatrice Mtetwa. Participants
were ordered to disperse, witnesses said.

The meeting was organised by Justice for Agriculture, an association of
farmers thrown off their property under the controversial land program.

The group is demanding that the government pay them realistic compensation
or return their land.

Its head, John Worsely-Worswick, was detained for questioning at Harare's
main police station along with three other officials and a prominent lawyer,
Mtetwa said.

Police spokesperson Wayne Bvudzijena declined to comment on the arrests,
saying he was awaiting details from provincial police officers.

The farm seizures have crippled Zimbabwe's agriculture based economy,
leaving the country with acute shortages of food, gasoline, medicine and
other imports.

The World Food Program estimates more than 5.5 million people - almost half
the population - will need food aid to avert famine in coming months.

Many prime farms seized by the government went to ruling party leaders.
Others lie idle because of shortages of fertilizer, seeds and plowing
equipment.

The state District Development Fund said on Friday that 13 000 functioning
tractors remained in the country. At least 40 000 are needed for plowing
ahead of upcoming rains, the fund said, but many were destroyed during the
often-violent land seizures since February 2002.

      HARARE (Reuters) - President Robert Mugabe has suggested that Zimbabwe
could leave the Commonwealth, from which it was suspended last year after
his controversial re-election.

      Zimbabwe has been excluded from next month's Commonwealth summit in
Nigeria. The Commonwealth groups Britain and mainly its former colonies.

      "If our sovereignty is what we have to lose to be readmitted into the
Commonwealth, well we will say goodbye to the Commonwealth, and perhaps the
time has now come to say so," Mugabe said at a state funeral in Harare on
Friday.

      Zimbabwe accuses what it calls the "white" section of the
Commonwealth, led by Britain and Australia, of pursuing a vendetta because
of Mugabe's seizure of white-owned farms for redistribution to landless
blacks.

      Zimbabwe was suspended from the 54-member group after charges by
Commonwealth and European Union observers that Mugabe rigged his re-election
last year.

      Britain and Australia have been determined to keep Mugabe away from
the December 5-8 heads of government meeting in the Nigerian capital Abuja,
while several African members have tried to keep him in the group.

      The Zimbabwe issue has dominated preparations for the summit and
threatened to split the group along racial lines.

      On Friday Mugabe lashed out at what he called an "apologetic" stance
that some African countries had taken by failing to support his government
over the land reforms.

      "Those of this view allow the neo-colonialists and neo-imperialists to
drive us to apologise for representing and pursuing our interests, for being
ourselves," Mugabe said.

      "Is it the African solidarity and sovereignty, the solidarity of those
who are non-whites, or is the strength, the power of the few whites in the
Commonwealth that should dominate the view of the Commonwealth?" he said.

      Mugabe, 79, in power since independence from Britain in 1980, says his
local and international opponents have sabotaged Zimbabwe's economy to
punish him for the land programme.

Government abruptly cancelled the 14 gold concessions last week, alleging
the companies were involved in illegal trade of the precious mineral. Police
have been fighting running battles with illegal gold panners said to be
undermining infrastructure in the Midlands town of Kwekwe.

Those who lost licences include Midlands governor Cephas Msipa, a director
of Rynawald Trading with a concession in Zvishavane, McDonald Chapfika, a
commodity broker with close links to the army and Zanu PF, and the Gold
Mining and Minerals Development Trust formed by the Reserve Bank and headed
by businessman Nhlanhla Masuku.

Senior Mines and Minerals Development officials this week said there were
many politicians involved in the "game", hence difficulties in controlling
illegal trading in gold.

Msipa yesterday refused to comment on the matter, referring all questions to
his son, Christopher.

"My son is directly running that company and you can talk to him," he said.

Efforts to get comment from Christopher Msipa were unsuccessful.

Msipa's co-directors are listed as Christopher Zwelithini Msipa, James
Dzimbiri, Archford Dzimbiri, and principal officer Patience Saungweme.

Macdonald Chapfika, younger brother of Zanu PF MP for Mutoko North, David
Chapfika, was also caught in the licence blitz. Chapfika is the director of
Needgate Investments.

Chapfika confirmed to the Independent that he was the director of Needgate
Investments and said they were "shocked" by government's actions.

"Yes I am the director of Needgate and Msipa is the director of Rynawald
Trading," he said.

"We are compiling a report for government and we cannot pre-empt its
contents. But we are shocked by what the government did," Chapfika said.

Chapfika's co-directors at Needgate are Ottilia Masunda, Netsai Mugadza and
Paul Simbarashe Chimbodza.

Nhlanhla Masuku is the chairman of Gold Mining and Minerals Development
Trust which has five concessions in Mazowe, Shamva, Mudzi, Mutare and
Filabusi.

Masuku told the Independent that some companies had gone to court, but he
would not take that route.

"The whole thing does not make sense to us," he said.

"We will respond through the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe and the Ministry of
Finance who set us up," he said.

Masuku denied that the minister had given them any money.

"I am not aware of the $500 million that the Minister of Mines purports to
have given us," Masuku said.

The Independent has it on good authority that the trust had delivered a
paltry six kg of gold to the Reserve Bank in eight months

The other companies hit are Minerals Marketing Corporation of Zimbabwe,
Oleaster Investments Pvt Ltd, trading as Golden Syndicate, SAD Pvt Ltd, and
Shipford Investments trading as Golden Kopje.

The firms were licenced in March this year and the government splashed out
$500 million to assist them.

They were required to surrender 150 kg of gold a month to the Reserve Bank's
Fidelity Printers and Refineries but are believed to have delivered only
39,2 kg in the seven months from April. On a monthly remittance of 150 kg
they should have delivered 1 050 kg by the time the licences were cancelled.

Mines minister Edward Chindori-Chininga described the output as "very
worrying".

In an interview yesterday Chindori-Chininga said the cancellation of the
concessions was final.

"That is a decision that has been made by government and the trust is going
to be restructured," he said.

He said two days after the cancellations the concessionaires delivered 90kg
of gold.

"It just shows that some of them were now trading on the parallel market
instead of delivering the gold to us," he said.

President of the Zimbabwe Miners Federation Nixon Misi told a local daily
that the banned concessionaires were fuelling the parallel market. Misi said
they bought gold at $28 000 and sold it for $65 000.

The country is said to be losing 70% of its gold to smugglers. Sources said
most of the affected companies were contemplating going to court to get
their licences back.

The party's leadership has accepted the recommendations of the commission
and on Wednesday MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai said Makwavarara and all
executive committee chairpersons should quit their posts by December 1 to
restore order on the council.

Sources who attended the meeting said the party was prepared to expel the
councillors if they refused to comply.

Councillors who have been ordered to relinquish their posts are Falls Nhari
(finance), Fani Munengami (environment), Jerome O'Brien (audit), Christopher
Mushonga (housing), Wellington Madzivanyika (procurement) and Chipo Suka
(licensing).

The sources told the Zimbabwe Independent that Tsvangirai accused
Makwavarara of fuelling divisions in the party and questioned her leadership
qualities.

"Makwavarara caused divisions in the party by aligning herself more to
Chombo than her party," the source said.

"She is alleged to have gone to the extent of giving Chombo names of
councillors whom she felt threatened her position. The councillors were
subsequently suspended."

Sources said the MDC leadership was infuriated by Makwavarara who is accused
of allowing embattled town clerk Nomutsa Chideya to literally run the
council.

- Meanwhile, Tsvangirai was yesterday quizzed by the police in Kadoma over
an attack by unknown assailants on a Zanu PF member during the final
campaign for tomorrow's parliamentary by-election.

Tsvangirai's spokesman William Bango said the MDC leader was stopped and
questioned for almost two hours on his way back to Harare after his roadshow
in Kadoma.

This came as MDC spokesperson Paul Themba Nyathi said Zanu PF had set up
militia bases near polling stations to intimidate voters.

"The Zanu PF militia have set up bases 150 metres from all polling stations
from which they will carry out their intimidatory activities," Nyathi said.

The association's secretary-general Endy Mhlanga confirmed on Wednesday that
the congress had been postponed and would only be held after the Zanu PF
national conference, set for next weekend in Masvingo.

"Indeed the congress has been postponed again," said Mhlanga.

"It will only be held after the Zanu PF national conference. There are a
number of reasons for the postponement," he said.

"One of the reasons is that most war veterans are involved in Zanu PF
structures and will play a major role at the national conference. There was
therefore a lot of pressure on them organising the congress and the party
conference at the same time."

Mhlanga admitted that the succession debate had a role in the postponement
of the war veterans' congress.

"It is true that the issue of succession has been very dominant within the
war veterans' body and should have been discussed at the congress.

"We articulate the people's will and have a major role to play in ensuring
that the succession issue is handled properly. We obviously need to avoid
having the issue divide and antagonise the party, which has been the case so
far," said Mhlanga.

Association chairman Patrick Nyaruwata promised a fortnight ago that there
would be "miracles" over the succession issue from the war veterans,
claiming they had a major role to contribute towards the outcome.

The Zanu PF national conference is expected to tackle the succession issue,
with reports that Mugabe has recently indicated to the politburo that he
needs to retire from active politics early next year.

Tomana was reported as having filed an affidavit concerning Mujuru's alleged
behaviour. The paper claimed that Majuru was being investigated for
unethical behaviour regarding the MIC/ANZ dispute.

In a statement, ZLHR director Arnold Tsunga said the allegations against
Majuru amounted to a personal attack.

"The suggestions that Mr Majuru has now suddenly prejudged the matter
through an informal, incidental and fortuitous communication to a stranger
asking for help in a street, is mischievous and calculated to damage the
reputation of Mr Majuru in both his personal and professional capacity,"
Tsunga said.

He said the over-riding motive was that of maintaining and prolonging the
closure of the Daily News and sustaining the institutional attack on the
right to freedom of expression.

"This has been achieved since Mr Majuru has been left with no alternative
but to recuse himself from the matter. The recusal of Mr Majuru … prolongs
the matter and places the next (court) president to deal with the matter
under undue pressure," Tsunga said.

Constitutional law expert and chairman of the National Constitutional
Assembly, Dr Lovemore Madhuku, concurred.

"It a clear case of victimisation of judges and an attempt to influence
court decisions," said Madhuku.

He described Tomana's behaviour as highly improper and calculated to
undermine the judicial system.

Tsunga said state officials were not comfortable with judgements that did
not favour them.

"In fact the attack on Mr Majuru is a deliberate reminder to the judiciary
by those forces within the state who do not believe in the rule of law that
they are at risk if they make rulings that are seen to be against the state
or the ruling party," he said.

Tsunga said given the operating environment a record number of judges of the
Supreme Court and High Court bench had resigned since 2000.

"The pattern of events … shows that the state is determined to 'use the law'
to subvert justice and ensure that the Daily News does not get published
again," he said.

Tsunga said the Supreme Court was now being used to clamp down on people's
rights.

"It is extremely regrettable that the Supreme Court (which in any democracy
should be the defender of justice, civil liberties and fundamental freedoms)
is constantly referred to as the reason why the state continues to act in
the manner that it does in preventing the people of Zimbabwe from enjoying
their right to freedom of expression," he said.

Tsunga said if the MIC lawyer had been genuinely concerned at the conduct of
Mr Majuru, his remedy would not have been to rush to the press, but to make
an application for Majuru to recuse himself.

"ZLHR views the attack on the Administrative Court and on Mr Majuru by the
government-controlled newspaper as contemptuous, unwarranted and calculated
to bring the administration of justice into disrepute.

"It is also part of a wider, deliberate, systematic and sustained general
attack on the judiciary to manipulate it, reduce its independence and weaken
national institutions of protection that are vital for the restoration of
the rule of law and democracy," said Tsunga.

The attitude of the US was not responsible for foreign investors staying
away, Sullivan said.

"As Secretary of State Colin Powell has pointed out, international capital
is a coward. It avoids like the plague places where the rule of law does not
obtain - where there are no macro-economic fundamentals," Sullivan said.

Nor was the US responsible for the World Bank and International Monetary
Fund giving Harare the cold shoulder. Zimbabwe ceased payment of its
obligations to the Bretton Woods institutions in 2001, he pointed out.

Sanctions have not prevented Zimbabwe exporting goods worth US$100 million
on a preferential basis to the US market last year. Nor have they stood in
the way of the US$140 million a year the US has spent over the past two
years on food and HIV/Aids prevention, Sullivan said.

While the US had experienced only minor interference with its food
distribution, there were "many credible reports of partisan distribution of
food by government", he said.

Legislation governing sanctions was directed solely at those responsible for
the breakdown in the rule of law, Sullivan said. While it was not possible
to disclose the names of those to whom travel restrictions applied because
of US privacy laws, those affected had been informed, he said.

The names of those to whom financial sanctions apply were published earlier
this year.

Contrary to reports that the opposition Movement for Democratic Change had a
hand in framing the US Democracy and Economic Recovery Act, Sullivan said no
parties other than those in the US had a role.

He noted that for the past two years 50% of Zimbabweans have needed food
assistance. Zimbabwe's neighbours who were equally affected by drought last
year reported only 20% of their populations in need. This year the figure
was lower still while Zimbabwe's remained at over 50%.

At the height of the catastrophic drought in Ethiopia in the mid-1980s, only
20% of its population required and received aid, Sullivan noted.

The US favours inter-party dialogue as the route back to legitimacy,

Sullivan said. "The 2002 election did not confer democratic legitimacy on
this government because of the way it was conducted," he said.

"Democratic government requires a free and fair process."

The ambassador said while it was impossible to say there had been progress
in restoring democratic institutions or democratic practice and a return to
the rule of law, it was important to leave those goals in place.

It was US policy "to see Zimbabwe become a prosperous democratic country
that respects the rule of law", the ambassador said.

Both President George Bush and Secretary Powell have pointed out that
Zimbabwe is not adhering to its own commitments.

"I have in private conversations with government officials heard that
addressing the political crisis was critical in order to address the
economic crisis," Sullivan said. "But we have not seen the political crisis
addressed with the urgency articulated in private conversations."

Mafios this week confirmed that he had been willing to run for the
chairmanship but policy changes did not allow him to "cross-floors".

"As a party we have district co-ordinating committees and that is where
people are chosen," Mafios said.

"The selections are done using categories, which are mainly youth, women and
the main wing. Party policy does not allow anyone chosen in one category to
contest in another," he said.

Mafios said the actual voting was done at district level so that last
weekend's event was more of an allocation of provincial positions and
endorsing them.

"We agreed in principle that Chimutengwende should be provincial chairman
and everybody accepted it. Voting was done at district level and last week
we were allocating and confirming positions," he said.

Highly placed sources told the Independent in Bindura on Sunday that the
change of policy was done to sideline Mafios because he was chosen by the
youth league.

"The protocol is that district youth wings should have nominated him but
none of the seven districts brought his name forward."

ZVAC chairperson Joyce Chanetsa confirmed to the Zimbabwe Independent that
the urban assessment was complete and that their team was analysing data
before meeting at the end of this week to evaluate its findings.

"The first preliminary report will be out before the end of this week. We
have finished compiling the data and we are now analysing the results and
any action that will be taken will arise from the preliminary report," said
Chanetsa.

The assessment comes shortly after the World Food Programme (WFP) warned
that the food situation in urban areas was getting critical.

The WFP says it is facing a US$111 million shortfall from a US$197 million
international appeal it sent out to donors in June this year.

The United States Agency for International Development in August launched an
urban intervention programme whereby the agency would subsidise the price of
sorghum meal in some urban areas.

The sorghum meal is popular with urbanites who cannot afford the ever
escalating prices of other foodstuffs.

Chanetsa said the urban assessment covered the whole country and included
mining and border towns, growth points and the major cities of Bulawayo and
Harare.

The completion of the urban food assessment comes a week after the WFP
launched another urgent appeal for donations for Zimbabwe's over five
million hungry people.

Many households in urban areas can no longer afford basic food commodities
because of escalating prices and a high inflation rate.

Inflation is currently at 526%, according to figures issued last Tuesday by
the Central Statistical Office.

The EU imposed sanctions on President Mugabe and his close associates just
before the March 2002 presidential election after it accused Mugabe's regime
of human rights violations.

The European Union has also imposed a travel ban on government ministers and
senior officials. The ban has been extended to cover senior Zanu PF
officials and first lady Grace Mugabe. MEPs would like the sanctions regime
extended to cover spouses of government ministers, as in the case of United
States travel restrictions.

Several civic groups have since the assets freeze been petitioning the EU on
the quantum of the assets which have been frozen to date. The inquiry into
the amount of assets seized is meant to gauge the effectiveness of the
sanctions. Western diplomats this week said there was a good possibility
that senior politicians were able to move their monies to banks in the Far
East before the net closed in on them.

A letter from the EU Committee of Petitions to a South African-based
pressure group clarified the issue of the assets freeze.

"The total sum of the 825 000 Euro had been reported by members states as
the amount of assets frozen belonging to members of the Mugabe regime in
Zimbabwe," said Committee of Petitions chairman Nino Gemelli. Gemelli said
five members of the EU had not reported to the committee.

This he said had no impact on the final figures as the countries concerned
did not have anything to report.

The correspondence did not however disclose where the assets had been
seized.

At the time when government announced the assets-freeze last year President
Mugabe said there were no assets to freeze. He said if any were found the EU
could donate them to charity.

Observers have said the seizure of the assets was a bold statement that the
European Union was serious about sanctions.

Zimbabwe and Germany in 1995 signed the Encouragement and Reciprocal
Protection of Investments Agreement, which came into effect in April 2000.

There have been past attempts by various people to force Ditze off his farm.

"The embassy regrets to state that the non-action on the side of the
competent authorities of the Republic of Zimbabwe obviously has led some
Zimbabwean nationals into believing that they could claim Cluny Farm under
the government's A2 settlement scheme," the German embassy said in letter to
the Foreign Affairs ministry in February.

In September last year the German Foreign ministry summoned Zimbabwe's
ambassador to Berlin, Gift Punungwe, regarding the threat to German-owned
properties in Zimbabwe. Punungwe re-affirmed Zimbabwe's commitment to the
bilateral agreement. He also assured the Germans that full compensation
would be paid in terms of the agreement if the property was taken by
government.

Ditze has since gone to the High Court to ward off Gabriel Mugabe's moves to
evict him. Andrew Mugandiwa of Wintertons is representing Ditze. Last Friday
Justice Alfas Chitakunye granted Ditze a provisional order barring Mugabe
from evicting him from the farm. He also filed another application on
Tuesday challenging the listing of the farm for compulsory acquisition and
subsequent eviction under Section 8 of the Land Acquisition Act.

Ditze said the acquisition of the property was irregular. He said the
government said it had acquired the farm by order on October 6. The farm had
been gazetted for compulsory acquisition on August 8.

Ditze said the order to acquire the farm should have been done within 30
days of the gazetting of the farm.

"It accordingly follows that the order was made after the expiry of the
30-day period. The notice (in the Government Gazette), so I am advised, is
irregular and of no legal force and effect," he said.

The court papers said Mugabe, who is managing director of office furniture
manufacturer Byco, visited Cluny Farm on November 4 and told Ditze that he
"had been given the farm".

Ditze, in his sworn affidavit, said Agriculture minister Joseph Made who was
in the company of six men, visited the farm the next day and ordered workers
to stop working.

"They broke into the farmhouse and conducted a search," said Ditze. "I do
not know what they were looking for. However, nothing was removed from the
house."

Ditze said on Wednesday last week Gabriel Mugabe visited the farm again in
the company of three "henchmen".

"The henchmen were wielding axes and knobkerries. He demanded that I should
vacate the farmhouse not later than November 22," said Ditze.

He has however contended that he has the right to remain on the farm until
January 7 next year as stated by the law.

      THE latest edition of the Atlantic Monthly, an influential US
political magazine, has landed on my desk. It contains an article on
Zimbabwe by Pulitzer Prize winner Samantha Power who lectures at the John F
Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University.

      Her thoughts on Zimbabwe, coming after a visit here when she met a
wide variety of people, will be of interest to readers.

      The Zimbabwe case, she argues, "illustrates the prime importance of
accountability as an antidote to idiocy and excess". Her article is
appropriately titled "How To Kill A Country".

      Repudiating Ian Smith's contention that the black majority was
incapable of governing, Power believes Zimbabwe "offers testament not to
some inherent African inability to govern, but to a minority rule as
oppressive and inconsiderate of the welfare of citizens as its ignominious
white predecessor".

      Robert Mugabe has by his actions compiled a "how-to" manual for
national destruction, she says.

      "The country's economy in 1997 was the fastest growing in all of
Africa; now it is the fastest shrinking," Power says. "A onetime net
exporter of maize, cotton, beef, tobacco, roses, and sugarcane, it now
exports only its educated professionals who are fleeing by the tens of
thousands.

      "Although Zimbabwe has some of the richest farmland in Africa,
children with distended bellies have begun arriving at school looking like
miniature pregnant women.

      "How could the breadbasket of Africa have deteriorated so quickly into
the continent's basket case? The answer is Robert Mugabe…"

      Power describes a trip through the Mazowe valley, once the
"breadbasket of the breadbasket".

      "Yet driving through it today is like visiting a refugee camp that has
been hit by a hurricane. Fields that should brim with knee-high,
forest-green winter wheat now contain only the crackling yellow stubble of
last year's crop. The barbed wire that once hemmed in cattle has been ripped
away by squatters who have plopped down cheap cement houses in the middle of
arable fields and killed off cows and sheep for food."

      Power points out that Mugabe's campaign of racist expropriation is not
new.

      "Mugabe's belief that he can strengthen his flagging popularity by
destroying a resented but economically vital minority group is one that
dictators elsewhere have shared," she says. "Paranoid about their
diminishing support, Stalin wiped out the wealthy kulak farming class, Idi
Amin purged Uganda's Indian commercial class, and, of course, Hitler went
after Jewish businesses even though Germany was already reeling from the
Depression. Whatever spikes in popularity these moves generated, the
economic damage was profound, and the dictators had to exert great effort to
mask it."

      Which leads the author to examine the significance of the closure of
the Daily News, a move clearly designed to limit the flow of information
about Zimbabwe's deteriorating condition.

      In a 24-page appeal to the international community delivered in July,
Mugabe's cabinet defended the land seizures as "empowering the poor", and
criticised donors' scepticism towards what it called "pro-poor" policies.

      "Everyone and everything was responsible for food shortages except the
real culprit, Mugabe himself," Power says. "By exaggerating Zimbabwe's crop
yields in Potemkin fashion, the cabinet downplayed its needs, making it
impossible for the WFP to get from donors - already stretched thin in Iraq,
Afghanistan and Liberia - the food Zimbabwe will need to stave off
widespread starvation in 2004."

      She describes the formation of ruling-party militias as typical of
tyrants who never stop worrying about the loyalty of their militaries.

      You can see in Zimbabwe Africa's worst tendencies in microcosm, Power
says. But she rebuts sceptics who argue that democracy promotes tyrannies of
the majority.

      "When a ruler operates without constraint he can institute a tyranny
of the minority," she argues, "and he can plunder his country's economy and
starve his people without any corrective."

      Only democratic accountability can provide the bedrock concept that no
developed or developing country can live without, Power argues.

      "An outspoken press, a healthy opposition, periodic elections, and an
independent judiciary are rightly valued for themselves, but their greatest
virtue is practical: they deter and thwart top-down demolition."

      Despite every effort to destroy his country, Mugabe has not destroyed
its spirit, Power says, pointing out that despite torture opposition
activists remain brazen in their dissent. Mugabe's mounting crackdown is
testament to his frustration with the resilience of civil society.

      Mugabe and Smith share a common misconception, Power concludes. "They
both fail to realise that a government cannot survive indefinitely when it
advances the political and economic desires of the few at the expense of the
many."

"The role of Noczim is very questionable to us the private sector,"
Mandiwanza told Finance minister Herbert Murerwa.

"Noczim is highly inefficient, grossly underutilised and should be
deregulated. I wonder why we continue to have it."

He said government should also deregulate the use of the Beira pipeline and
allow private fuel importers to hire the facility when they needed it.

"This will be cheaper and cost-effective," he said. "Noczim should just
charge for use of the pipeline and not get involved in fuel imports because
it has completely failed and we (business) have serious problems especially
in the transport industry."

Mandiwanza said Noczim should play an administrative role such as monitoring
fuel pricing and should "get out of the fuel importation business".

"It should simply deal with strategic and operational issues haunting our
economy," Mandiwanza said.

In his 2004 budget statement Murerwa said in view of the deregulation of the
fuel industry, Noczim would continue to supply fuel to the public sector as
well as the agricultural sector and was expected to charge break-even prices
for all its products.

Before the liberalisation of fuel procurement, amortisation of the Noczim
debt was part of the pump price build up.

"In view of the many direct fuel importers now involved, I propose a levy of
$110 per litre of diesel and petrol, both leaded and unleaded to be
collected at the point of entry by Zimra," Murerwa said. "This measure is
effective from December 1 2003 and does not include illuminating paraffin
and aviation fuel."

Noczim, which is known more for its corruption scandals, has been accused of
uneconomic pricing policies that have led to government embarking on
unsustainable borrowing requirements in excess of $150 billion.