The ZIMBABWE Situation Our thoughts and prayers are with Zimbabwe
- may peace, truth and justice prevail.

Back to Index

Back to the Top
Back to Index

SABC

Pro-Mugabe armed forces chief named
November 29, 2003, 06:57 AM

Zimbabwe has replaced its retiring armed forces chief with another veteran
of the liberation war and staunch ally of Robert Mugabe, the Zimbabwean
President. Constantine Guveya Chiwenga, promoted to the role from army
chief, was involved in rallying soldiers behind Mugabe's 2002 re-election
and seizing land from a white commercial farmer under Mugabe's land reform
programme, according to local independent newspapers.

Most of Zimbabwe's military top brass are veterans of the 1970s war against
white minority rule who are fiercely loyal to Mugabe's ruling Zanu-PF party.
The government said earlier this month that Vitalis Zvinavashe, an
independence war hero, would retire in December after nearly a decade in
office at the helm of the army, air force and police force.

"Lt. General Constantine Guveya Chiwenga has been promoted to the rank of
General and has been appointed as Commander of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces"
effective January 1, 2004, the information ministry said in a statement
yesterday.

Zvinavashe, Chiwenga and Perence Shiri, an air force commander, stirred
controversy before elections last year by saying the security forces would
never allow "anyone opposed to the ideals of the... liberation war" to come
to power, local media said - an apparent reference to opposition leader
Morgan Tsvangirai.

Mugabe denies rigging the presidential elections, which Western governments
criticised as flawed. Local independent media reported that Chiwenga
embarked on a campaign based on army barracks to garner support for Mugabe
ahead of the 2002 polls - a move critics said compromised the army's
professionalism.

Illegal land grab
Chiwenga and his wife Jocelyn were also at the centre of a row last year
when a white commercial farmer accused them of illegally seizing his farm
during a government-sanctioned land grab and selling horticultural produce
from the property to a British supermarket chain. Government sources said
earlier this month that Zvinavashe's successor would probably be Shiri, a
tough soldier who led a crack brigade, which crushed an armed rebellion in
Matabeleland in the 1980s.

However, some political analysts said Mugabe might prefer Chiwengwa in order
to avoid alienating ruling Zanu-PF officials from Matabeleland, still bitter
over the crackdown in which human rights groups say about 20 000 civilians
died.

In its statement, the information ministry said Shiri's term of office as
head of the air force would be extended for 12 months from January. It said
Philip Sibanda, who headed the United Nations peacekeeping force in Angola
during that country's civil war, would be promoted to Lieutenant General and
take over from Chiwenga as army commander. - Reuters
Back to the Top
Back to Index

Telegraph

Slighted Mugabe threatens to quit Commonwealth
By Andrew Chadwick in Harare
(Filed: 29/11/2003)


President Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe threatened yesterday to pull out of the
Commonwealth after he was told that he was not welcome at a summit next
week.

He was apparently furious at the decision to exclude him from the heads of
government meeting in Nigeria because his country is suspended from the
Commonwealth.



"If our sovereignty is what we have to lose to be readmitted into the
Commonwealth, well we will say goodbye to the Commonwealth and perhaps the
time has now come to say so," Mr Mugabe said at a state funeral in Harare.

Zimbabwe deserved "equal status" with the 53 other members, he said. "We
expect no less from the Commonwealth if it merits our membership, if its
claim to be a club of equals is to be sustained."

His threat followed comments this week by the summit's host, the Nigerian
president, Olusegun Obasanjo, who clearly stated that Zimbabwe would not be
invited to Abuja on Friday.

However, Zimbabwe's state media interpreted these comments for the public by
saying that Nigeria had "yet" to invite Mr Mugabe.

Zimbabwe was suspended from the Commonwealth after accusations by local and
international observers of vote rigging and state-sponsored violence last
year during presidential elections in which Mr Mugabe claimed a further
six-year term.

The Zimbabwean government blames John Howard, the Australian prime minister,
and his compatriot, Don McKinnon, the Commonwealth secretary general, for
the decision to extend the country's suspension from the Commonwealth
councils beyond the expiry in March of the year-long punishment.

Mr Mugabe, in his speech, continued his regime's attacks on Mr Howard. "They
tell me he is one of those genetically modified because of the criminal
ancestry he derives from," he said.

Jonathan Moyo, Zimbabwe's information minister, has already branded Mr
Howard a "kangaroo prime minister ... making kangaroo noises" about
Zimbabwe.

Mr Mugabe blames Mr Howard for leading the "white" members of the
Commonwealth in a racist vendetta over the Harare regime's seizure of
white-owned farms.

The chaotic confiscation of commercial farms has caused the collapse of law
and order and sent the economy spiralling downwards. Inflation is more than
500 per cent, unemployment above 70 per cent and there are chronic shortages
of fuel, cash and basic foodstuffs.

When Zimbabwe was suspended from the Commonwealth in March last year, Mr
McKinnon listed five areas in which there had to be progress before it was
readmitted to the "club".

These included ending victimisation of supporters of the opposition party,
the Movement for Democratic Change, and members of civil society; repealing
legislation curbing freedom of speech and assembly and the functioning of a
free press; and implementing a proper land reform programme.

Zimbabwe has failed in all these areas. Its only independent daily newspaper
has been closed, violence and intimidation against anyone who criticises the
government continues and ruling party elites remain the prime beneficiaries
of the land reform programme, destroying the country's ability to feed
itself.

The country's continued exclusion from the Commonwealth is also a slight to
Thabo Mbeki, the South African president, who has insisted for the past year
that Mr Mugabe is making progress in improving the social and political
situation.

Joel Kibazo, Mr McKinnon's spokesman, confirmed that Mr Mugabe would not be
invited to Abuja, where Zimbabwe's continued suspension will be debated.

"Zimbabwe is a member of the Commonwealth family and sometimes families have
disagreements," he said. "But we hope that one day soon Zimbabwe will return
to the fold."
Back to the Top
Back to Index

New York Times

Ostracized by Commonwealth, Zimbabwe Says It May Pull Out
By MICHAEL WINES

Published: November 29, 2003


OHANNESBURG, Nov. 28 — On the eve of a summit meeting of the 54-nation
Commonwealth, Zimbabwe's president, Robert Mugabe, said Friday that he was
prepared to desert the group if its members continued to ostracize Zimbabwe
because of its human rights and economic policies.

Mr. Mugabe, who has led Zimbabwe since it rose from the ashes of white-ruled
Rhodesia in 1980, delivered another bitter attack on the "white
Commonwealth, particularly Britain and Australia," at a funeral for a
political ally in Harare, Zimbabwe's capital.

He was particularly venomous toward Australia's prime minister, John Howard,
whom he called "genetically modified because of the criminal ancestry he
derives from." That was a reference to Australia's early history as a penal
colony for British convicts.

Mr. Mugabe appeared to be responding to a statement by Nigeria's president,
Olusegun Obasanjo, that he would not be invited to next week's meeting in
Nigeria's capital, Abuja. Queen Elizabeth and the leaders of Australia, New
Zealand, Canada and some Pacific nations had said they would stay away from
the meeting if Mr. Mugabe was invited.

"If our sovereignty is what we have to lose to be readmitted into the
Commonwealth," Mr. Mugabe was quoted as saying Friday, "we will say goodbye
to the Commonwealth. And perhaps the time has now come to say so."

Zimbabwe has been suspended from the Commonwealth since March 2002, after
Mr. Mugabe won re-election in a contest that international observers called
fraudulent.

Earlier on Friday, South Africa had declared that it would attend the
meeting despite Mr. Mugabe's call for a boycott of the meeting to protest
Zimbabwe's exclusion.

South Africa's president, Thabo Mbeki, has been one of Mr. Mugabe's few
prominent backers as Zimbabwe has slipped in recent years into economic and
political crisis. Some political experts say South Africa's reluctance to
support Mr. Mugabe in this standoff suggests that his regional influence may
finally be waning.
Back to the Top
Back to Index

ABC Australia

Last Update: Saturday, November 29, 2003. 10:10am (AEDT)
Zimbabwean newspaper hits fresh legal snag
Zimbabwe's independent newspaper Daily News, a fierce critic of President
Robert Mugabe, has suffered another legal setback on Friday in efforts to
get back onto newsstands after being shut down two months ago.

Lawyers for the paper, the country's most popular daily and the only
alternative to the state-run Herald and Chronicle, had sought the
enforcement of an earlier court ruling allowing it to continue publishing.

But state lawyers made a separate application for the case to be dismissed.

The judge said he would make a ruling on the matter on Saturday local time.
The Daily News was shut down by armed police in September after the Supreme
Court ruled it was operating illegally by not being registered with the
state-appointed media commission.

-- AFP
Back to the Top
Back to Index

Police Break Up White Farmers' Mtg In Zimbabwe, Detain 4


      Copyright © 2003, Dow Jones Newswires


      HARARE, Zimbabwe (AP)--Police broke up a meeting of displaced white
farmers and detained at least four of their leaders for questioning, the
group's lawyer said Friday.

      More than 100 white farmers gathered at an agricultural research
institute north of Harare to discuss legal implications of the government's
seizure of thousands of white-owned farms for redistribution to blacks.

      Police accused organizers of convening a public meeting without
notifying them - an offense punishable by up to six months in jail under
strict security laws - according to their lawyer, Beatrice Mtetwa.
Participants were ordered to disperse, witnesses said.

      The meeting was organized by Justice for Agriculture, an association
of farmers thrown off their property under the controversial land program.

      The group is demanding that the government pay them realistic
compensation or return their land.

      Its head, John Worsely-Worswick, was detained for questioning at
Harare's main police station along with three other officials and a
prominent lawyer, Mtetwa said.

      Police spokesman Wayne Bvudzijena declined to comment on the arrests,
saying he was awaiting details from provincial police officers.

      The farm seizures have crippled Zimbabwe's agriculture-based economy,
leaving the country with acute shortages of food, gasoline, medicine and
other imports.

      The World Food Program estimates more than 5.5 million people - almost
half the population - will need food aid to avert famine in coming months.

      Many prime farms seized by the government went to ruling party
leaders. Others lie idle because of shortages of fertilizer, seeds and
plowing equipment.

      The state District Development Fund said Friday that 13,000
functioning tractors remained in the country. At least 40,000 are needed for
plowing ahead of upcoming rains, the fund said, but many were destroyed
during the often-violent land seizures since February 2002.

      (END) Dow Jones Newswires

      November 28, 2003 12:14 ET (17:14 GMT)

Back to the Top
Back to Index

BBC
 
African press splits on Mugabe
Zimbabwe's troubled relations with the Commonwealth divide this week's African newspapers.

'Dancing with wolves'

Zimbabwe's pro-government Sunday Mail plays down Nigeria's decision not to invite Robert Mugabe's state to the forthcoming Abuja summit.

"The Commonwealth has become irrelevant and useless because of the bully behaviour of the white Commonwealth," commentator Munyaradzi Huni says.

President Obasanjo is "cracking under the pressure of the white Commonwealth," the author continues.

The paper wonders if Mr Obasanjo was "so scared" of Australia, Britain and New Zealand boycotting the meeting that he was "prepared to ignore the views of the black Commonwealth countries?"

"Obasanjo must not bow to Western pressure", it says.

"It's the time to speak out loudly against any threats or intimidation by the West".

The way Nigeria handles the issue "will determine whether Africa has come of age", the paper adds.

"The world is watching and it would be tragic if 'big brother Nigeria' dances with wolves."

'Appeasement'

Writing in South Africa's Star, analyst Phil Mtimkulu applauds Mr Obasanjo's decision.

"This is the first sanction to be imposed on Mugabe by an African leader," the writer says, pointing out that the true significance of the gesture is in the fact that the decision was made by someone generally sympathetic to Mr Mugabe's "lies".

"I hope now that Obasanjo, who is well respected in Africa, has shown the way, other African leaders will follow him and abandon Mugabe".

But South Africa's Sowetan disagrees, urging the Commonwealth to reverse its decision.

The move is "an attempt to appease influential white members of the 54-nation club.. who have threatened to boycott the meeting should Mugabe be invited".

Snubbing Mugabe will do precious little to pull Zimbabwe out of its quagmire
South Africa's Sowetan

"Snubbing Mugabe will do precious little to pull Zimbabwe out of its quagmire. Worse, it will not end the suffering of ordinary Zimbabweans."

The "unfortunate" decision "will merely paper the cracks in the Commonwealth", it says.

An invitation to Mr Mugabe would have given him "the opportunity of experiencing, first hand, the depth of the resentment that his white counterparts have for him and his government. It is not too late."

Inviting Mugabe would have sent "wrong signals", Botswana's Mmegi says.

"Mugabe's presence in Nigeria would only harden his dictatorial tendencies."

'British hand'

DRCongo's French-language L'Avenir sees Britain's hand in the Commonwealth's decision.

Obasanjo delivered Britain's verdict
DRCongo's L'Avenir

"Obasanjo delivered Britain's verdict" commentator J Diana G says in an article headlined "Mugabe a victim of British neo-colonialism".

"What is disturbing, if not immoral, is that the British, backed by Australia, for the purpose in hand, are shamefully blackmailing the Zimbabwean president."

"Mugabe's sin... is having asked for a bit of land for the Zimbabwean people... It was unthinkable for London not to use the Commonwealth, an instrument of its neo-colonial politics, to put more pressure on Mugabe."

"What do the Nigerians, South Africans... have against Mugabe? Nothing at all. But they [have] resigned themselves to the will of the British. Faced with... the acceptance of British neo-colonialism, Mugabe does not have to be sorry about having missed the mass".

Picking up the bill

Papers in Nigeria are more concerned about the financial implications of hosting the meeting than Mr Mugabe's future.

This Day says hosting the meeting "may be expensive but it may also serve as a tonic to the country's ailing economy".

"Nigeria's hosting of the forthcoming Commonwealth summit already reeks of fiscal rascality," says commentator Okey Ndibe in the same paper.

Nigeria is wasting billions of naira... so that Obasanjo, a man more and more reviled by ordinary Nigerians, may bask once again in his accustomed, if delusionary, toga of international statesman."

BBC Monitoring, based in Caversham in southern England, selects and translates information from radio, television, press, news agencies and the Internet from 150 countries in more than 70 languages.

Back to the Top
Back to Index

Globe and Mail, Canada

Stephanie Nolen
From Saturday's Globe and Mail

A deluxe funeral package in Harare these days comes with a guard who sits on
the grave overnight. If you can't afford that (and most people can't), the
funeral company will supply concrete slabs to lay on the freshly dug grave.
And if that is beyond of your budget, then you must spend the first few
nights of your bereavement guarding the grave yourself.

After dark, in Harare's cemeteries, the gravediggers come to dig up the
newly dead. They steal their coffins for resale, once unthinkable in a
culture with a mingled respect and fear of the dead, but now just one of
dozens of ways people are struggling to survive as Zimbabwe implodes.
Once one of Africa's fastest-growing economies, this is now the
fastest-shrinking. The annual inflation rate has reached 560 per cent. In
the supermarkets, clerks do not bother putting stickers on the groceries any
more because the prices change so often. But its catastrophe is much more
than economic: More than 3,000 Zimbabweans a week die of AIDS, while
hospitals lack even Tylenol to treat them.

The government of President Robert Mugabe, once one of Africa's heroes, is
shunned internationally and lashes out each day at the "enemies of the
state" he says seek to undermine it. Union activists, members of the
political opposition and journalists from the besieged independent media are
routinely detained, beaten at police stations and then dumped back out
without charges.

When trade unions planned a march to protest the economic catastrophe last
week, the government responded by putting armoured personnel carriers on the
streets of the capital and posting soldiers, slapping metre-long truncheons
against their legs, on every corner.

Zimbabwe's crisis is likely to dominate the agenda of the Commonwealth
meeting in Abuja, Nigeria, next weekend, where Prime Minister Jean Chrétien
will spend some of his last days in office. But Zimbabweans know there is no
easy answer to their problems: Nothing will change while Mr. Mugabe rules,
as he has since independence in 1980, and he won't go easily. Yesterday, the
country replaced its retiring armed forces chief with a staunch ally of the
President who was involved in rallying soldiers behind Mr. Mugabe's
re-election last year.
"I sometimes think the world won't pay attention until there is bloodshed
here," says a young member of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change.

Mr. Mugabe has been ostracized by much of the world, including the
Commonwealth, which has imposed a travel ban on his regime. Most of Africa's
democratic leaders have also shunned him, including Nigerian President
Olusegun Obasanjo, who refused to invite him to next week's summit.

But despite the many pressures, he continues to show the sort of defiance
that ordinary Zimbabweans have come to know, and dread.

"These days you could be led to the guillotine, and your friends would watch
you walk by," the head of a Zimbabwean human-rights group said recently in a
clandestine interview. Like virtually everyone else who speaks in hushed
tones about politics in Zimbabwe today, he was afraid to be identified by
name. "People are very afraid. Exhausted and afraid."

Although the country's economy has been in trouble for more than a decade,
its rapid decline began in 2000, when disgruntled farmers, industrialists
and the labour movement combined to form the first real opposition to Mr.
Mugabe's ruling ZANU-PF party. The government and its security forces set
out to seize many of the large commercial farms, which were owned by
opposition supporters.

Today, few dispute that land reform was badly needed in a country where
4,000 white farmers owned 70 per cent of the nation's land while the vast
majority of impoverished blacks farmed tiny plots. But after a violent
campaign to seize prime agricultural land, largely for government
supporters, the commercial farming sector collapsed.

More than a million people, commercial farm workers and their children, were
driven from their jobs but not given land, while senior government figures
collected farms like toys; the minister of justice is said to have 15. With
no revenue from traditional cash crops such as cotton and tobacco, the
government has no foreign exchange. Most foreign donors have suspended their
programs, except for the World Food Program, which says that as of this
month it will be helping to feed 5.5 million Zimbabweans, half the
population.

The government itself is more than $1.5-billion (U.S.) in arrears to the
World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, and has another $4-billion
of foreign debt. The economy shrank 20 per cent last year. There is a huge
fuel shortage, with blocks-long lines at the few stations that are open in
Harare and almost no gas to be had in rural areas.

With their salaries declining by 90 per cent in real terms since 2001,
teachers, nurses and doctors have left in droves, to seek work in
neighbouring South Africa or overseas.

At Mudzi District Hospital in the country's northwest, nurse Eugenia Chinaka
supervises a crumbling program of community care. Her vaccination coverage
rates are disintegrating: where six months ago her beleaguered team (19
nurses and the occasional visiting doctor for 135,000 people) had 94 per
cent of children vaccinated for key diseases such as diphtheria and polio,
that coverage rate has dropped to 74 per cent and is falling fast.

Ms. Chinaka's district hospital has two vehicles at her disposal to take the
Unicef-supplied vaccines (which must be kept refrigerated) out to rural
areas, but it has been three months since she had gas for them. Life
expectancy here was 61 a decade ago; today it is 37.

Although the situation has deteriorated steadily for the past three years,
there has been no revolution in Zimbabwe, no mass taking-to-the-streets,
only the most muted opposition. Frustrated activists puzzle why. The memory
of the bloody cost of the war of independence in the late 1970s, in which
30,000 people died, is one reason given; another is the traditional
"peaceful nature" of the majority Shona peoples.

But the best explanation is probably the stranglehold that Mr. Mugabe
maintains on the country. Dissent is quickly and brutally crushed. Amnesty
International reported more than 70,000 incidents of torture and abuse in
2002.

Zimbabweans have had to learn not to wave, because the open palm is the
symbol of the MDC. Now, on pain of arrest, mothers teach their children to
say "bye-bye" waving a closed fist.
In Hatfield, a slum on the edge of Harare that is home to 25,000 people,
people sit listlessly outside their wooden shacks. The few who had jobs
don't go any more, because the price of transport in the shared trucks or
taxis has risen past their day wages. "Mealie [the staple maize] costs two
times as much this week as last," one mother said.

"Last week we sold the bed mats to buy it," said another. Who do they blame?
The women turned away.

"We can't say," the first said.
"Really, we don't know," said the second, her face like stone. "Please don't
ask us that."
The young MDC activist, who was badly beaten when she was detained earlier
this year, said she will not protest publicly any more and discourages her
compatriots. "We can't do it, so there has to be international pressure."

There is no question that quiet international diplomacy has failed, but the
Commonwealth has not, so far, shown itself willing to intervene more than
symbolically. When South African President Thabo Mbeki came to Canada last
month, he assured Mr. Chrétien that there was ongoing dialogue between the
Zimbabwe government and the MDC.

Outraged, the MDC denied it. The party is in court, attempting to overturn
the results of the 2002 presidential election, which the opposition and many
international observers said were rigged. The case is being heard by a
judge, Mr. Justice Ben Hlatshwayo, who was given a huge farm by the
government.

"There is no dialogue going on," said a Commonwealth diplomat who has
repeatedly attempted to facilitate talks on behalf of his government. "None.
None at all. And there won't be until [Mr.] Mugabe has a successor; no one
else dares to speak or act."

Mr. Mugabe has declined to name an heir, and the internal wrangling in
Zanu-PF is said to be at fever pitch.

In a bold, front-page editorial on Zimbabwe last month, the Nigerian-owned
Johannesburg daily This Day proclaimed, "Mugabe should be freed of the
burden of rule. Only the people of Zimbabwe can show him the door. But we
can help. Removing Mugabe is a first step. The international community
should press for free and fair elections, monitored without hindrance. It
should agitate for a neutral international body to oversee the elections.

And it should do so loudly, consistently, resolutely."

"We keep thinking we can't go on like this," said the human-rights activist,
who did not want to be named. "We've said it for three years now. But the
nightmare doesn't end. We can't wake up."
Back to the Top
Back to Index