Zim Online
Fri 4 November 2005
HARARE - Bickering intensified in Zimbabwe's divided main opposition
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party with deputy secretary general
Gift Chimanikire yesterday accusing party leader Morgan Tsvangirai of
allegedly "bribing" members of the MDC's national council to attend a
meeting tomorrow.
Tsvangirai, facing an open revolt led by MDC
secretary general
Welshman Ncube, called the council meeting because he
wants the key body -
that is the supreme decision-making authority outside
congress - to call an
extraordinary congress to address divisions rocking
the opposition party,
ZimOnline understands.
But Chimanikire,
who has sided with Ncube, in a bad-tempered
statement, urged council members
to boycott the meeting saying Tsvangirai
did not have powers to unilaterally
convene meetings of the national
council.
Chimanikire, who
accused his party leader of waging violence against
MDC members opposed to
his position, said whatever transpired at the council
would be
illegitimate.
He said: "The MDC as a party strives
to uphold and promote the
principles of democracy in the eyes of the people
of Zimbabwe. We are seen
as the custodians of the progressive values that
will lead to a better
future in Zimbabwe. For some time now the party
president has consistently
failed to uphold these values and
principles."
"In yet another move to usurp and violate the
constitution of the
party, Tsvangirai has called a meeting of the national
council for this
Saturday. He does not have the powers to unilaterally
convene such a
meeting.
"Having spent the past three weeks
attempting to bribe and coerce
members of the national council . . . any
resolution emerging from such a
fraudulent process will be totally lacking
in legitimacy."
Tsvangirai's spokesman William Bango however
dismissed Chimanikire's
statement saying the council meeting was called in
accordance with party
procedure and insisted it would go ahead regardless of
calls for a boycott.
"Members of the council do not take orders
from a mere deputy
secretary general, they know that Tsvangirai is the
president of the party
and that Tsvangirai called the meeting . . . (he) is
within his rights as
president of the MDC, he has not violated anything,"
said Bango.
He added: "Unless the circumstances have changed
outside the knowledge
of the bulk of members of the MDC, the meeting is
going to go ahead with the
councilors present on Saturday."
Divisions in the MDC that insiders say had simmered over the last
three
years broke into the open last month when Tsvangirai refused to accept
a
narrow vote by the party council to take part in a November 26 election
for
a new senate that political analysts say will be used by President
Robert
Mugabe to extend his patronage network.
The council voted 33:31 to
contest the election but Tsvangirai
rejected the vote saying it served no
meaningful purpose for the MDC to take
part in a poll that was sure to be
rigged by Mugabe and his ruling ZANU PF
party.
Tsvangirai also
said the MDC could not be part of the project to
create a new senate which
he maintains is a sheer waste of scarce resources
by a country facing
hunger.
But Ncube and his group maintain that the MDC should
contest the poll
after its council voted to do so and say Tsvangirai
breached the party's
constitution by rejecting the outcome of the
vote.
The pro-senate group also says it will be unwise for the MDC
to donate
political space to Mugabe and ZANU PF by boycotting the
election.
The dispute between the two factions of the MDC has also
assumed an
ethnic dimension with support for Tsvangirai's position strong
among regions
dominated by the Shona ethnic group to which he belongs while
Ncube, an
Ndebele, is solidly backed in south-western regions populated by
his Ndebele
tribe. - ZimOnline
Zim Online
Fri 4 November 2005
CHITUNGWIZA - Balancing a
bucket filled with water on her head, much
like in the old childhood days in
the rural district of Chirumhanzu,
42-year-old mother of four Marian
Kanyonga breaks a sweat - it has been a
hectic morning.
She has
just made her sixth trip to a nearby unprotected well, where
using a rusty
old plate she has to kneel and scoop water into her 25-litre
bucket, a skill
she has now almost perfected into an art.
Kanyonga is not alone,
women and children, buckets and containers in
hand discuss the problems
afflicting them, from water shortages, raw
effluent flowing in the streets,
uncollected garbage to a burgeoning
HIV/AIDS epidemic that is killing at
least 3 000 Zimbabweans every week.
This is not Chirumhanzu, a
dusty rural area, more than 200km south of
Harare. It is Zengeza suburb,
situated in the dormitory town of Chitungwiza,
some 30km south of the
Zimbabwean capital, where water has become an elusive
commodity with some
residents forced to walk several kilometres to buy the
precious liquid for
$1 000 a litre.
Residents live in fear of a serious health
crisis.
Only varying in detail, this same scenario in Zengeza is
easily
replicated in other residential suburbs in the main cities of Harare,
Bulawayo, Mutare, Gweru and even in the small towns of Bindura, Shamva and
Karoi - residents at many different occasions have to go without water
either because there are no water treating chemicals or because water pumps
have broken down.
The water shortages are a poignant reminder
of the degeneration of
urban services in Zimbabwe's cities and towns as the
country grapples a
severe a six-year economic recession that has left local
authorities'
abilities to deliver services severely hamstrung.
"This is now part of our life," said Kanyonga as she makes her way
home,
visibly irritated and exhausted. "Right now my kids have been
complaining of
running stomachs because of this water, it's unhealthy but it
is the only
thing we can get."
Urban councils say falling revenues,
interference and little
government support have impacted on services while
creaking infrastructure,
a growing urban population and effects of
Zimbabwe's worst economic crisis
have added to the woes.
For
example, local authorities say the shortage of water treating
chemicals and
frequent pump breakdowns are because there is no foreign
currency to pay
foreign suppliers of chemicals or spare parts.
Built in then
colonial Rhodesia to cater for a smaller black urban
population, and now
suffering from neglect, Zimbabwe's urban infrastructure
is giving in and
crumbling fast.
Post-independence optimism that gripped the country
in the 1980s has
now been replaced by a widespread feeling that life is
getting harder, a
dangerous political equation for President Robert Mugabe's
government.
Only last week, the country was thrown back into the
dark ages, when
authorities in the town of Shamva started using donkey and
ox-drawn carts to
remove garbage as fuel shortages bite.
In
some low-income suburbs of Harare such Tafara and Mabvuku,
residents have
gone for months without a single drop of water and have had
to rely on
untreated water from shallow streams and wells, raising the
possibility of
outbreaks of diseases such as cholera.
In the gold and nickel
mining town of Bindura, residents have now
resorted to fetching water from
disused mine shafts which is however
dangerous as the water is laced with
cyanide and mercury.
Urban Planners Association of Zimbabwe
chairman Percy Toriro said the
water woes could have been improved if
authorities invested in
infrastructure, most of which was set up during the
colonial days.
"We spent a lot of years without expanding our water
infrastructure
and now we are paying the price," Toriro told ZimOnline. "We
need to
urgently invest in infrastructure if we are to see an end to the
water
problems."
But the government has dithered, especially on
the Matabeleland
Zambezi Water Project (MZWP) which was first mooted in 1924
by the then
colonial regime in a bid to draw water from the mighty Zambezi
river to
supply the dry south-western Matabeleland region including the
second
largest city of Bulawayo.
At independence, Mugabe'
government was handed three major water
projects which the Rhodesia
government had planned for, among them the MZWP
and construction of
Tokwe-Mkosi dam, which have all failed to take off.
But it is not
only shortage of clean drinking water that city
residents have to face, they
must also from time to time grapple with tonnes
of raw sewage flowing from
burst pipes into their homes.
It takes days for city authorities to
repair burst pipes either
because they do not have replacement pipes or fuel
to travel out to repair
the pipes
"The threat of diseases like
cholera is real not only in Harare but in
all cities. Provision of vital
services like water and rubbish collection is
the bedrock of a city," said
an official from the Combined Harare Residents
Association.
Only recently the government launched a controversial demolition of
illegal
housing and vending structures, saying this would also decongest the
city
with the hope of improving services. But residents say the situation
has
only become worse.
Local Government Minister Ignatius Chombo
charges that the
opposition-run Chitungwiza has failed and this week gave it
24-hours to come
up with a turn-around plan, which critics say points to
steps towards
ousting the council and run the town via a commission as has
happened in
Harare.
But for Kanyonga and thousands of other
residents, the squabbles and
tug-of-war between the politicians is remotely
distant and the least of
their worries - they dream of the day water taps
will run again and save
them the daily trip to the well. -
ZimOnline.
Zim Online
Fri 4 November
2005
HARARE - A Zimbabwe government land audit team has recommended
sweeping changes in farm ownership saying only farmers who are able to
submit credible five-year development plans must be given 99-year
leases.
Harare, stung by criticism of falling output on former
white-owned
farms, says the new farm owners must produce five-year
production plans
before being allowed to sign the 99-year lease agreements,
according to a
lease agreement document crafted by the land audit
team.
The audit team was set up under the supervision of Lands,
Resettlement
Minister in the President's Office, Didymus
Mutasa.
Zimbabwe is facing severe food shortages after President
Robert Mugabe
seized white-owned farms and distributed them to blacks. But
the new black
farmers have however failed to maintain production on the
farms which has
seen the country depend on food handouts from
donors.
The Zimbabwean government also says it will carry out
random
inspections on the farms to assess progress on the development plans
and
ensure production is maintained at the correct levels.
According to the document, the government says it will also repossess
under-utilised land without obligation to pay for improvements done on the
farms.
According to the lease document, land holders will be
required to pay
annual rent as well as provide water and decent
accommodation for their
workers. They must also ensure that poaching and
indiscriminate cutting down
of trees do not occur on their
properties.
In a rare admission of failure by government
authorities, deputy
agriculture minister Sylvester Nguni, last week attacked
the new breed of
farmers in Zimbabwe whom he accused of lacking a passion
for farming.
The deputy minister also admitted that the government
had erred during
its allocation of land "which saw people without the
faintest idea of
farming getting vast tracts of land." -
ZimOnline
VOA
Washington
03 November 2005
An uncooperative Harare
government is discouraging the arrival of what
limited donor assistance may
be available, say humanitarian sources, and
competing needs for food aid
across the Southern African region complicate
the outlook for
assistance.
International organizations providing food aid say funding is
insufficient
to feed the nearly 10 million people in the region who are
already going
hungry or may soon be without adequate food supplies and
facing the ravages
of malnutrition.
Something approaching another
$160 million is needed from donors or the
emergency aid will not arrive on
time, according to the United Nations World
Food Program.
Reporter
Patience Rusere of VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe talked with
Johannesburg-based World Vision spokesman Robert Michel about how Harare's
failure to issue a formal appeal for food aid is hurting the country's
chances of getting its fair share.
News24
03/11/2005 21:30 -
(SA)
Harare - An outspoken opposition MP in Zimbabwe has gone to
court to
challenge his suspension by the Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC) leader
Morgan Tsvangirai, say reports.
Job Sikhala claimed that
Tsvangirai breached the party's constitution by
suspending him over false
allegations he made last week that the MDC had
received $2.5m of illegal
foreign funding from Ghana, Nigeria and Taiwan.
Sikhala said: "My
suspension from the party or from carrying (out) my duties
is unceremonious
and illegal in that it breaches or contravenes article 10
of the MDC
constitution."
Donations
He said: "Instead of living up to the
constitution and consulting others and
or reading this superior document, he
simply decided to suspend me."
Sikhala's shock claims sparked a furore
both in and outside Zimbabwe.
Zimbabwe's laws prohibited political parties
from receiving outside
donations.
The member of parliament for the
low-income St Mary's suburb in Chitungwiza
quickly backtracked, arguing that
he was upset by wrangles within his party
that threatened to split it in
two.
However, police announced they would press on with
investigations.
Tsvangirai said Sikhala's false statements had brought
the party into
disrepute and sent him a letter of suspension earlier this
week.
Squabbles
Other top party officials claimed the opposition
leader had not followed
party procedures for suspending members.
The
six-year-old MDC was wracked by squabbles over whether it should take
part
in this month's senate elections.
Tsvangirai was against participation.
He said Zimbabwe's electoral laws
resulted in "illegitimate"
outcomes.
But other senior officials accused him of overruling a majority
vote in
favour of participation by the party's national council last
month.
Business Day
Posted to the web on: 04 November 2005
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
The
Zimbabwean government's decision to reject humanitarian assistance from
the
United Nations (UN) is deplorable.
UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan has
appealed to Harare to allow the UN to
help ease the plight of tens of
thousands of people left homeless by
Operation Murambatsvina (Clean-up
campaign).
This appeal has fallen on deaf ears as President Robert
Mugabe's government
argues that there is no need to provide assistance as
there is no
humanitarian crisis.
What is even more inexplicable is
that our government appears to be turning
a blind eye to Harare's
intransigence and the suffering of Zimbabweans. It
is lamentable that the
broader international community seems to have a far
greater sense of the
urgency required to deal with the crisis unfolding in
Zimbabwe than the
leading power in the region.
SA has an obligation to act to help
ordinary Zimbabweans who continue to
suffer hardship due to Mugabe's
policies.
On a more pragmatic level, it is in SA's self-interest to take
urgent
action. As Zimbabwe continues to go from bad to worse there is every
chance
that many more Zimbabweans will flood into SA in an attempt to flee
the
economic and political meltdown in that country.
This fact was
recently acknowledged by Deputy Foreign Affairs Minister Aziz
Pahad who
admitted that government was concerned with the exodus of
Zimbabweans.
However, his attempt to portray SA as helpless to address the
situation is
disingenuous in the extreme.
There are a number of concrete actions
that government could take, a good
start would be to impress upon Mugabe the
need to accept UN assistance and
to send a clear message that his worst
excesses will not be tolerated. We
simply can no longer afford to bury our
head in the sand. Unless urgent
action is taken there is every chance that
the crisis in Zimbabwe will pass
the point of no return.
Joe
Seremane MP
Democratic Alliance spokesperson on Africa, Parliament
The Herald
By Kudzai
Chawafambira
THE monthly budget for a low-income urban family of six surged
to $11,6
million in October, a 20,9 percent increase from the September
figure of
$9,6 million, the Consumer Council of Zimbabwe has
said.
Major movers such as cooking oil, which went up by 119 percent,
roller meal
45 percent, meat 31 percent, bath soap and transport, among
others,
propelled the basket beyond the reach of thousands of
families.
"The continued rise in prices of basic commodities has
condemned many
families into dire straits, including some who were in the
middle-income
bracket.
"The incessant rise in the price of roller
meal, bread, cooking oil and
sugar among others, is a major worry to
consumers," said the consumer
watchdog.
A 20kg bag of the Grain
Marketing Board's Silo roller meal costs $90 000,
but most supermarkets
stock refined mealie-meal which costs anything between
$115 000 and $160 000
for a 10kg packet.
A standard loaf of bread now costs $29 000 way above
the gazetted price of
$7 500.
The CCZ notes with concern price
disparities of goods and services and warns
consumers against being ripped
off by unscrupulous traders.
Although the economy is drifting towards
free market forces, the huge price
jumps experienced in recent months
continue to boggle consumers and
economists alike.
It is against this
background that the consumer watchdog is urging consumers
to shop around,
critically examine prices displayed and to compare prices
before parting
with their hard-earned money.
The consumer watchdog's low-income urban
monthly basket reflects that many
families are becoming increasingly
vulnerable to poverty and hunger as
shortages of basic commodities continue
unabated and price adjustments occur
almost on a daily basis.
Surveys
for the consumer basket are conducted twice a month while the basket
is
calculated by averaging the prices of goods from retail outlets
throughout
the country.
The CCZ's basket accurately depicts the cost of living in
Zimbabwe and if it
was adopted as the official Poverty Datum Line (PDL),
millions of families
would be classified as living in abject
poverty.
The consumer body recently established an information and
resource centre
that will act as a one-stop shop in providing comprehensive
services and
information on consumer rights.
This would enable
consumers to have a degree of self-protection, as they
will enter the market
with a critical mind.
New Zimbabwe
By Staff
Reporter
Last updated: 11/04/2005 09:37:28
THE Parliament of Zimbabwe on
Thursday resolved to probe the deaths of
Zimbabweans at South Africa's
Lindela Immigration Holding Centre.
The chairman of the Parliamentary
Portfolio Committee on Defence and
Home Affairs, retired colonel Claudious
Makova confirmed that his committee
would soon visit the death trap, but he
could not give an exact date.
Makova, the MP for Bikita West added that
after probe his team would comply
a report to be presented in
Parliament.
According to a damning report by South Africa's Independent
Committee of
Inquiry 28 Zimbabweans out of 43 migrants died in the holding
cells.
When the report came out, South Africa's Home Affairs Minister
Mapisa
Nqakula said: "This report is indeed a damning report and a real
indictment
on our work as a department."
The independent inquiry
committee was headed by Rev. Otto Mbangula, who is a
retired minister of the
Methodist Church. It stumbled on the grim picture
after it was asked to look
at four deaths in detail, including those of two
Zimbabweans.
The
committee did not give a breakdown on the nationalities of the dead, but
it
said nine had died in holding cells while another 411 were hospitalised
during the same period.
The committee also established that Lindela
holding facility was
overcrowded, at times with up to 50 inmates sharing a
single room designed
to hold 30 people, most of the deaths could have been
prevented if the
medical care facility had enough capacity to deal with
cases of people who
are sick and that medical staff were poorly trained to
deal with the health
hazard at the facility.
New Zimbabwe
By Lebo
Nkatazo
Last updated: 11/04/2005 09:41:42
ETHIOPIA's former military
dictator, Mengistu Haile Mariam, has abandoned
his Harare home in the plush
suburb of Gunhill and is now living in Kariba,
near the Zambian
border.
Mengistu -- wanted for war crimes in Ethiopia -- lives in
Zimbabwe as a
guest of President Robert Mugabe.
Intelligence sources
said Thursday that Mengistu left Harare sometime in
July and has not set
foot at his Highlands home.
It was not clear whether the man who once
ruled Ethiopia with an iron fist
had decided to live in Kariba
permanently.
"Mengistu left Harare some time in July. He is living at a
private residence
in Kariba. The move is a security measure. Once in a while
he visits Harare
as he has acquired a stake in a local wholesale company
which is based in
the capital," said the source.
A former colonel in
the army, Mengistu fled to Zimbabwe in 1991 following
his ouster by rebel
forces in a country he ruled with an iron fist after the
1974 assassination
of emperor Haile Sellassie.
Thousands of people were murdered during his
rule commonly referred to as
the "Red Terror".
In 1995, he survived
an attempt on his life .His would be assassin, an
Ethiopian, was shot and
wounded by Mengistu's bodyguards and the police
protection unit.
At
the time, the Ethiopian government denied any involvement in
the
assassination attempt.
New Zimbabwe
CHIDO MAKUNIKE: WORD ON THE STREET
Last updated: 11/04/2005
09:51:13
ONE of the great benefits of travel is the sense of
perspective it
gives a person on his previous life and situation. When one
is in a
particular situation, they sometimes get so bogged down in the
minute
details of getting through it that they can lose that sense of
perspective.
On the other hand another benefit is to more keenly
realise the good
things about the previous life/position. It is difficult to
do this until
you have had an opportunity to step outside it for a
while.
These are the thoughts that pre-occupy me a little less than
two
months after leaving Zimbabwe, the longest time I have been away from
home
in almost thirteen years. Apart from just being removed from my routine
of
so long, I have also been privileged to be regularly on the move during
these last several weeks, which forces one to reflect even more on the great
and sudden contrasts one experiences.
Robert Mugabe's regime
looks every bit as incompetent and ridiculous
from central or southern
Europe as it does from Harare. This may seem too
obvious to need mentioning,
but whenever I have run into fellow Africans or
other black people I have
been eager to see whether the relative alienation
of being "a stranger" in
Europe would help explain Mugabe's one-time appeal
to a lot of blacks in the
diaspora. I have seen no evidence of it. There are
many who for racial or
ideological reasons would have liked to have a strong
African or black
leader to champion the "black cause" if there is any such
unified thing any
longer. But Mugabe's excesses;his numerous and now
undeniable failures no
longer make it possible for them to hold him up as
any kind of positive
model.
Mugabe's recent rantings at the FAO in Rome did not get
anywhere near
the kind of world notice that the Zimbabwean state media would
have us
think. But those who did hear the gist of what he said simply shook
their
heads as if to say "oh, Mugabe, there he goes again; what can you
expect
from that madman and what publicity stunt will he come up next?" This
kind
of dismissive, off-hand reaction is almost more humiliating than an
attack
based on facts and figures.
But then again, when the
ruler of a hungry, dysfunctional country goes
out of his way to make a fool
of himself in the way Mugabe does, it is quite
appropriate for a wise man to
say "don't bother arguing with a fool, people
might not notice the
difference between the two of you!"
Economic integration is an
important subtext of the great changes that
are taking place in Europe at
the moment. Even in relatively prosperous
societies where there are concerns
about joblessness (panics over figures of
10% unemployment versus Zimbabwe's
70%+ for example!) there is a an
acceptance that global competition is a big
reason for slower growth and
that any hopes of reducing this problem can
only happen with Europe acting
in concert economically. So while there may
be linguistic, cultural and
other tensions between the nations of Europe,
with the exception of Britain
there is also a fairly widespread acceptance
of the benefits of at least
economic cohesion.
Contrast that to
the super-nationalism of the worlds's weakest
economic entities -- Zimbabwe
sadly being an example of a country that has
dragged itself deeper into the
doldrums of economic marginalisation.
Graphically and closely
seeing how economies that were until recently
mighty and unchallengeable
scramble to find ways to fend off the many
advantages of dynamic upstarts
like the emerging powers of Asia makes
Mugabe's pitiful, pissing-in-the wind
cries of "sovereignty" seem so
relevant, and on many different
levels.
The "sovereignty" that he thunders about is based on
artificial,
arbitrary national boundaries imposed on Africa by Western
nations. How odd
then that it is the African "liberators" who would then
hold so tightly to
those boundaries! But even if we accept that the
importance of those imposed
boundaries is an unavoidable, important stage of
re-asserting our rejection
of being ruled/controlled by Westerners, the fact
of the matter is still
that we do that at the cost of Africa continuing to
be fragmented and
powerless internationally. So Mugabe's version of
"sovereignty" looks more
like a defence of a personal political fiefdom to
rule over than the more
useful idea of a viable geographic/economic or even
military or political
entity. Simply put, the old, overstayed dinasaur at
the helm of Zimbabwe
still screams "sovereignty" at a time much more
powerful nations are
scrambling to develop synergies to survive the
globalisation that is staring
us in the face, whether we like it or not. The
debate has moved from "is it
a desirable thing?" to "how can we manouvre
within its reality to our best
advantage against other nations/economic
blocks?"
But don't tell that to Mugabe and his propagandist
Tafataona Mahoso,
their heads have been stuck so long in the sand they don't
know that's where
the world is at now in its thinking!
We still
have state propagandists telling us the evils of
globalisation when many
others in the world far better equipped than us to
deal with it are busy
figuring out how to maximise the benefits and minimise
the ill-effects of
this phenomenon that no nation on earth any longer has
the choice to avoid
or sidestep.
George Charamba and Tafataona Mahoso are Mugabe
propagandists with
whom I am fascinated because of how they are so out of
touch with the
realities of the age in which we are living, and how to
strategize to do so
to one's advantage. This is how "national interest"
makes the most sense
today.
It is one thing to try to spin
information in the favour of a
particular point of view, which these two
valiantly but unsuccessfully do.
But to have just been outside the
straitjacket of a controlled information
environment like Zimbabwe's makes
it so abundantly clear that these boys are
trying to cork the bottle long
after the genie has escaped. The porosity of
information is such that you
simply cannot stop it seeping in everywhere by
closing newspapers for
instance.
It is to live in a fools paradise to think "the Herald
has a
circulation of X thousand" and the other papers have a circulation of
X
minus Y thousand so we are on top of the game." The hunger for the truth
is
so strong that people seek it out in ways that can simply not be
reflected
by the simplistic circulation figures Mugabe propagandists may
feel so smug
about, after working so tirelessly to kill or prevent
competition.
One would also be amazed at the reach, depth and power
of ostensibly
small-circulation papers in Zimbabwe and international Zim-web
sites.The
power of an idea whose time has come is so obvious in a relatively
free
society, even if we all know that simple truth intellectually. But from
my
new vantage point the pathetic efforts of the Zimbabwean authorities to
ward
off the ultimately inevitable seem laughable and just plain
stupid.
I have been intrigued about how I have seen no sense in
Europe of
"kith and kin" sympathy for Zimbabwe's white farmers in the
admittedly
limited circles in which I travel and ask questions. The
world-wide
opposition to Mugabe is because his regime stinks so much that it
is not
even possible for any who would like to defend him to say "ah, he
ruined his
economy but he was really, genuinely trying to improve the lot of
the
people."
I am also struck by how there is a sharp, fairly
definable contrast
between the general expressions of black and white
Zimbabweans at what is
going on in their homeland. The anguish at the
destruction of a beloved
country is shared, but I seem to perceive in the
websites and articles of
some white Zimbabweans a surprising pining for the
era of privilege, over
and above the lamenting of what Zimbabwe has been
reduced to by Mugabe. As I
read the outpourings of many ex-Rhodies, as
opposed to the tiny remnant of
progressive Zimbabwean whites, I sometimes
find myself having no problem
agreeing with the facts of their lament at the
neutral,objectionable indices
of Zimbabwe's troubles.
But I
often also find myself fascinated at how out of step their
conclusions of
what must be done are with possible reality, whether now or
in the
post-Mugabe era. The society has moved on in many ways that they
simply
haven't kept up with , or in some cases even noticed. Many seem to be
pining
for a time that will never come again, no matter who is ruling over
Zimbabwe.More on this later.
Zimbabwe is a sexy international
story not only because of the drama
and suddenness of its decline, but its
many symbolisms for different groups
all over the world. For some Rhodies,
the state of Zimbabwe today is a way
of saying "world, we told you that we
were raping, dispossessing and
murdering the natives for their own damn
good." One can quite clearly pick
this sentiment up in a lot of their
dispatches.
But it is also interesting how a lot of Western
journalists who
consider themselves enlightened and outside the racist
paradigm go to
Zimbabwe and either talk to their country-men or have to talk
to white
Zimbabweans to feel that their reports to their home bases have
"weight."
So often an obscure European or other Western aid worker,
economist or
diplomat is the prism through which we are told the unfolding
story of
Zimbabwe, as if the natives cannot speak or draw conclusions for
themselves
about their own situation! Perhaps the natives are not too
objective or
sufficiently analytical, their thinking must be corroborated by
a white
point of view in order to be valid! More later!
I
accept that economic reasons have spurred migration as much as or
even more
than political reasons throughout the ages. So we all know of
people who are
claiming political persecution in Zimbabwe to remain in
various Western
countries when they never gave a damn about politics. This
is neither new
nor unique to Zimbabwe or Africa.
But I find myself being appalled
at the many opportunists who besmirch
the struggles of thousands of
Zimbabweans by claiming to be politically
persecuted when they are nothing
of the sort. This is a kind of sacrilege of
the anti-Mugabe struggle that a
disturbing number of Zimbabweans abroad are
involved in. By all means, go
ahead and look for innovative ways to get your
"papers" but don't desecrate
the sacrifices of the many Zimbabweans who have
really made contributions to
a better Zimbabwe, at the risk of their
livelihoods or very lives, by
claiming to be one of them when you are an
economic refugee! What's the
matter, are you ashamed to openly say you just
wanted a better material
standard of living? If you regard being involved in
the anti-Mugabe struggle
as a more noble base from which to claim asylum,
why then aren't thou really
contributing to that struggle in one way or
another from wherever thou art,
o thou hypocrite?!
One of the hardest things to get used to in
wandering through
relatively normal societies is the realisation of how much
energy we must
expend in Zimbabwe just doing very ordinary things. To run a
business in
Zimbabwe even half-way successfully at the moment takes
super-human effort
on even mundane things like just getting enough fuel to
keep one's vehicle
fleet going.
It is startling to come from
this environment and to once again
experience life in societies where one
has the time and peace of mind to
take a deep breath, to reflect, to plan
for the future with a certain degree
of confidence that many important
variables to one's success are under
control.
The average
Zimbabwean businessperson eking out a living under the
hostile, harsh
environment created by the ruinous Mr. Mugabe would make it
virtually
anywhere in the normal world! Sometimes we speak of the Zimbabwean
resilience disparagingly, but it is more apparent to me than ever before
that when Mugabe and all he represents are finally defeated, Zimbabwe will
rise again!
Finally, there is no way to minimise the great
suffering that Mugabe's
rule has wrought on Zimbabweans. The main measure of
our decline is how
poorly we are doing today compared to how we were doing
before and to how we
could be doing; never mind how much "better off" we may
still be compared to
many other countries. It is like trying to console an
unemployed German or
French citizen to not get too uptight about his
situation because "after
all, the overall standard of living in your country
is better off than that
mess of a country Zimbabwe!"
Comparing
apples to oranges in this way does not help at all. That
having been said, I
marvel at how little the reality of economic prosperity
corresponds to a
sense of well-being an individual, community or nation
have.
Being in wealthy, prosperous, peaceful Europe for these last few weeks
and a
few more has reminded me of that. Despite the misery wrought on the
country
by Mugabe and his gang, Zimbabwe has a spirit and a reservoir of
serenity I
could not possibly explain to a European in the context of the
political
upheavals taking place there. Economic prosperity and material
peace-of-mind
can certainly contribute significantly to this quality, but
they can neither
create nor compensate for it.
This is a meandering way of saying
that we have many precious things
to fight for in Zimbabwe beyond what may
be obvious by the standards of how
we measure life in the world today. Let
none of us ever get too cynical,
complacent, comfortable or afraid to ever
lose sight of that or give up the
struggle to reclaim our homeland from the
bandits who hold it hostage today.
Chido Makunike is a social
commentator and a New Zimbabwe.com
columnist
By Marc Lacey The New York
Times
THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 3, 2005
KAKAPEL,
Kenya There are two markedly different manmade etchings on a
rock face here,
and it is hard to decide which is the more jaw-dropping.
One,
dating back thousands of years and featuring the outline of an
elephant, is
a sign that this hilltop in western Kenya was a special
gathering place for
early Africans. The other, no more than a few years old,
featuring the names
"DENNIS" and "PATRICK," is a sign that Africa's rock art
is under
threat.
Whoever carved those names seems to have disregarded the
site's status
as a cultural treasure. Authorities responded to the
defacement by erecting
warning signs and metal fencing around the rock face
and declaring it a
monument. But that has not stopped numerous copycats from
slipping under the
bars and scrawling their names into
posterity.
Rock art has been discovered - and defaced - the world
over. In the
United States, a man was arrested in Utah last year for writing
"I love you,
Wendy" on a sandstone wall bearing ancient American Indian
drawings. In
another case, three stolen pieces of Indian rock art were
recovered in 2003
from the front yard of a Nevada home, after being taken
there in violation
of the federal Archaeological Resources Protection
Act.
But in Africa, there is a lack of oversight at many of the
rock art
sites, leading experts to offer a grim prognosis for their future.
"It's
very endangered," said David Coulson, the founder and chairman of the
Trust
for African Rock Art, a preservation group that sponsored a conference
on
the problem in Nairobi last fall. "Populations are rising so fast, and
sites
that were in wild, uninhabited areas have development growing around
them.
So you have graffiti, the single biggest threat."
Experts
have long traced or photographed rock art images so they will
at least be
remembered once they are gone. The rock art trust has built a
digital
photographic archive of many of the fast-fading images, said
Coulson, a
photographer who has documented rock art in more than 20 African
nations.
And lasers are being used to record rock engravings in three
dimensions. The
trust will sponsor an expedition early next year to record
the "Fighting
Cats" in southern Libya, a spectacular site that has existed
for thousands
of years but is in danger of crumbling into the surrounding
sand.
Efforts are also under way to educate people who live
among the
ancient art about the value of the sites. Last year, the trust
organized a
well-received exhibition of rock art at the Nairobi National
Museum that ran
from November to February. The display, featuring
photographs of rock art
from throughout Africa and a simulated rock shelter,
later traveled to Dar
es Salaam, Tanzania, and went on view Sept. 15 for a
three-month run at the
Uganda Museum in Kampala.
Most rock art,
however, is seen in the field. The rock art sites
across Africa may number
in the hundreds of thousands, experts say; their
paintings and engravings,
some 10,000 years old and perhaps much older, are
spread over vast areas,
often in inhospitable terrain.
The most striking sites in the
Sahara and in southern Africa, once
known only to locals, are now being
discovered by outsiders. For example,
getting to a little-known site in
Kenya, a place not normally associated
with rock art, requires a boat trip
to Mfangano Island, one of the tiny
isles in sprawling Lake Victoria. A long
hike up a rocky hillside eventually
leads to a cornfield. Beyond that is
some rocky terrain; off to the left,
behind a makeshift gate put up by
locals to protect the art, is a hidden
shelf of rock bearing odd, circular
symbols.
"If this goes, it means our culture is gone," said Jack
Obonyo,
director of the island's museum. "We would lose our identity. I
would still
be Jack, but I am also an Abasuba, a descendant of my ancestors
who painted
this." Obonyo spins a colorful tale of what Mfangano Island
residents
believe the concentric circles, spirals and sunbursts
mean.
He recounts a long-ago battle between the Abasuba people and
rivals
from another island. As the rival Wasaki moved in, the Abasuba women
stood
at the hilltop rock shelter at Kwitone dressed as men, frightening
away the
advancing warriors. The symbols were painted in
celebration.
Unlike the rock art buried deep in caves in southern
Europe, African
art was painted and etched on rock faces far more exposed to
the elements -
and the public. Looting of the treasures also seems more
commonplace. Early
explorers of Africa chipped away the rock paintings and
carted them off to
museums.
Such looting still occurs, carried
out by private collectors and their
middlemen. Niger has dispatched guards
on camels to patrol its far-flung
desert sites, but the area is so vast that
they cannot possibly keep a close
eye on the art. Morocco is another nation
where vandalism has been fierce.
"The most barbaric thing we've
ever seen was in Morocco, where
thousands and thousands of 5,000-year-old
engravings are bashed and broken
off and taken out of the country," Coulson
said. "It's an organized trade."
He said he had heard of galleries
in London and New York selling
illegal rock art at astronomical prices, with
a small piece fetching $10,000
or more.
"For us, these sites
have a spiritual, almost religious feel to them,"
Coulson said. "It's almost
sacrilege to deface them."
The African rock sites often still play
a role in local communities.
Experts have found food offerings outside
painted sites in Zimbabwe, for
instance, and learned of church services and
traditional circumcision
ceremonies at sites in Kenya and
Tanzania.
Of course, even those who no longer believe in the
spiritual powers of
the images may treasure them.
"I don't
worship the pictures like my ancestors did, but I give them
respect," said
Obonyo, admiring the rock symbols on Mfangano Island at close
range one
recent day. "It makes me proud of who I am."
THE
SENATE ISSUE WAS THE STRAW THAT FINALLY BROKE THE CAMEL’S
BACK
The
For some time now the party
president has consistently failed to uphold these values and principles.
Members of his inner circle, and
staff in his office, have been actively involved in paying and mobilising youth to perpetrate violent acts against other
party members.
In July of this year the party
suspended a gang of youths, closely associated with Tsvangirai, after senior party officials and members of
staff at the party HQ in
A party is in a sorry state when
technical staff are forced to work from home due to the
fear of being violently attacked if they go into the office.
In addition to his close association
with incidents of violence and intimidation, Tsvangirai’s willingness to ignore agreed procedures and
processes for decision-making, and act unilaterally, has further fueled
divisions within the
The simmering tensions provoked by
Tsvangirai acting outside of the
The
Not only is Tsvangirai in flagrant breach of a constitution that he
helped to formulate, he also stands accused of helping to construct a renewed
web of violence and intimidation against party members, which is scarring our
image as a party that protects and promotes human rights.
He has lifted the suspension of
those found guilty of violence back in July, he has been silent when candidates
for the Senate elections have been either attacked, had their homes attacked, or
been subjected to gross intimidation by his supporters; and he has been silent
when supporters and senior party officials aligned to him have publicly
threatened other party leaders deemed to be pro the Senate elections. Moreover, he stands accused of bribing the
grassroots and party officials to support his point of view on the Senate
elections.
These are not the actions of a
democrat; they are the actions of a dictator-in-the making.
In yet another move to usurp and
violate the constitution of the party, Tsvangirai has
called a meeting of the National Council for this Saturday (5 November). He does
not have the powers to unilaterally convene such a meeting. Having spent the
past three weeks attempting to bribe and coerce members of the National Council,
Tsvangirai now hopes to ‘persuade’ the National
Council to reverse its decision on the Senate elections.
If this illegal meeting takes place,
the
We urge all members of the National
Council, who seek to uphold and defend the
Gift
Chimanikire,
Notes
To Editors:
By
his actions the president has willfully violated a number of sections of the
constitution (see table below)
4.4
Every member shall have the duty:
(a) To
accept and conform to the constitution…
6.1.1
It shall be the duty of the president
(a) To
uphold and defend the Party Constitution;
…
(d) To
promote the principles of democratic discourse and participation and equality of
all members within the party; … 6.1.2 The president; shall in general act as a
spokesperson on major policy issues and shall be the principal public
representative of the party, provided that nothing in this section shall be
construed as empowering the president to act or do anything contrary to the
party’s principle of open, transparent and democratic decision
making.
Codes
of Conduct
9.1 All
office bearers shall comply with the Code of Conduct for all Office Bearers of
the party.
Code of
Conduct for all Office Bearers of the Party
2. Such
members shall conduct themselves with the highest standards of personal
integrity and honour and shall not involve themselves
in dishonorable conduct.
Chronology
of Events (in brief)
15
August – Following the passing of the
Constitution Amendment Bill (No17) by parliament the NEC meets to deliberate on
the issue of participation in the Senate elections. It is agreed that all
provinces will consult their structures, canvass views, and submit reports to
the National Council which would ultimately decide on whether to
participate
September
– consultation rallies held around the
country
3
October - Morgan Tsvangirai, in an interview with Violet Gonda of SW Radio Africa said there was no division between
himself and Prof Ncube over the Senate issue and that they addressed rallies
together the previous weekend. “Prof Ncube was with me in Marondera and he explained to people that there is a window
through which people should go and consult and that the National Council would
meet to decide”.
Tsvangirai added that, “..we are allowing public
debate and consultation over this issue [senate elections]. Tsvangirai also informed Gonda
that the
6
October -
8
October - Reuters carried the following
news story: “
12
October –
13
October – Tsvangirai writes
to all party provincial chairpersons instructing them to ignore a letter written
by the party’s deputy secretary general instructing provinces to start selecting
candidates for the forthcoming senate
elections.
14
October – Tsvangirai writes to
the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission misrepresenting the party by saying that it
had resolved not to participate in the Senate elections and calling upon the
Commission to register as independents anyone from the party purporting to stand
in the name of the party.
17,18,19 October –
20
October – President Mbeki twice invites Tsvangirai to a meeting in
27
October – 5
28
October – First meet of
29
October – At a rally in Harare Tsvangirai did nothing to stop supporters singing songs that
threatened violence against the ‘pro-senate’ group (‘some of us are sliding on
razor blades’ and ‘traitor dig a hole’).
31
October – The mediation efforts of Professor
Raftopolous break down. Despite having no powers, in
terms of the