The ZIMBABWE Situation Our thoughts and prayers are with Zimbabwe
- may peace, truth and justice prevail.

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This is a must-read personal account written by Tertia Geldenhuys, a Chinhoyi farmer's wife, about their harrowing personal experience in August this year when war vets and ZANU PF supporters went on a looting frenzy following the arrest of 21 Chinhoyi men. 


FLEEING FOR OUR LIVES: TWO TREE HILL FARM, ZIMBABWE - 2001

My husband, Charl Geldenhuys – a true Zimbabwean in all aspects of life, worked as a farm manager for Mr. Les de Jager on Two Tree Hill Farm, in the district of Makonde in Chinhoyi, Zimbabwe, for nearly five years, before I met him in South Africa. After our marriage we lived and worked for a couple of years in South Africa. Charl wanted me to see Two Tree Hill Farm one holiday, and I immediately fell in love with it. In 1992, Charl got his old job back with Les, we moved to Two Tree and I, a city-girl, became a farmer’s wife.

This farm was paradise. Apart from growing crops, like maize, Soya beans, winter wheat, tobacco and Hypericum flowers, there was also a lot of game on the farm. We had six hand reared baby elephant, we bottle fed six giraffe, eland and zebra were relocated from drought areas, we also had herds of kudu, tsessebe, sable, reedbuck and impala. In addition we had over 260 recorded species of birds. The farm has a huge beautiful dam, renowned for its bass and bream, yielding two all Africa records. Instead of shopping in beautiful arcades, seeing the latest movie, going to the theater, my highlights became completely different. I now was riding the tame elephant, going out onto the dam with a boat or with the canoe, fishing for bass or bream, putting live earthworms on as bait (myself!) and watching game on horseback. To still be in touch with the other side of life, I accepted a lectureship at the University of Zimbabwe in the Department of Modern Languages.

Charl did not allow anyone to shoot on the farm, not even birds. All life was regarded as very precious. We had a very tame eland, which we named Em. Em was in love with my husband, and I think Charl was a little bit in love with her too. Every time he passed Em, whether it was on his motorbike or with the pick-up, he had to stop to greet her. She would put her head on his shoulders and he had to rub her forehead. Whenever I was with Charl, she would push me aside, looking me straight in the eyes as if she wanted to say this was her special boyfriend and this was her time with him now.

Early in 2000 we sat down together one Sunday night at 8 o’ clock, to watch the ZBC news. We both could not believe our eyes and ears as we witnessed the first farm invasion by war veterans in the district of Beatrice, south of Harare.

Coming from South Africa, I had always commented on the good racial relationships people in Zimbabwe had. I told all my ex-colleagues from universities in South Africa that the students and lecturers at the University of Zimbabwe were the best I had ever had. Watching this news, I realized this would have far reaching results. All of a sudden, overnight, our carefree, peaceful existence on a farm in Africa was something of the past.

On the 26th March 2000 we had our first encounter with the war veterans, invading our farm and lives. About a hundred of them surrounded the house early one morning, barricading us into the house. They wanted Charl. My daughter, Resje, then 11 years old, could not get to school. She had to watch the gates and the fence, to observe if they should get violent. I was pregnant at that stage with our second child, a very late pregnancy for me, but planned. All three of us were over the moon with the pregnancy. I kept telling myself to remain calm, prayed and waited anxiously for the police to resolve this invasion.

When the police arrived in the afternoon, they produced a search warrant. Somebody alleged that we had an armory in the house and nine officials (some from Chinhoyi police station, some from the President’s Office and some CIO) searched our house. Room after room they searched. Charl and I had to stand in front of them while they searched. They opened all our cupboards and drawers, looked behind paintings and underneath carpets for hidden cellars. They opened every bag, every suitcase, and every closed container in the house. They went through my daughter’s underclothes, then through mine. They pushed my sanitary towels away to see what was under them. They checked every firearm’s license, then counted the ammunition one by one. Having had nothing to do with police before in my life, I found this invasion of our privacy very humiliating. Charl was ashen. He couldn’t get a word out. Then I suddenly thought of the possibility that somebody could have framed us and maybe hidden some firearms in the house or somewhere in the outside buildings. I could sense that was Charl’s concern too. I was trying to think how would we ever be able to convince everybody that we were innocent. In the light of the present political situation, I knew this would be a triumph for them. But God was good to us. They found nothing. They had to leave the farm without arresting us. Only then could we turn to Resje. She kept thinking they were going to march us out of the farm and out of her life, and was trying to make plans where she could hide and how she could let somebody know that she was still alive and still in the house.

The second invasion took place a few months later, on a Saturday. Once again, in Resje’s presence. She had to watch the gates while we were trying to get help on the farmer’s internal radio network. Once again the police came out later in the day and eventually resolved the matter.

It was my school lift-run duty by the third invasion. Charl was alone on the farm. Each time the war vets became more and more aggressive. By now they realized they had more and more power and the farmers could not do anything. There was a complete breakdown of law and order and we could not trust the police anymore. This time they tried to axe my husband, but he managed to outwit them.

On the 6th August 2001 a farmer in our community asked for assistance from his neighbors as war vets were trying to enter his house. His neighbors responded. Charl was attending a security meeting and could not go. When they arrived, the war vets stoned and beat them. The farmers, after months of restraint, reacted. By the time the police arrived, the war vets were gone. The police asked the farmers to go to the police station in Chinhoyi to file their reports. Once they were inside the police station they were arrested. Others who went to the police station later that afternoon to find out what had happened were arrested too. A total of 21 white men were arrested. After they had spent 16 days in jail an unrealistically high bail was granted to them, but they were not allowed to return to their farms or the province for four weeks.

On Tuesday, the 7th August, black men beat up dozens of white women and elderly white men in Chinhoyi. It was as if a racial war had started in Chinhoyi town. Each time they asked the same question: "Are you a farmer’s wife?" Without waiting for an answer, they tripped and beat up the women. White people were warned on the Community Radio Network not to come to or proceed through Chinhoyi.

On Thursday morning, the 9th August at 5,50 a.m., one of Charl’s drivers came roaring into the workshop on a tractor, shouting loudly. I immediately knew this was something more serious than before. I shouted at Resje to put on her running shoes. I immediately got dressed and put on some running shoes too. I thought if we had to run for our lives today, at least we should have some good shoes on. The baby, Charl-Emil, started crying and for the rest of the day I could not put him down for a moment. He instinctively knew something was not right, and he refused to sleep. About 10 war vets shouted at Charl to come out. He went out to the gate, which was locked, and I heard them shouting: " We want you out. We want you out here! We want to see your blood flow! Come out! Come out here!" I started praying because I knew that it was only God who could save us now.

Charl tried to pacify them with no success and came back into the house. We locked all the doors and then Resje had (once again) the task to watch three gates and the fence. Charl immediately contacted our security firm and the police. It was 6 a.m. The war vets had chopped a jacaranda tree down across the only access road so as to prevent us from leaving the farm in our cars. We called for help on the radio, but because of what happened the Monday with the 21 men, we were afraid that this was yet another planned trap to get more white men arrested. A couple of farmers arrived, but they remained at the tar road, 10 kilometers from the house. I started phoning our pastor, friends and family to pray for us. I realized that this was some evil force controlling the people, and that God alone could save us.

The war vets started looting our workshop and sheds, which were 100 meters from our house. For nine hours I watched young and old men and women and their children (as young as 10 years old), carrying 50 kg. bags of fertilizer on their shoulders, loading it onto our trailers and carting it off with our nine tractors and trailers. They stayed away about 25 minutes, offloading it somewhere and then returned with more and more people. Coming back to loot some more, they were getting drunker, shouting triumphantly, becoming more aggressive and wild. .

We were due to leave for our annual holiday on Saturday, the 11th August. Charl then told me to start packing for the holiday. He thought if we did get a chance to get off the farm, we should go on our holiday two days earlier. I did that under much pressure. Resje saw one man with mad eyes trying to climb the fence. She was convinced he was going to kill her father and mother. Then, she thought, she would be alone in the house with the baby. Every now and then she started sobbing and screaming uncontrollably. I then had to go and shake her to try and calm her. Charl-Emil was getting heavier and heavier. My back wanted to break. My responsibilities were communications – the radio and telephone. Charl was in a desperate state. He kept running through the house with a gun in each hand, studying their movements. Twelve-year-old Resje could not move. Charl relied on her to keep him informed what the war vets were doing at the gates and potential areas of penetration in the security fence.

Whenever we go on holiday our Cook cares for the dogs. I was concerned about how we could leave without the Cook’s having the keys to access the fridge for dog food. We had 2 big Boerboel dogs, 3 Australian Cattle Dogs and 8 puppies. It was impossible to put them in the car too. I then suggested to Charl to go out and shoot all the dogs. He kept saying he could not do that in Resje’s presence. Resje had been hysterical so many times by then that I thought she would have to get over this one too. Eventually Charl shouted at me asking me what I thought the war vets would do if he started firing shots. That brought some reality to me. But then I thought maybe it would be better for our dogs if we slit their throats than leave them at the mercy of rampaging looters. Charl was horrified by this suggestion. Then I thought, I would have to do it. I’d get a knife and go out and slit the throats of all 13 dogs. I waited for the opportune moment.

At 11 o’ clock one guy came right up to the gate and shot at one of our dogs with a catapult. I saw that and wondered what was going on.

In the meantime, we kept phoning the police to find out where they were. We told them things were getting out of hand and we needed help urgently. They kept saying they were on their way. The police station is about 50 kilometers from the farm – 25 minutes traveling time!

At 12 o’ clock the same man with the catapult and another man came right up to the gate. This time he had an axe in his hand instead of the catapult. With one quick movement he axed the lock and the gate flung wide open. Our Boerboel dog, the one which had been shot at earlier, challenged the intruders. The man discarded the axe, drew out a pistol and gave her one shot. She fell dead instantly. Resje and I both screamed at the top of our voices that the gate was open and that they had killed our dog. Charl unlocked the back door and ran out to face about 70 war vets. He shouted at the top of his voice: "Get away from here! Get away! Get away from this gate! Get away!!" I ran to the door, and shouted at Charl to come back into the house immediately. As he turned to come back, the same man fired a shot at him, missing him. I thought 70 war vets were going to rush in and kill us all.

I called Resje and explained to her that the reason why we live is to die one day, and that day was today and in a short while we would all be together in heaven with God. Nothing and no one can take us away from God.

The gate remained wide open for the next three hours, the dog lying dead in her own blood, 70 war vets walking up and down right next to the gate. Yet, nobody even attempted to set a foot into the garden. I am convinced an angel of the Living God prevented them.

Charl took me aside and told me to start packing what was important to me, because he anticipated that they would start looting the house next.

Packing for the holiday already took my last bit of sanity. It was an impossible task to pack what was important to me. I opened Resje’s cupboard. All of a sudden I could not choose a dress that was more important than the other. Everything in that cupboard was important to me and yet, nothing was important. The only important thing in this world, at that stage, was for all four of us to get off the farm alive. I left all the suitcases on the floor, empty. I could not do it. It was mad to think of packing some goods, while 70 war vets could storm the house to kill us at any moment. On top of that, I had a crying baby, a hysterical daughter, a shouting husband, a ringing telephone and a calling radio.

In any case how do you pack up your life of 46 years in a suitcase?

At 3pm, 9 hours later, the police arrived. Not alone. Minister Chombo, Mr. Philip Chiyangwa, a Member of Parliament, and Governor Chanetsa accompanied them. With them were a couple of journalists with clicking cameras and ZBC with their video cameras. I was immensely relieved. I thought that at last ZBC could show the world what really happened here today. I ran out of the house with Charl and Charl-Emil on my hip. Charl asked Resje to stay behind to man the radio.

Minister Chombo took a seat on a heap of looted fertilizer bags and prepared himself to look good on camera. He told us to sit down, but there were only looted fertilizer bags and neither Charl nor I wanted to touch it. Mr. Chombo’s first sentence highlighted the harsh reality of a sick Zimbabwe. He pointed at Charl and accused him of being responsible of what had happened here today. I could not believe my ears. His next accusation sent shivers down my spine: "So, you shot at this innocent man here, missed him, and killed your own dog today". I immediately recalled the man with the catapult at 11 o’ clock, and realized all this was planned. This was an orchestrated, planned and rehearsed devilish scheme to scare us off the farm.

Charl and I were not given an opportunity to defend ourselves, or to talk. The journalists and interviewers were obviously told not to ask us any questions or to have any contact with us. We both stood there, shaking our heads. His next set of accusations shattered all my hopes for a politically stable country. He accused Charl of burning the war vets’ houses and grass and of chasing their cattle into his own paddock. Charl was not given opportunity to deny these false allegations. He then told Charl that the government of Zimbabwe had placed the war vets on our farms, they were there legitimately, and if Charl had a problem with them, he should go to the government or to him personally, and not take it out on these law-abiding citizens. I thought I was going to wake up from a terrible nightmare. I kept thinking, ‘Charl is a Zimbabwean citizen. The government of a country and most definitely the police of a country are supposed to protect their citizens, not falsely accuse them. Why are they not helping Charl? Why are they against their own citizens? We love this country. Charl works so hard on this farm to produce food for the people. Why do they not appreciate him?"

They kept trying to aggravate Charl. I kept praying for Charl to remain calm. When minister Chombo eventually stood up to go, I had the feeling that they were very disappointed in our behavior. They wanted to create a scene, and had all the cameras there to film our response. They did not expect Charl to remain that calm. As they left, the minister turned around and said they wouldl leave us two policemen to protect us from any harm. His final words were: "See, how good we are to you". Two minutes after they left, the policemen said they had to confiscate all Charl’s weapons. It took them a very long time to collect all the weapons and check all the licenses. They left with all the weapons to return immediately, saying that the minister instructed them to remove all the ammunition too. With that they departed, leaving us all alone, disarmed, with hordes of criminals and war vets lurking in the surrounding bush. It was 4 o’ clock.

I called on the farmers on the tar road to come and help us to remove the tree and get us off the farm. Two farmers were with us within 5 minutes, while a third was standing watch at the tar road.

I thought now was the time for me to re-think packing my important things in, however we realized that the war vets were regrouping for further aggression. We threw our holiday suitcases in the car, locked the door, and gave instructions to the foreman and the cook, who had miraculously appeared after our interview with the minister. It took us 15 minutes to pack and load.

I ran up the stairs leading to the garage and thought that in a million years I would never ever have thought that I would one day have to flee for my life.

We drove off the farm with our two vehicles, our holiday clothes for two weeks and a farm pick-up with a motorbike on.

We spent the night in Chinhoyi and left on Friday morning for South Africa. On Saturday we heard that they not only looted the house, but also trashed and completely destroyed it. Not a single piece of furniture was left in the house. The piano was chopped into pieces. All our books were put in the centre of the one room and were burnt. They removed not only the windows but the frames as well. Doors were cut out of their frames with axes. They removed the roof completely. They demolished the toilets and basins.

Every cent that Charl and I ever earned went into the house, the books, clothes, paintings, shoes, CD’s, sports equipment, furniture, bedding, curtains, kitchenware and everything else. All of this was taken from us in one day, by a horde of criminals, supported by the police, and instigated by members of the government of Zimbabwe.

I keep wondering why I did not think of my Master’s thesis, why not of all our photographs, our birth certificates, our wedding pictures, our degrees and diplomas, our Bibles, my jewellery, my diary, the record of our daughter’s 66 operations with photo albums showing her progress. I remember then how I had walked through the house for nine hours, praying out loud: "Jesus, help us! Jesus, save our lives! God, have mercy on us! Jesus, stop them from stealing further! Oh God, please make them go away! Jesus, help us! Jesus, help us! Jesus, help us! "

I guess I was too occupied with our lives, than to think of the things that gave meaning to our lives.

Going back to Two Tree after our holiday showed me the destructive nature of evil. While I was walking from one empty room to another demolished room, this vast nothingness dawned on me - it is as if we no longer have a past.

Maybe that is how Em, our Eland, felt when they slaughtered her. Maybe she also felt that she never existed.

 

TERTIA GELDENHUYS
 
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Dear Friends Feel free to delete this unsolicited email.  However I would like to explain what I intend to do and why.  Our country, perhaps especially the farming area around Chinhoyi, is currently suffering from the criminal actions of so called war-veterans aided, abetted, supported and encouraged by Zanu pf and practically every government department.  Their objectives may be political, I don`t pretend to understand them, but above all what is happening is destructive and no genuine Zimbabwean can support this.
 
Most of us feel so helpless, even hopeless, in the face of this lawlessness and corruption.  I know I do.  I`m particularly frustrated by the ignorance I find in so many circles about what is actually happening; even my own family in Harare are largely unaware of the depths to which we have been taken.  Sometimes even the CFU sitrep seems to miss the point.
 
I want therefore, to publish a mini sitrep, concerning just the very few farms around Chinhoyi with which I have some dealings or about which I am fed information by neighbours/ neighbourhood watch etc.  I hope the truth about these farms will go out, I hope you will add to this and send it to your address list, even your overseas contacts so that President Mugabe and his criminal government can not get away with the grand hoax that is the Abuja agreement.
 
So, to this first sitrep.  I do not wish to go back into history.  Every day brings new crimes and offences enough.  But I will begin by pointing out that at a meeting of our neighbourhood watch leaders two weeks ago it was calculated that only about 250 farms in a district of over 600 farms were carrying on with some farming operations.  The rest had been stopped by the threats and violence directed by war-vet/ settlers against the farmers concerned and their workforces.  To reinforce these figures; on that day our meeting comprised 11 persons of which 10 were farmers.  Of these ten only three were farming.  Of these three one was farming on a reduced scale and one other had several hectares of his tobacco crop slashed the following morning.
These statistics do not make for healthy production figures.
 
Too many farmers to mention have been stopped from planting tobacco.  I don`t understand this as tobacco uses comparatively little land and surely the government recognises the need for the foreigh currency it generates?
The government line is to `co-exist` but co existence seems to mean the farmer pays for the water and electricity for the settlers and gets nothing in return.  On Portelet Farm the settlers from Portelet Estates came over and slashed three hectares of newly planted tobacco plus destroying a number of seed beds.  The Police attended, unhurriedly, spoke to the accused persons who were still present, and then left without making an arrest.  A similar scenario occurred on Njiri farm and today settlers have again prevented tobacco beds being watered on Longmead farm.  On Nyathi farm the irrigation equipment was damaged and interfered with on numerous occasions until the farmer abandoned his crop.
 
But onto some current cases.  There have been continual reports of government vehicles being involved in poaching on the farms, particularly where the farm occupiers/owners have been forced out.  In particular a green Police landrover marked `Mash West Armoury (or Armaments)` (registration number ZRP 146D) has been active.  Poaching has stepped up from spears dogs and occasional firearms to automatic weapons, particularly along the Golden Kopje road and Alaska/Sanyati roads.
Nyakaranga farm (Hoskins-Davies) have reported the use of automatic weapons on their farm.  On kuduvale farm, where some 14 cattle have been poached in the last three or four months, the last few cattle were shot (they are normally caught by snares and then killed with axes) Perhaps understandably the Police showed little interest in reports that their vehicles (and therefore their personnel)
were involved in such cases.  Therefore it has come as a pleasant surprise to hear that the Police Support Unit arrested at least four police officers between Friday night and Saturday morning, apparently in the above-mentioned vehicle which also contained some hides.  The hides include at least three kudu, four duiker, and possibly two tsessebe (very rare in this area) The trotters of some baby warthog were also recovered.  The officers arrested include the Chief Inspector in charge of the Police Transport section, an Assistant Inspector and Constable who work in the Provincial Armoury and fourth officer who is thought to be an Inspector under Training/Sports.  They are believed to be operating with a senior government official from the Ministry of Lands and an officer from the District Administrator`s office (both members of the local Land Committee) An FN rifle has been confiscated as part of this investigation.  It will be most interesting to see if the investigation proceeds without interference to trial.  Points to the Support Unit stick that made the arrest.  The hides are hanging on the fence outside Chinhoyi Rural Police station offices.
 
Further evidence that corruption is taking more and more of a hold in the Police came today with the news that a Detective Constable in Chinhoyi was arrested by his colleagues after trying to extort money out of a farmer.  The farmer had been visited at his home by this policeman who had proceeded to threaten the farmer with a long term of imprisonment for allegedly contravening some statute.  The farmer was not intimidated and reported this to the Police who caused the officer to be arrested.  Points to these Police officers who carried out this `op` By the way, would u be surprised to hear that I was told by a fairly experienced Police officer, when I asked why the Police were refusing to follow up on the numerous tips my staff had passed on concerning property stolen during the August farm `trashings`, that these cases were not being pursued as they `had been politically instigated` (his words) He is not prepared to be named at this time as he cannot line up another job within the next 24 hours. 
 
Further activity today included the forced take-over by warvets/zanu youth of the entrance to Ayrshire Mine, a successful, foreign- owned gold mine outside Banket.
Mine management were prevented from leaving until sometime after
1800 hours.  It is still not clear what they really intended but one complaint was that the mine was not flying a Zimbabwe flag.
 
On Telfort Farm and Long Valley farm the settlers were today trying to prevent the cattle from being moved from one paddock to another.
They want the cattle moved off `their ` land.  To where should these cattle be moved?  we have asked ` to Britain, or America` replied Sergeant Mutabvuka, Police member in charge of Murereka.  Isn`t he a beaut?
 
Today I went to court with a farmer-friend.  He is accused by the Police of assault.  The truth is he went to Murereka Police station and reported that settlers had placed logs across the road, at night, which he had driven into and caused damage both to himself and his vehicle.  When he filed the report to the above mentioned Sergeant he was asked `what is wrong with putting logs on the road?` My friend insisted on his report being taken, although it has never been actioned by the Police.  The Police do not like being reminded that some people know their rights and this case is a consequence of that- an easy allegation to make and a difficult one to disprove if no witnesses are present for the accused.
 
That`s all for tonight.  Let`s keep on going.
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Proposed Downsizing of Commercial Agriculture Will Cut Zimbabwe's Economy by Half

Comment by John Robertson

In recent years, Chinhoyi has become a significant town. Of its population of about 45 000, about 8 000 are employees who earn more than $1 billion a year, working in a wide range of agricultural supply companies, banks, retail stores, service industry companies, manufacturing firms and engineering companies.

Drawing from the strength of the business activity until now, this vibrant community has been progressing fast enough to justify impressive levels of investment in its social infrastructure, giving rise to yet more employment. Very nearly all of the business customers have been farmers and their employees.

Today, very nearly all of these jobs and incomes are about to slide out of existence. Chinhoyi's ability to continue providing a livelihood to so many people is fading fast. This is the automatic result of displacing large scale commercial farming, with its heavy capital investment, large labour force, huge turnover and steady wage payments, with small-scale farming, which generates much lower levels of economic activity and virtually no regular wages at all.

For the small-scale farmers who do eventually produce a surplus, the long wait between preparing the land for the seed and harvesting a crop for delivery has to be endured before a cash income can be generated. While they are waiting, they will be very infrequent visitors to supermarkets, clothing stores or hardware shops. They won't be depositing anything in the banks, and won't have access to loans either.

Like their counterparts in the communal sector, they will have to prevail upon relatives who work in factories or offices in the towns to send cash so that they can pay for things like food and school fees. But if those relatives work in Chinhoyi, or any of the dozen-or-so other towns that serve commercial farming areas, that flow of funds will dry up as many will lose their jobs. The jobs of many who work in the main cities will be just as vulnerable.

Supporters of the current land reforms will no doubt react against such suggestions, but all the evidence points to this outcome.

The fact that the commercial farms being taken over are actually substantial businesses appears to have escaped the notice of the ruling party. Also apparently unnoticed is the contribution of these businesses to production, employment, export revenues and taxes.

No country is so rich that it can afford to pass legislation that sweeps out of existence 5 000 productive businesses. This is even more true if these same businesses are vital to the survival of perhaps another 10 000 businesses, as is the case in Zimbabwe. And all this is true for any country, even the richest and biggest.

Anywhere else, the population would certainly reject its government if it chose to pass such legislation. But in Zimbabwe, statements in opposition to policies that have already done unprecedented damage and are set to do very much more are treated as treasonable offences. The ruling party considers it particularly offensive for anyone to point all this out to the people on whom the poverty and suffering will be inflicted.

More than a year ago, clear warnings of the disaster that awaited commercial farm workers were spelled out in the media, but largely ignored. Now the evidence is streaming into our consciousness as we see the massive waves of refugees for whom the government is prepared to do absolutely nothing.

These people used to be gainfully employed producers who could support their families. They enjoyed health services, their children attended farm schools and most of them cultivated their own plots. Now they have nothing, no job prospects, no source of income or food and their children will be lucky if they ever spend another day in school.

What is really happening here? Why is it that allowing small-scale farming to displace large-scale commercial farming will be so damaging? Part of the answer lies in the fact that farming is a business.

The value of what is produced has to exceed the cost of the inputs that went into its production. If it does not, if a loss is incurred, the farmer has been engaged in the destruction of wealth, not the creation of wealth, and is headed for bankruptcy.

From there, the rest of the answer begins to emerge. Customers for agricultural produce -- just like the customers for any other product -- want to get the best possible value for their money. But farmers are different from nearly all other producers because they are governed by the seasons.

Usually, there is a best time to plant, so everybody plants. As a result, the crops are all ready at the same time, so supplies become very large and prices go down. Buyers can dictate the price, and will do so, whether they are the Grain Marketing Board or bidders at the produce markets. Usually, the better the crop, the lower the prices.

To get better prices when supplies are low, the farmer needs many additional advantages, such as water and the means of pumping it, protection from the weather for the plants and a host of skills on how to work successfully out of phase with the seasons. Alternatively, the farmer has to learn to work so efficiently that money can still be made when working in phase with the seasons.

In either case, we are talking about investment in research, field trials, capital intensive methods, the purchase and maintenance of machinery, training and long-term planning. And the proof comes to us from all over the world as well as from our own experience that getting a good return on such expensive outlays is impossible on small-scale operations. Centuries of experience has proved that only by enjoying economies of scale can producers in highly competitive markets reach the needed levels of efficiency.

The indigenous population of this country, now at 12½ million people, is 25 times as big as it was about a century ago. This record rate of increase was made possible and was sustained by the changing nature of the country's economy. All over the world, industrialisation has permitted the growth of prosperity as well as populations.

Having sustained our own population growth with the support of industrialised methods, we have become dependent on sustaining these methods if we are to sustain this population. And to remain competitive in world markets, we have to keep on improving our performance, simply because producers in dozens of other countries will never stop trying to capture our markets.

But instead, we have chosen to destroy our commercial farming sector. In the process, we will wipe out thousands of other companies as well, and the jobs of more than half our working population. With them will go businesses that earn more than half our foreign exchange and provide government with more than half of its tax revenues.

In short, we are cutting our economy back to about half its previous size. It will no longer be able to sustain 12½ million people at the previous average standard of living. Without the support of the industries that will die, the economy will barely accommodate six million. But the surplus six million or so have nowhere to go. So the consequences for everybody in the country will be terrible.

We could still change our minds, but time is rapidly running out.

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Independent (UK)

Zimbabwe veterans seize nine white farms
By Basildon Peta in Harare
06 November 2001

Militant war veterans and government supporters invaded nine white-owned
farms at the weekend, attacking farmers and evicting scores of workers in
renewed farm violence just as the planting season gets under way in
Zimbabwe.
Jane Williams, a Commercial Farmers' Union (CFU) spokeswoman, said Fritz
Bezuidenhout, a white farmer, suffered a fractured rib and head injuries
after veterans besieged his farm in Odzi, 150 miles (240km) east of Harare,
on Sunday night.
The farmer is a brother of Philip Bezuidenhout, who is accused of using his
vehicle to run over and kill a black settler on his farm four months ago.
Fritz Bezuidenhout had fled his adjacent farm after the incident and
returned three weeks ago to oversee the harvesting of his wheat crop. Ms
Williams said the war veterans who attacked him urged him to leave his
property immediately.
The CFU – which includes 4,500 mainly white farmers – said the militants,
who have illegally occupied more than 1,000 farms since February last year,
were in some cases slashing tobacco crops and extorting money, particularly
in Mashonaland Central Province.
Aid agencies have warned of starvation in Zimbabwe due to declining crop
output. At least three million people out of the population of 12.6 million
have registered for food aid with the government. Aid agencies estimate
Zimbabwe would need to import 700,000 tons of maize and wheat to avert
famine.
Ms Williams said another farmer was attacked and barricaded himself for two
days at his farm in Marondera. The self-styled war veterans had since
confiscated the farmer's two adjacent properties and told him to confine
himself to the land in which his farmhouse is located. Three other farmers
were attacked at their properties in Guruve, Mashonaland Central Province.
Another three farms in the same area were invaded.
Richard Wiles, the owner of one of the affected farms, said he was shocked
when the veterans hired a tractor to plough his land without his consent. Mr
Wiles said he had now stopped nearly all farming activities on his property.
One white woman farmer, whose property was also besieged by the veterans at
the weekend, in the Glendale area of Mashonaland Central Province, had been
given two days to finish harvesting her 250-acre (100ha) wheat crop and
leave the farm.
The renewed violence on Zimbabwe's farms comes barely two weeks after a
delegation of Commonwealth ministers visited the country to review the
implementation of a pact signed in Abuja, Nigeria, in September on ending
the land crisis.
The ministers issued a mild communiqué at the end of their meeting urging
the Zimbabwe government to respect the rule of law. The communiqué angered
some sections of civic society in Zimbabwe who later labelled the ministers
"Commonwealth holiday makers" after their failure effectively to censure
President Robert Mugabe's government on his ever-worsening human rights
record.
The Zimbabwe Joint Resettlement Initiative, a grouping of commercial farmers
that seeks dialogue over the land issue, has urged the government to end the
squatter violence. "Violence, intimidation and extortion have no place in
the process of land reform," said the group's chairman.
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CNN


Zimbabwe farm militants accused
November 5, 2001 Posted: 1833 GMT



HARARE, Zimbabwe (Reuters) -- Pro-government militants occupying white-owned
farms in Zimbabwe are disrupting work as the new planting season gets
underway, the Commercial Farmers Union (CFU) warned.

The CFU -- which groups some 4,500 mainly white farmers -- said the
militants, who have illegally occupied more than 1,000 farms since February
2000, were in some cases slashing crops.

"The status quo regarding lack of planting remains the same. Work stoppages,
displacements of farm workers and extortion continue to occur," the CFU said
in its latest update on the situation on Monday.

In the Horseshoe farming district of Mashonaland Central province, a
property owner was evicted and irrigation of his tobacco crop stopped, while
work on a coffee plantation at a neighbouring farm was also stopped, the CFU
said.

Aid agencies have warned of severe food shortages in rural Zimbabwe in
coming months, citing a combination of drought and the farm invasions, which
the militants say are meant to bolster a programme to redistribute
white-owned farmland to landless blacks.

A recent survey by the CFU showed that nearly a third of the country's 12.6
million people have applied for food aid.

It also showed intentions among CFU members to plant maize, the country's
staple food, in the new season had declined from 74,000 hectares (183,000
acres) to 55,000 hectares (136,000 acres) due to the land crisis.

Industry officials say Zimbabwe needs to import at least 600,000 tonnes of
maize to meet domestic demand. The government has acknowledged a need to
import 100,000 tonnes.

Zimbabwe is facing its worst political and economic crisis since President
Robert Mugabe came to power in 1980.

The Zimbabwe Joint Resettlement Initiative, a grouping of commercial farmers
which seeks dialogue over the land issue, has urged the government to end
the work stoppages.

"Violence, intimidation and extortion have no place in the process of land
reform," ZJRI chairman William Hughes said in a statement.

"The planting season is already upon us. Let us not wait until it is too
late. Let us act now to maximise production for the nation, lest the cries
of hungry babies haunt us to our graves," Hughes said.

Farmers say Mugabe has failed to honour his endorsement of a deal brokered
in Abuja, Nigeria, in September under which his government agreed to end the
farm invasions in return for pledges of financial help from former colonial
power Britain.
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Zim Standard

. Mugabe faces US$63m suit

Staff Writer
A United States magistrate is soon expected to give a ruling in a US$63
million lawsuit against President Robert Mugabe, in his capacity as first
secretary of the ruling Zanu PF, for murder and torture. This follows
Tuesday’s ruling by a US district court judge that while Mugabe was
protected from prosecution as a head of state, he could be sued in his party
portfolio.

The Standard confirmed yesterday that the plaintiffs—Adella Chiminya, Elli-
ot Pfebve, Evelyn Masaiti, and Maria Stevens—had revised their claim from an
initial figure of US$400 million to US$63 million. Actual details of the
specific claims are contained in a 47-page document now before the court.
Chiminya is suing on behalf of her late husband, Tichaona, a senior MDC
advisor who was burnt to death by Zanu PF supporters identified in court as
Tomu Kainos “Kitsiyatota” Zimunya and Joseph Mwale.

Pfebve was an MDC parliamentary candidate for Bindura who survived several
assassination attempts, although his identical brother was killed in a case
of mistaken identity. Masaiti, who went on to win the Mutasa constituency
for the MDC, is representing her relatives whose houses were burnt down in
the run-up to the election. Stevens lost her husband David, who was abducted
from a police station and killed.

The spokesman for the plaintiffs, Topper Whitehead, yesterday told The
Standard: “The next step is very simple. We have fulfilled all the legal
requirements, while Zanu PF chose to squander their opportunity by not
appearing in court after the papers were served on them. They were therefore
held in default.”

Mugabe was handed the summons in October as he entered Mount Olivet Baptist
Church in Harlem, and he accepted them. Mudenge refused to accept the papers
but they were recorded as having been duly served after they were placed at
his feet.

Asked what would happen if Mugabe and Zanu PF simply chose to ignore
whatever damages were awarded by the magistrate, as they have done before,
Whitehead said: “They have two options. The first is that they can pay, and
the second is that they can chose to ignore the court’s ruling. In that
case, we will begin the process of tracking down their assets for
attachment. There are millions of dollars in assets which have been
identified.”

When the action against Mugabe was first reported by The Standard in October
last year, the Zimbabwe Government vehemently denied that any lawsuit had
been served. The paper was even charged with criminal defamation. However,
the government made a surprising about-turn and commenced a vigorous
campaign with the US State Department, pleading for Mugabe’s immunity as a
head of state—and yet they had denied that he had ever been served with
summons.

Meanwhile, Zimbabwe’s ambassador to the United Nations, Tichaona Jakonya,
was this week attempting to deny that President Mugabe could be sued in his
capacity as first secretary of Zanu PF, and ventured to offer an explanation
which legal experts here described as ludicrous.

Legal experts yesterday said that with the latest developments, the only
recourse open to Mugabe and Zanu PF is an “application to vacate”. It would
have to be made to Judge Marrero, asking him to effectively hear the case
all over again.

Since the judge spent 130 pages of his closely argued and hard-hitting
judgement explaining why he felt Zanu PF was liable, it was unlikely that
Marrero would agree to reconsider the case.
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Daily News

Terror in Gokwe

11/3/01 10:41:48 AM (GMT +2)


By Pedzisai Ruhanya

SEVERAL MDC supporters in Gokwe were brutally assaulted and tortured at
camps set up by suspected Zanu PF supporters and war veterans while
thousands others have fled their villages.

Some of the victims who deserted their homes in the face of the
unprecedented wave of violence in the Midlands district, five months before
the presidential election, expected before April next year, are now in
Harare. Ten of the victims were taken to a torture camp at Nembudziya
Business Centre early last month.

The victims who were struck with iron bars and burnt with hot iron rods,
have fled Gokwe and are being looked after by the MDC in Harare. They left
their families and their property at the mercy of the marauding Zanu PF
supporters who they say have become a law unto themselves. Elifanos
Chamunorwa, 65, of ward three in Gokwe North, said on 4 October, about 500
Zanu PF youths came to his house and forced him to attend their rally at
Tenda Business Centre, from where they operate a torture camp.

“On the way, they forced me to carry a heavy boulder as punishment for
supporting the MDC. I complied because I was assaulted and I feared for my
life,” he said. Chamunorwa, who has ghastly wounds on his soles, says he was
burnt with a hot iron rod.
“We stayed at the base for two days. The police then came and rescued us and
took us to Mutora Mission Hospital where we were admitted and treated for
four days. “They did not arrest the youths and as we speak, the youths are
still camped at their base,” Chamunorwa said.

He said he left his wife and three children in Gokwe and fears for their
safety. The police at Nembudziya police station, yesterday refused to
comment on the matter. However, the officer-in-charge of Gokwe police
station, identified only as Inspector Chihota, confirmed the incidents.

Chihota said: “Those incidents happened in Nembudziya but you should contact
Wayne Bvudzijena our spokesperson. We do not speak to the media.” Sibangani
Mlandu, the MDC candidate for Gokwe North who is challenging Elleck Mkandla’
s victory in June 2000 parliamentary election in the High Court, yesterday
said: “Chamunorwa and some of the victims are among my witnesses who are
supposed to testify in the election petition hearing next week.”

On Wednesday, Mlandu’s lawyer, Advocate Happias Zhou, subpoenaed 20 Zanu PF
supporters from Gokwe North who allegedly terrorised MDC supporters to
appear in court on the allegations. The 20 are Leonard Munotengwa, Mabasa
Munotengwa, Taurai Chiutsi, Sifelani Dube, Councillor Nyashanu, Nelson
Chiutsi, Taurai Tavaruva, Tawanda Tavarwa, Simbarashe Chisango and Douglas
Chisango, Fortunate Chokuza, Tarusenga Rufu, John Chipinge, Given Mapfumo,
Max Munotengwa, Gaison Langwani, Bunaya Karonga, Felix Bube, Mufundisi
Siyako Muchimba and a Muguriri.

Meanwhile, Alois Shumba, 27, said he was taken from his home together with
Chamunorwa by Zanu PF youths. The youths, led by Sinyoro Mabika, and
Mabatani Munotengwa, took them to the war veterans’ base where they were
assaulted.
“Before they took me to their base they attacked and destroyed my home. Six
of us were taken to the base for ‘re-education’ because we supported the
MDC,” he said.

Shumba’s face and feet were swollen and blistered following the beatings and
torture at the Zanu PF base. “I left my pregnant wife at Mutora Hospital,
but I will not be going back home because I might get killed. The police are
not helpful at all. When they rescued us they only cautioned the Zanu PF
supporters but did not arrest them,” Shumba said. Phineas Dimhairo from
Gokwe Central, was attacked on 23 October while at Gokwe Centre for the
trial of four MDC supporters charged with public violence. Dimhairo, the MDC
chairman for Gokwe Central, said Zanu PF youths and war veterans took him to
Gokwe Centre where they assaulted him using chains and stones.

“I was brutally assaulted in Wasara Wasara bar at the growth point before
they dumped me outside the bar. They left me for dead,” he said He sustained
a deep cut on the head. He fled to Harare last week. Mlandu said Zanu PF
supporters are mounting roadblocks in the district and forcing travellers to
buy their party cards. “People are being harassed daily in Gokwe. The same
Zanu PF supporters who terrorised people in the run-up to last year’s
election are continuing with their evil activities,” Mlandu said.

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Daily News

Defence gobbles up $34 billion

11/3/01 11:25:32 AM (GMT +2)


Political Editor

THE defence budget continued to dominate the country’s budget with $34
billion being allocated to the ministry ahead of crucial ministries such as
Health and Child Welfare which received $22 billion despite the fact that
the ministry faces a serious challenge to contain the HIV/Aids scourge.

Dr Simba Makoni, the Minister of Finance and Economic Development, for the
second year running and taking after his predecessors, prioritised defence
ahead of other ministries.

The defence budget is even bigger than the combined $23,1 billion allocated
to the Ministries of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs and Home
Affairs. The highest allocation of $50 billion went to the Ministry of
Education, Sports and Culture. The whole budget can best be described as
Zanu PF’s campaign budget. There was chaos at Parliament as the 150 MPs
jostled with journalists and captains of industry to secure copies of the
estimates. These were, however, not available for the Press.

Makoni told The Daily News he only had two copies, one he left for
Parliament after presenting his statement, while the other was with the
President. Makoni said the government printers had problems, resulting in
only five copies being printed for the day. The budget estimates were only
made available to the state media, with the rest of the journalists being
told to collect their copies from Parliament yesterday morning. The Herald
had apparently carried a story before the announcement of the budget stating
the exact figures revealed by Makoni in the afternoon.

The budget disk was apparently leaked to the newspaper, a situation that
infuriated officials from Makoni’s ministry. “This is really unorthodox,” a
senior official within the Ministry of Finance. “Actually The Herald was in
contempt of Parliament. It is unheard of for someone to leak the budget
document and then write quoting sources. They are actually in contempt of
Parliament.”

Austin Zvoma, the Clerk of Parliament, was unavailable for comment
yesterday. Dr Herbert Murerwa, the former Minister of Finance, said the leak
was “unfortunate” since it pre-empted parts of the budget statement.
Makoni said of the defence budget: “Maintenance of peace and stability will
always remain of paramount importance to any nation. We remain hopeful that
effective implementation of the Lusaka agreements on the DRC will be
achieved to enable us to significantly diminish our commitment there.”

Zimbabwe has an estimated 12 000 soldiers defending the government of
President Joseph Kabila from falling to rebel forces. Makoni said in order
to improve policing as well as enable the prisons to cope with the
increasing population of inmates, it was necessary to make more resources
available, hence the combined $23,1 billion given to the Ministries of Home
Affairs and Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs. To enable the smooth
running of election, a total $1,2 billion was allocated to the responsible
ministries. Makoni’s ministry was allocated a $30,7 billion vote while that
of Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare was given $5,7 billion.

The Office of the President and Cabinet was allocated $5,8 billion. The
Ministry of Lands, Agriculture and Rural Resettlement got $16,9 billion,
Youth Development, Gender and Employment Creation, 1,6 billion, Higher
Education and Technology, $12,8 billion, Local Government, Public Works and
National Housing, $8,9 billion, Foreign Affairs, $3,5 billion, Transport and
Communications, $6,1 billion, Rural Resources and Water Development, $5,3
billion and Mines and Energy was given $812 million. The budget statement
increased the bonus threshold from $5 000 to $10 000 and raised the income
tax bands to $90 000 a year beginning next January. Makoni said this was
meant to increase disposable incomes.

The tax-free pension was also increased from $30 000 each year to $45 000,
while tax credits for the blind and the elderly were increased from $5 000
and $8 400 to $7 500 and $12 000, respectively. Shooting down President’s
Mugabe’s statement at Clement Muchachi’s funeral that the country would
return to its socialist ideologies of the 1980s, Makoni said the Millennium
Economic Recovery Programme remained the anchor of the country’s economic
policies. Persistent inflationary pressures, continued uncertainty over the
land reform programme, declining business confidence, withdrawal of support
by the international donor community and foreign currency shortages have
seen the country’s economy rolling into deeper crisis.
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New approach to foreign policy

----------------------------------------------------------------------------
----
Zimbabwean crisis will continue to test authenticity of the much-touted plan
Senior Political Correspondent

SO WHAT exactly is "new" about the foreign affairs department's much-touted
"strategic plan" to determine SA's foreign policy up to the year 2005?

A lot, insists the department's director-general Sipho Pityana, the man
under whose command more than R2bn of taxpayers' money is spent each
financial year so he can promote the interests of the country abroad.

This weekend Pityana and his deputies brought journalists and diplomats
together in a top Pretoria hotel to brief them on the plan whose
"rationale", he said, was "to cultivate a culture of planning, focused
delivery and performance-monitoring" that has never been there before.

The department "is the face of SA in the world", Pityana said.

"It must function in a manner that inspires confidence, nurtures and
cultivates goodwill in order to optimally explain the many opportunities the
country has in today's world to advance our domestic interest, the vision of
an African Renaissance and the realisation of the dream of a better world,"
he said.

As is the case these days when journalists get a chance to quiz both the
presidency and foreign affairs, the question was: what about Zimbabwe, right
next door?

SA diplomacy continues to limp on in what some interpret as government's
apparent support for Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe's government. But
will the new approach be any different?

If the New Partnership for African Development (Nepad), takes centre stage,
underpinned by noble principles like good governance and democracy, will
government keep turning a blind eye to bad neighbours?

Welile Nhlapo, deputy director-general in charge for Africa and the Middle
East, says the Zimbabwean government has taken "major positive steps", such
as allowing the Souther African Development Community and the Commonwealth
to go into the country and speak to all stakeholders.

But the land issue remains a problem that, if not addressed, will haunt
Zimbabwe.

Zimbabweans do not like the way Mugabe's land redistribution programme is
being handled. Land lies idle in Zimbabwe. Tobacco, which brings into the
country much-needed foreign currency, is not going to market.

But Zimbabweans do not like the insinuation that all there is to the problem
is Mugabe, and that removing him would solve the problem.

Zimbabweans will vote him out of power if they want to, Nhlapo says. The
situation will not get better if there is an opposition like the Movement of
Democratic Change, he says.

It also becomes problematic when a newspaper like the Independent gets
funding from Britain and takes positions that downplay the land issue.

SA cannot relate to the Zimbabwean government as if it was illegitimate.
Government does not want to play into the hands of those who perpetuate the
crisis. "If you create a siege mentality everything does not follow logic,"
Nhlapo says.

Once people see results, all will see that SA foreign policy was never
confused, he says.

Multilateral branch deputy director-general Abdul Minty says that one of the
reasons why SA is now among the 20 most influential nations of the world is
that the country seeks to be levelheaded in its approach to international
affairs.

Nhlapo says that there is every indication that peace may come soon to
Burundi.

But in Zimbabwe, despite SA's optimism, there are "no real guarantees" that
processes undertaken "will end up in a very positive note", Nhlapo says.


Nov 05 2001 12:00:00:000AM Vuyo Mvoko Business Day 1st Edition

   Monday
05 November 2001

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Daily News

Massive recruitment at Zimpapers

11/3/01 11:23:49 AM (GMT +2)


From Our Correspondent in Bulawayo

The Chronicle and Sunday News, the two Bulawayo-based government-controlled
newspapers, and the privately-owned Mirror newspapers are on an
unprecedented recruitment drive ahead of next year’s presidential election
after losing several of their journalists.

Offices of The Mirror, the State agency Ziana, and the Community Newspaper
Group (CNG) have been left without a single reporter as the journalists trek
to Zimpapers.

The newsroom of The Chronicle and its sister weekly, The Sunday News are so
congested that journalists have to queue to use computer terminals.
Zimpapers is said to be offering hefty salaries despite the group’s poor
performance in the past financial year. The company paid millions of dollars
as severance packages for some of its senior staff who were fired.

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Funding or no funding, roots of crisis remain

----------------------------------------------------------------------------
----
IT IS just as well that Welile Nhlapo that affable foreign affairs deputy
director-general responsible for Africa has clarified weekend reports that
quoted him as saying that he believed Zimbabwe's opposition and private
media are agents of foreign interest because they have accepted foreign
funding.
When Nhlapo spoke to the media, he was apparently quoting verbatim from
information supplied by the Zimbabwe government which insinuates that the
Movement for Democratic Change is the recipient of funds from the UK's
Westminster Foundation and that some privately owned newspapers are also
getting funding from British political parties, including PM Tony Blair's
Labour Party.

On the basis of that information, Nhlapo reasoned, western countries were
"causing further problems" in Zimbabwe "in their eagerness to assist" the
troubled country.

Such is the complicated state of politics in Zimbabwe that it has become
very difficult to sift fact from fiction. The degree of obfuscation of
Zimbabwe's problems, both within and outside the country, has also meant
that very often people try to deal with the symptoms rather than the causes
of the crisis north of the Limpopo.

Although President Thabo Mbeki has come under heavy fire for his quiet
diplomacy in his dealings with Harare, SA has, to a very large extent, coped
well with Zimbabwe's problems. Mbeki's critics, who have seemingly succeeded
in forcing him to change this practical policy, have not come up with any
credible alternative that could positively influence political and economic
developments in Zimbabwe.

Blair's megaphone diplomacy of last year failed dismally succeeding only in
making President Robert Mugabe even more recalcitrant. As for the
much-debated economic sanctions against the country, even the opposition is
not in favour of this as this would affect poor sectors of the population
the most the very same people the measures are supposed to help.

So, for Zimbabweans and outsiders to come up with solutions to the country's
many ills, a common appreciation of what is fact and what is fiction needs
to be built.

What many people on both sides of Zimbabwe's political divide will find
difficult to disagree about is that the country is experiencing a political
crisis if the scores of people who have died in needless violence in the
past two years is anything to go by. They will quarrel, of course, about the
cause of the violence and the government's perceived unwillingness to deal
with this violence especially when its detractors and the opposition have
been on the receiving end of it.

There should be agreement too about the seriousness of the problems on the
economic front.

In his budget statement last week, Finance Minister Simba Makoni said
Zimbabwe's gross domestic product was expected to shrink by 7,3% in 2001,
while increased public sector spending would take the budget deficit to
14,9% of GDP in 2002, from 12% this year.

On the same score, Makoni said the country had moved into hyperinflation,
with a forecast of an average 83,6% in 2002.

There is, therefore, an overt admission by the government that the economy
is in bad shape a point critics and the opposition have pressed home for
years now.

If there is agreement that there is an economic and political crisis in the
country, at whose door should the blame be put the opposition's, the media's
or the government's?

Isn't it obfuscation, therefore, to look for the enemy in western capitals,
even assuming that these foreigners are funding the opposition and the
media?

And why is it not an issue when Zanu (PF) gets foreign funding and uses
state resources to perpetuate its tight grip on power, as it has done in the
past three general elections ?

Surely it should stand to reason that what is good for the goose is good for
the gander?

By being seen to be lambasting the opposition and the private media in
Zimbabwe publicly, Nhlapo had unwittingly risked appearing to have swallowed
Zanu (PF)'s propaganda hook, line and sinker.

This is, of course, not to say that civil servants can't have opinions on
burning issues. But they have to be measured if they want to avoid the risk
of being seen as partisan.

Shooting from the hip, as Nhlapo had appeared to have done, is simply not
the strategy that will usher Zimbabwe onto the road to recovery.

Even the opposition is not in favour of economic sanctions against Zimbabwe
as these would affect poor sectors of the population the most


Nov 05 2001 12:00:00:000AM  Business Day 1st Edition

   Monday
05 November 2001

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China Peoples Daily

Zimbabwe's Resettlement Task Force Assessing Infrastructure Development

The land resettlement task force of Zimbabwe has started visiting rural
districts to assess progress to come up with an action plan for the
government ministries to implement infrastructure development, a cabinet
minister said Sunday in Harare.

Local Government, Public Works and National Housing Minister Ignaatius
Chombo said the visits started on Friday, with the team going to Makonde and
Hurungwe districts in Mashonaland West Province.

The team, Chombo said, is expected to finish visiting all the 57 rural
district councils by January next year.

The team was composed of representatives from the national army, the
ministries of local government and lands, agriculture and rural
resettlement, rural and urban councils, provincial administrations, the
police and the parliament.

"We are assessing the state of preparedness for implementing all the
projects that are supposed to be done to compliment the resettlement
program," said Chombo.

He said the resettled people would be encouraged to register as voters in
next year's general elections because it is their right to cast votes in any
election.

The tour by the team comes at a time when the country is facing a huge task
to provide infrastructure to hundred thousands of families resettled under
the fast-track resettlement scheme.

Nearly 130,000 families have been resettled under the government program
aimed at distributing millions of hectares owned by a few white commercial
farmers to millions of peasants squashed on unproductive land.

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From The Cape Times (SA), 4 November

Harsh criticism won't help Zim situation – SA

The government has warned the international community to avoid confronting or criticising Zimbabwe too harshly lest it create a "siege mentality" in President Robert Mugabe's government that will hamper efforts to solve the crisis there. Talking at a weekend media briefing here, deputy foreign minister Aziz Pahad dismissed the "smart sanctions" that the European Union is proposing against Zimbabwe, saying these were likely to prove to be mere tokens that would not have the desired effect. The proposed EU sanctions are aimed only at Mugabe and his lieutenants, including a freeze on their assets and a ban on their international travel. And Welile Nhlapo, head of the Africa section in the department of foreign affairs, criticised members of the international community for branding Mugabe's government a "rogue state" and questioning its legitimacy.

Nhlapo said Zimbabwe was a legitimate state and that to deny that or impose punitive measures such as sanctions would only create a siege mentality in Mugabe's government. This would play into the hands of "negative forces" in the country, without helping the Zimbabwean people. Nhlapo said the opposition Movement for Democratic Change and the independent media in Zimbabwe, by accepting funding from the British government, were creating the perception that they were acting as agents for foreign interests. But Nhlapo denied, in a clarifying statement issued Sunday, a Sunday newspaper report that he personally believed the MDC and independent media were acting as agents for foreign interests. He said he had been referring to the Zimbabwe government's perceptions.

Pahad defended South Africa's "quiet diplomacy" on Zimbabwe and said critics had underestimated the achievement of the Commonwealth and the Southern African Development Community in persuading Mugabe to allow them to send delegations to Zimbabwe to consult all parties to discover the source of the crisis. These initiatives had "opened up space" for a solution to the crisis, even if they had not yet solved it. Asked whether the government believed the essential problem in Zimbabwe was Mugabe's clinging to power at all costs, Nhlapo said "the problem is clearly defined", but South Africa was not prepared to contribute "to what Zimbabweans detest" by saying Mugabe was the cause of all of the country's problems. He said this created fear among Zimbabweans that the international community wanted to determine who should lead them, when they felt perfectly capable of deciding that themselves. Nhlapo also said the land issue was central, but that the Abuja Agreement forged by the Commonwealth, which Zimbabwe had signed, included other problems needing attention in Zimbabwe.

DFA director-general Sipho Pityana warned that it was "not unlikely" that the R1,5-billion estimated bill that President Thabo Mbeki had announced for sending about 1 430 troops to Burundi for up to a year could increase. About 700 of the troops are already in Burundi to protect a transitional government established last week under the auspices of former president Nelson Mandela.

Comment from Business Day (SA), 5 November

Funding or no funding, roots of crisis remain

It is just as well that Welile Nhlapo that affable foreign affairs deputy director-general responsible for Africa has clarified weekend reports that quoted him as saying that he believed Zimbabwe's opposition and private media are agents of foreign interest because they have accepted foreign funding. When Nhlapo spoke to the media, he was apparently quoting verbatim from information supplied by the Zimbabwe government which insinuates that the Movement for Democratic Change is the recipient of funds from the UK's Westminster Foundation and that some privately owned newspapers are also getting funding from British political parties, including PM Tony Blair's Labour Party. On the basis of that information, Nhlapo reasoned, western countries were "causing further problems" in Zimbabwe "in their eagerness to assist" the troubled country.

Such is the complicated state of politics in Zimbabwe that it has become very difficult to sift fact from fiction. The degree of obfuscation of Zimbabwe's problems, both within and outside the country, has also meant that very often people try to deal with the symptoms rather than the causes of the crisis north of the Limpopo. Although President Thabo Mbeki has come under heavy fire for his quiet diplomacy in his dealings with Harare, SA has, to a very large extent, coped well with Zimbabwe's problems. Mbeki's critics, who have seemingly succeeded in forcing him to change this practical policy, have not come up with any credible alternative that could positively influence political and economic developments in Zimbabwe. Blair's megaphone diplomacy of last year failed dismally, succeeding only in making President Robert Mugabe even more recalcitrant. As for the much-debated economic sanctions against the country, even the opposition is not in favour of this as this would affect poor sectors of the population the most the very same people the measures are supposed to help. So, for Zimbabweans and outsiders to come up with solutions to the country's many ills, a common appreciation of what is fact and what is fiction needs to be built.

What many people on both sides of Zimbabwe's political divide will find difficult to disagree about is that the country is experiencing a political crisis if the scores of people who have died in needless violence in the past two years is anything to go by. They will quarrel, of course, about the cause of the violence and the government's perceived unwillingness to deal with this violence especially when its detractors and the opposition have been on the receiving end of it. There should be agreement too about the seriousness of the problems on the economic front. In his budget statement last week, Finance Minister Simba Makoni said Zimbabwe's gross domestic product was expected to shrink by 7,3% in 2001, while increased public sector spending would take the budget deficit to 14,9% of GDP in 2002, from 12% this year. On the same score, Makoni said the country had moved into hyperinflation, with a forecast of an average 83,6% in 2002. There is, therefore, an overt admission by the government that the economy is in bad shape a point critics and the opposition have pressed home for years now.

If there is agreement that there is an economic and political crisis in the country, at whose door should the blame be put the opposition's, the media's or the government's? Isn't it obfuscation, therefore, to look for the enemy in western capitals, even assuming that these foreigners are funding the opposition and the media? And why is it not an issue when Zanu PF gets foreign funding and uses state resources to perpetuate its tight grip on power, as it has done in the past three general elections? Surely it should stand to reason that what is good for the goose is good for the gander? By being seen to be lambasting the opposition and the private media in Zimbabwe publicly, Nhlapo had unwittingly risked appearing to have swallowed Zanu PF's propaganda hook, line and sinker. This is, of course, not to say that civil servants can't have opinions on burning issues. But they have to be measured if they want to avoid the risk of being seen as partisan. Shooting from the hip, as Nhlapo had appeared to have done, is simply not the strategy that will usher Zimbabwe onto the road to recovery.

From The Zimbabwe Independent, 2 November

"Mugabe’s days of immunity numbered" – US court

A United States district court in New York this week held the ruling Zanu PF party liable for the murder and torture of opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) supporters in the run-up to last year’s June parliamentary election. The court ruled that though Mugabe was personally immune from the suit in his capacity as head of state, he was not immune from being served with a complaint in his capacity as first secretary of Zanu PF. Judge Victor Marrero warned "the days in which such immunity would continue to prevail may be numbered". Marrero, citing precedents involving fallen strongmen such as Ferdinand Marcos, Augusto Pinochet and Slobodan Milosevic, issued a warning: "These precedents instruct that resort to head-of-state and diplomatic immunity as a shield for private abuses of the sovereign’s office is wearing thinner in the eyes of the world and waning in the cover of the law. The prevailing trend teaches that the day does come to pass when those who violate their public trust are called upon, in this world, to render account for the wrongs they inflict on innocents," Marrero said.

The plaintiffs are Adella Chiminya, Elliot Pfebve, Evelyn Masaiti, and Maria Stevens. Chiminya is suing on behalf of her late husband Tichaona, who was a senior MDC campaign advisor allegedly burnt to death by two Zanu PF supporters identified in court during an electoral petition hearing as Tomu Kainos "Kitsiyatota" Zimunya and Joseph Mwale. The two are still to stand trial. Pfebve was an MDC parliamentary candidate for Bindura who survived several assassination attempts. His look-alike brother Matthew was killed during the campaign. Masaiti, MP for Mutasa, represents her relatives whose houses were burnt down in the run-up to the election. Stevens lost her husband David, a tobacco farmer who was abducted from a police station and killed. Pfebve hailed the judgement: "We thank the American justice system for holding up some hope for human rights victims everywhere. The decision lets Mugabe and his henchmen know that the civilised world will not allow their political terror to go unpunished."

In the judgement, the court noted that the plaintiffs’ uncontested allegations amply demonstrated that Zanu PF did not consist merely of loosely connected, haphazardly organised individuals or misguided mobs of marauders randomly roving and unleashing terror throughout Zimbabwe. "Plaintiffs’ factual assertions and supporting evidence suggest that in carrying out the drive of organised violence and methodic terror portrayed here, Zanu PF worked in tandem with Zimbabwe government officials, under whose direction or control many of the wrongful acts were conceived and executed," the judgement said. The court pointed out that Zanu PF was legally served with the legal process when President Mugabe, the party’s first secretary, was served with two copies of a summons and complaint while making a fundraising speech in Harlem in September last year. Washington Attorney Charles Cooper, one of the plaintiffs’ lawyers, said that justice had triumphed. "These plaintiffs came to this court because they had nowhere else to turn. Savagely beaten and terrorised at home, they came here looking for justice and the rule of law," Cooper said. Zanu PF secretary for Information Nathan Shamuyarira said he had not read the judgement and would comment later.

From The Zimbabwe Standard, 4 November

Zanu PF woos Zvobgo, Mavhaire

Zanu PF top members are appealing to former cabinet minister, Eddison Zvobgo, for him to lend support for President Mugabe’s re-election bid. The Standard understands that ruling party chefs have been making frantic efforts to woo Zvobgo and former Masvingo chairman, Dzikamai Mavhaire, to campaign for Mugabe in Masvingo. The move to have Mavhaire back is being spearheaded by Vice President Joseph Msika’s office, sources told The Standard. Zvobgo and Mavhaire had both been sidelined by the party, and have been boycotting party functions in Masvingo. Sources, however, claim that Zvobgo demanded that the current Zanu PF Masvingo provincial executive be dissolved first before he could commit himself to campaigning for Mugabe.

Zvobgo commands a huge following in Masvingo, but has refused to campaign for Mugabe who has ditched the Masvingo South MP. Said a source: "He told them that he had always been a Zanu PF member so there was no need for anyone to beg him to come back to the party. He told them he remained committed to the party." He however later demanded the removal of the provincial executive and proposed that politburo member, Josaya Tungamirai, chair a new executive. Zvobgo’s demands, sources say, were likely to be vehemently opposed by vice president Simon Muzenda who has endorsed the current Samuel Mumbengegwi-led executive.

Zanu PF is torn in two factions in Masvingo, one led by Muzenda and which includes Masvingo governor, Josaya Hungwe, Shuvai Mahofa and Mumbengegwi. The other faction is led by Zvobgo and Mavhaire. Despite being removed from the cabinet and the politburo by Mugabe, Zvobgo remains the godfather of politics in Masvingo. The Mumbengegwi executive is considered too weak and does not have the clout to woo the electorate to vote for Mugabe. "Zanu PF knows too well that the current Masvingo leadership does not have what it takes to campaign for Mugabe. This is an executive that was just imposed on the people but it does not have grassroots support. Zvobgo still has the respect of the people and they will do what he says. This is what is frightening the Zanu PF leadership," said the source.

Zvobgo’s faction boycotted provincial elections that ushered in Mumbengegwi. Sources said party chefs were unsure of Zvobgo’s intentions. Last week, Zvobgo and Mavhaire snubbed a campaign rally by Mugabe at Mucheke Stadium in the town, and instead held their own rallies elsewhere. However, it was the choice of the venue for Zvobgo’s rally that raised eyebrows. Zvobgo and Mavhaire held the rallies at Dikitiki Business Centre which is in Masvingo Central, a constituency won by the MDC. Mavhaire lost his Masvingo Central seat to MDC’s Silas Mangono. Mavhaire yesterday refused to comment: "No comment. I am not going to comment on that issue over the phone." Msika refused to talk to The Standard and opted to speak through a secretary who said: "We don’t know anything about that."

Mavhaire and Zvobgo were however quoted earlier in the week as saying they would not campaign for Mugabe as there were adequate party structures in the province for that task. "Zvobgo was injured while campaigning for Mugabe in 1996, and where is he now? This time we will not be used," Mavhaire was quoted as saying. Zvobgo said he still enjoyed immense support in the province: "If you come to our rallies you will see that we still have a huge following." Zvobgo has on numerous occasions attacked leaders who do not want to relinquish power in statements seen as referring to Mugabe’s refusal to step down from the presidency.

From The Zimbabwe Standard, 4 November

Soldiers invade MP’s farm

Attempts to grab Charleswood Estate, the property of Roy Bennett, the MDC MP for Chimanimani, went a step further on Friday when Zimbabwe National Army, Airforce of Zimbabwe, and Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) officers descended on the property. An AFZ helicopter arrived at Charleswood Estate on Thursday morning, followed by a police Land Rover carrying 10 members of the police force and the CIO. Bennett told The Standard yesterday that he believed the latest move was part of a state plan to plant an arms cache on his property and then charge him with illegal arms possession. On asking the purpose of the visit by personnel from the army, police and CIO, the farm manager was told it was to do with investigations on two helicopters allegedly seen flying in the area three days previously.

"Inspector Mujuru from ZRP Chimanimani, together with a Lieutenant Colonel who refused to give his name, and Mwale of the CIO, approached my farm manager. They said their mission was to enquire about the presence of two helicopters seen flying over the Maweje Ridge on Monday 29 October. They then asked for directions to Outward Bound to ask if anyone had seen anything. I have confirmed information that an arms cache is likely to be planted on my farm at some stage, in order to incriminate me in illegal operations which I have nothing whatsoever to do with. I feel that perhaps the presence of this helicopter has something to do with it. Acting on this information, I feel I need to expose this in order to keep my name clear," said Bennett. Bennett’s farm, which does not fit the criteria of farms earmarked for resettlement, has been targeted since the MP decided to run as an opposition candidate. When The Standard contacted the Chimanimani police station for comment, a police officer who identified himself as Constable Jeffrey Chirere, referred the paper to his senior, Inspector Mujuru, who was said to be out of the office.

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Food shortages feared as killers target South African farmers

By Jane Flanagan in Krugersdorp
The Telegraph: Sunday 4 November 2001

MORE than 10 white farmers per month are being murdered in South Africa in a crime spree that is undermining the agricultural industry and threatening the whole region with food shortages.

As the crisis worsens, the government is joining white farming unions in alerting the nation to the danger being posed to a crucial component of the economy.

"If you are killing the farming community, you are killing the country," Steve Tshwete, the safety and security minister, said last week.

His deputy, Joe Matthews, added: "The whole agricultural industry is affected by such crime because we have only a very small number of people feeding more than 40 million of us. I want to appeal to our government, our head of state, to place a much higher priority on combating rural crime."

The murder rate among farmers, their families and workers has been rising dramatically. More than 1,000 people have died in rural attacks during the past 10 years, and a South African farmer is twice as likely to be wounded or killed than a police officer.

The consequences are apparent in the latest figures from the department of agriculture, which show a 10 per cent reduction in the volume of farm production. All sectors are down, but the field crop sector shows the largest decline: 15 per cent.

Farm incomes have also plummeted in recent years. Last year they were £300 million, down from £800 million four years ago.

South Africa is the breadbasket for the southern half of the continent and one of the few countries in the world that is a net exporter of farm produce. Agriculture accounts for almost 10 per cent of the country's exports. Last year it exported more than £1 billion worth of cereals to surrounding countries, among them Zimbabwe, Malawi, Zambia, Congo, Angola and Mozambique.

This situation, however, is in danger of being reversed, says Werner Weber who chairs an agricultural pressure group called Action: Stop Farm Attacks. He believes that South Africa will soon become a net importer of food. Already the country has begun importing wheat.

"Exports are already dwindling because of a drop in production, and that will definitely continue if this crime epidemic is not addressed," said Mr Weber. "Commercial farmers face extinction, one in 35 of our number has already been murdered.

"Other African countries, such as Zimbabwe, are facing severe food shortages. South Africa might be in a position to help at the moment - but not for ever.

"We can import food because we can afford to, but if there is continuing instability around the world that will become a problem, and we will face starvation in southern Africa in the future."

He added: "The evidence on the ground is that we are facing the biggest crisis of our lives. Soon it is going to catch up with us."

The government says the farm killings are part of a crime wave sweeping post-apartheid South Africa. White farmers' groups, however, believe that they are being targeted by a disgruntled element among the black community copying the farm invasions by self-styled "war veterans" in Zimbabwe.

Across South Africa, farming families are taking measures to defend themselves. Many mothers and daughters attend self-defence classes to learn to use knifes and guns. Some women in rural areas conceal weapons in their handbags and underwear.

Two weeks ago, a farmer's wife and her daughter were shot dead and another daughter wounded during a daytime robbery at their home in Krugersdorp, near Johannesburg.

Lynette Jooste, 40, and her teenage girls had been taught to use two .38 revolvers and a .22 pistol, which were kept in a safe. As is often the case, however, the guns were used against them.

Last week, Eric Mhlanga, 19, whose mother had worked as the family's maid for seven years, appeared in court charged with the murders.

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