MDC activist, Peter Munyanyi, 29, has finally managed to escape from his abductors after spending over six months in captivity at an unknown place.
For over six months, Munyanyi, who was among hundreds of MDC supporters who went missing following last year’s post-election violence, said he did not know where he was, after he was locked up by State security agents in a dark room without blankets, clothing or toilet facilities.
During that period, Munyanyi says he was also given very little to eat. Munyanyi, an MDC activist from Shana Village in Gutu South, Masvingo province, lived in fear everyday for those six months, not knowing whether he will ever see the outside world again let alone his wife, Jacqueline and three year-old son Malvern.
Munyanyi’s six month ordeal started on the afternoon of 13 December 2008 at Utsinda Business Centre in Gutu where he met three men driving a white singlecab CAM truck who pounced on him.
The men assaulted him and tried to force him into the vehicle.
CAM trucks were last year well known for being used in the abduction of MDC and human rights activists across the country.
“I however, managed to escape from them and ran away. One of them thenstarted firing shots at me and when the third shot was fired I panicked and fell to the ground.
“That is when they started kicking me very hard with booted feet until I collapsed. From then on I don’t know what happened,” he said.
When Munyanyi later became conscious, he found that he was locked up in a dark room with a broken arm and a missing tooth.
Unknown to Munyanyi, this was going to be his home for the coming six months.
“I never received any treatment for my broken arm and I had to use the T-shirt I was wearing when I was abducted as an arm sling. I received excruciating torture during this period,” he said. Munyanyi is one of over 50 MDC supporters who were abducted mafiastyle by State security agents on false charges that they were being recruited by the MDC for military training in Botswana to topple the Zanu PF regime.
“It was a harrowing experience as I was still tortured although I was in pain with a broken arm,” Munyanyi said.
He said his daily meal was a plate of sadza with salt as relish once a day while on the other hand he had no toilet facilities and no blankets.
“I would sleep on the floor and after every two weeks, I was given a bucket of water for cleaning the room since I had to relieve myself in that very room.
“However, what made my experience more worrying was that my abductors never talked to me but simply tortured me on a weekly basis without a word said,” he said.
On 29 June 2009, one of Munyanyi’s abductors came to the room at night and left the door open, which had never happened in the past six months that he was incarcerated.
“Within five minutes I had bolted out of the room and I sprinted out of the place before scaling the fence,” he said.
He spent four days walking in the bush until he arrived at Filabusi, Matebeleland South province.
A Good Samaritan gave him bus fare to travel to Masvingo but when he got home he discovered that his house had been burnt down and property looted and his wife had also been beaten up by unknown people.
“My wife had to leave for her parents’ home in Chivi as she could not cope with the intimidation and harassment that she was getting from Zanu PF supporters in the area,” he said. Since his escape from his abductors, Munyanyi says he has managed to have his arm treated but is still having sleepless nights because of what he went through.
“However, despite the ordeal I have gone through I remain an active and dedicated MDC supporter and will continue to work tirelessly for the party,” he said.
Via The Changing Times – email.
http://www.zimbabwejournalists.com
7th
Nov 2009 14:46 GMT
By Forward
Maisokwadzo
The MDC-T MP for Makoni Central, John Nyamande has died
in a car crash early
hours of today, a tragic incident which has left the
MDC leadership and its
supporters, family and friends shocked and
devastated. He was 57.
Nyamande, a former school teacher and former
MDC-UK interim chairman
defeated Patrick Chinamasa, Zanu PF's chief
negotiator in the Government of
National Unity and Minister of Justice and
Legal Affairs. Chinamasa is his
cousin.
Nyamande famously known in
his constituency and supporters as 'Mhofu muri
vahombe,' close family
friends in UK says he was driving his official
twin-cab and hit an
unidentified truck stationary in the middle of the
highway along
Rusape-Harare road in Ruwa early hours of today.
There was violence
when he arrived in Makoni to campaign and for so many
occasions Nyamande was
target of assasination. At one stage, during the
height of ZANU-PF
perpetrated violence, Nyamande escaped an assassination
attempt.
Nyamande who has been based in the United Kingdom knew the
risks of going
back home and challenge Robert Mugabe.
After his
stunning election as MP, Mr Nyamande returned to the UK where his
family
live and delivered talks about his experiences during election.
He spoke
about the horrors of his election, the election of the Speaker of
Parliament, the Power Sharing talks and the MDC vision.
It is sad day for
Zimbabwean politics for having lost such a formidable
politician of his
calibre.
http://www.radiovop.com/
Masvingo - November 7,
2009 - Zanu PF provincial heavy weights here
have been sharply divided over
Chiredzi magistrate Enias Magate's ruling
this week that a prominent
commercial farmer, Digby Nesbit, must vacate his
Hippo Valley Settlement
Holdings Farm number 30 by November 22, despite
pleas by the provincial
politburo members that he should be spared from the
eviction as he was
productive and providing a meaningful input to the
economy.
Police Assistant Commissioner Edmore Veterai
has won a two year long
fight for the farm after Magate, who presented a 200
paged document on how
he arrived on his judgment, found Nesbit guilty of
contravening the Gazetted
Land Consequential Provisions Act for occupation
of gazetted land without
lawful authority and ordered him to pay a fine of
USd 200 or face ten days
imprisonment.
The magistrate
described Nesbit as a 'philanthropist' because of his
charitable works that
he has been doing in Chiredzi since 1971 which
includes feeding the blind,
opening an orphanage that has housed 100
destitutes and catered for their
welfare until they finished 'A' level.
Magate however noted that
since the land has been gazetted by the
state in December 2007, he was an
illegal occupant. Nesbit was also given
three months to relocate his
crocodiles from the farm.
It has now emerged that some Zanu PF
officials mainly from the Solomon
Mujuru faction, who have been assuring
Nesbit that he will never be evicted,
are now openly condemning the court
ruling, while the Emmerson Mnangagwa
backed side celebrated over the white
farmer's eviction.
A Zanu PF legislator from Chiredzi, who refused
to be named, said the
factions which already exist in the party's provincial
circles, are further
drifted apart because of Nesbit's
fate.
Although not confirming the dispute within the party,
Zanu PF
politburo member Dzikamai Mavhaire, told RadioVOP, the court had
been ill
advised.
"It is actually a long story but for
your sake I want to tell you that
Nesbit has been doing a lot of
developmental projects in Chiredzi. He is
actually the man who has brought
Chiredzi on the map in as far as
development is concerned. Why then do we
continue to chase him away from his
farm when he had surrendered almost
three quarters of his land to the state?
I do not see the logic of it," said
Mavhaire.
Zanu PF politburo member and former legislator
for the area, Celine
Pote said:" I do not think it was good for the court to
evict Nesbit
considering a lot of work that he was doing for
Chiredzi."
However, Masvingo Governor Titus Maluleke said
the court's judgment
was final and it did not make sense for the people to
continue debating over
water under the bridge.
Reserve
Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) Governor, Gideon Gono, had during his
tour of the
farm in 2006, praised the farmer's crocodile project, saying it
was
generating the much needed foreign currency in the country.
Rodney Makausi of Chihambakwe and Makonese legal practitioners,
representing
Nesbit told Radio VOP that he was going to appeal against
judgment on
Monday.
http://www.apanews.net
APA-Harare (Zimbabwe)
Zimbabwe's parliament has submitted to President
Robert Mugabe the names of
persons shortlisted for appointment to the
country's new electoral body, APA
learns here Saturday.
The Speaker of Parliament, Lovemore Moyo, submitted
12 names of candidates
shortlisted to sit on the reformed Zimbabwe Electoral
Commission (ZEC).
President Mugabe is expected to appoint eight members
from the list
submitted by parliament's Standing Rules and Orders Committee
(SROC) of
which four people, apart from the chairperson, should be
women.
The Zimbabwean head of state will also appoint a chairperson who
must be a
sitting or former judge of the Supreme Court or the High
Court.
The president can also pick any person qualified for appointment
to the
bench as chairman of the Commission after consultation with the
Judicial
Service Commission and the SROC.
Members of the ZEC will
serve for a term of six years and their appointment
may be renewed for one
further term only.
The ZEC's functions will include preparing for,
conducting and supervising
elections for the office of President,
Parliament, local council elections
and referendums.
ZEC will also
ensure that elections and referendums are conducted
efficiently, freely,
fairly, transparently and in accordance with the law.
JN/ad/APA
2009-11-07
http://www.zimonline.co.za/
by Own
Correspondent Saturday 07 November 2009
HARARE - Zimbabwe's
central bank governor Giedon Gono on Friday said almost
all of the country's
banking institutions have managed to raise the minimum
capital requirements,
thus averting any major potential shocks within the
industry.
In a
briefing to bankers and journalists Gono however lashed out banks for
failing to advance loans to sectors such agriculture, manufacturing and
mining.
"It is my pleasure to report that as at October 31, 23 out of
26 banking
institutions had core capital complying with the prescribed
minimum capital
requirements," Gono told a news conference.
"The
introduction of the multicurrency system necessitated the restatement
of
banking institutions' balance sheets to take into account the value of
assets which in conventional accounting had been depleted to zero, following
a period of hyperinflation."
Gono said agriculture remained one of
the mainstays of the economy and
appealed to bankers to extend
financing.
"The Reserve Bank notes with great concern that some banking
institutions
are not playing a meaningful role in the extension of credit to
the
agricultural sector. As an agriculturally based economy, the economic
fortunes of the nation predominantly depend on the performance of the
agricultural sector."
Gono also said that two commercial banks, one
merchant bank and one discount
house had failed to meet the minimum
requirements but added that plans were
underway to meet the
regulations.
Under the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe regulations, for
commercial banks to be
operational they would need to deposit US$6.5 million
with the central bank
as of end of last month, but should by end of March
next year have paid
US$12.5 million.
Merchant banks must have paid
US$5 million as of end of October while, by
end of March next year the
institutions should have paid US$10 million.
Building socities were
suppossed to have paid US$5 million by the end of
last month. -
ZimOnline
http://www.zimonline.co.za/
by Cuthbert Nzou
Saturday 07 November 2009
HARARE - The Supreme Court this
week said it would soon hear embattled
business tycoon Mutumwa Mawere's
constitutional application challenging the
appropriation of his companies by
government.
Chief Justice Godfrey Chidyausiku said the court needed time
to go through
various records and documents related to the case before the
hearing. He did
not give a date for the commencement of the
matter.
He postponed hearing the case saying some of the documents were
filed with
the court as late as last Thursday morning.
Lawyers
representing Mawere and respondents in the matter concurred that the
court
could not deliberate on the matter on the same grounds and conceded
that the
latest documents had been filed out of time. Generally, the court
needs a
week to go through records before sitting.
Mawere is challenging the
constitutional validity of the Reconstruction of
State-Indebted and
Insolvent Companies Act and alleged lack of fairness in
the actions and
decisions taken by SMM administrator Arafus Gwaradzimba and
Justice Minister
Patrick Chinamasa in appropriating his companies.
Gwaradzimba and
Chinamasa are cited as the first and third respondents,
respectively. Lawyer
Edwin Manikai and President Robert Mugabe are also
cited as
respondents.
Mawere's lawyer, Advocate Adrian de Bourbon, argues that the
Reconstruction
Act permits the state to expropriate property "without
notice, payment of
fair compensation or judicial oversight" in violation of
rights provided for
under the Bill of Rights in the country's supreme law.
He further argues
that the law denies aggrieved parties access to the
courts.
Mugabe was cited as a respondent because he used his Presidential
Powers
(Temporary Measures) Act in September 2004 to empower Chinamasa to
place any
company under reconstruction if the minister believes "for any
other reason"
that the firm would likely not repay a credit accessed from
public funds.
De Bourbon further argues that a reconstruction order
issued against a
company is "deemed to have been issued in relation" to
every associate
company of that company and "every company not formally
associated with the
company".
The Constitution of Zimbabwe states
that " . . . no property of any
description or interest or right therein
shall be compulsorily acquired
except under the authority of
law".
But the respondents' lawyers argued that Mawere cannot be entitled
to the
same rights as a resident Zimbabwean.
The lawyers argue that
Section 11 of the Constitution does not give Mawere
"fundamental rights
enshrined in the constitution," adding, "one has to be
in Zimbabwe
".
The lawyers further argue that Mawere is not a Zimbabwean citizen but
a
South African according to his pronouncement.
The respondents
argued: "The application itself is not clear on precisely
which provisions
of the constitution it claimed have been violated and this
evident from the
draft order. There is also reference in the body of the
application to the
provisions of Section 16, Section 18 (9) as well as
Article 3 of the
constitution.
They are bland allegations of breach through
discriminations such as made in
paragraph 208 and the incredible 236 which
equates the reconstruction law to
"NAZI" of the founding affidavit but which
appear not to have been followed
through in terms of the order
sought."
The respondents' lawyers further argued that the provisions of
the
Reconstruction Act are consistent with the declaration of rights and do
not
conflict with Section 16 and 18 of the constitution.
Mawere was
accused of externalisation of funds out of Zimbabwe without
exchange control
authority. SMM Holdings Ltd, Zimre Holdings, Schweppes
Zimbabwe Ltd and CFI
Holdings Ltd were controlled by Mawere before a
reconstruction order was
issued. - ZimOnline
http://www.hrw.org/
Human Rights
Watch
Diamond Monitoring Body's Failure to Suspend Allows for Sale of
"Blood
Diamonds"
November 6, 2009
The group that monitors blood
diamonds essentially ignored the blood being
shed in Zimbabwe's diamond
fields. That decision puts diamond consumers at
risk of buying blood
diamonds.
Georgette Gagnon, Africa director
(Johannesburg) - The
credibility of the world's "blood diamond" monitoring
group has been damaged
after its failure this week to suspend Zimbabwe
despite overwhelming
evidence of serious human rights abuses and smuggling
in the Marange diamond
fields in eastern Zimbabwe, Human Rights Watch said
today.
"The group
that monitors blood diamonds essentially ignored the blood being
shed in
Zimbabwe's diamond fields," said Georgette Gagnon, Africa director
at Human
Rights Watch. "That decision puts diamond consumers at risk of
buying blood
diamonds."
As recently as late October, 2009, Human Rights Watch
uncovered rampant
abuses by the military in Marange including forced labor,
child labor,
killings, beatings, smuggling, and corruption. Human Rights
Watch confirmed
that stones coming from these fields are mined in the
context of serious
human rights violations.
Human Rights Watch called
on the diamond industry and diamond consumers to
boycott Marange diamonds
until Zimbabwe ends all abuses and removes the
military from the area. With
the failure of the Kimberley Process to stand
resolutely for clean diamonds,
it is now up to consumers to insist on
conflict-free gems, Human Rights
Watch said.
The Kimberley Process, an international body governing the
diamond industry,
held a plenary meeting November 2 through 5 in Swakopmund,
Namibia. The
group deliberated whether to suspend Zimbabwe after a review
mission, sent
by the group itself, found "credible indications of
significant
non-compliance" with the group's minimum standards.
In
particular, the review mission, from June 30 to July 4, documented
extensive
smuggling of diamonds and rampant violence against local miners
and
residents by Zimbabwean police and army officers. The review mission
recommended suspension of Zimbabwe and the appointment of a human rights
expert to examine further abuses in Marange. The mission also said the
military should withdraw immediately from the diamond fields.
Despite
these recommendations, the group's plenary, which works by
consensus,
instead asked Zimbabwe to adhere to a work plan that Zimbabwe had
proposed.
The plan commits the country to a phased withdrawal of the
military without
specific time lines, directs police to provide security for
the area, and
provides for a monitor, agreed to by both Zimbabwe and the
Kimberley
process, to examine and certify all shipments of diamonds from
Marange.
"These benchmarks are weak, at best, and they won't prevent
serious abuses
from occurring around Marange, nor halt the smuggling of
diamonds," Gagnon
said. "Without stronger action, the group cannot certify
that the diamonds
coming from Zimbabwe are clean."
Israel and Canada
pushed unsuccessfully for suspension of Zimbabwe, but
South Africa, Namibia,
Tanzania, Democratic Republic of Congo, and Russia
supported Zimbabwe and
called for technical assistance without suspension.
The Russian delegation
stated that "at present there are no conflict
diamonds in
Zimbabwe."
Human Rights Watch has urged the Kimberley process to
interpret broadly the
definition of "conflict diamonds," explicitly to
include diamonds mined in
the context of serious human rights abuses. The
Kimberley Process, Human
Rights Watch said, should also review its
consensus-based decision-making
mechanism and provide for a voting system
that will enable the body to make
difficult decisions without compromising
the group's core mandate.
"To its discredit, the Kimberley Process showed
a lack of political will to
compel Zimbabwe to end abuses that the group's
own review team has
condemned," Gagnon said. "This diamond monitoring body
has utterly lost
credibility."
http://www.voanews.com
By Blessing Zulu & Ntungamili Nkomo
Washington
06 November 2009
South African President Jacob
Zuma is expected to take a leading role in
monitoring follow-through by the
partners in Zimbabwe's government of
national unity in implementing a deal
concluded late Thursday in Maputo,
Mozambique, by the GNU principals with
the help of the Southern African
Development Community troika on
politics.
A communiqué issued by the SADC committee said the unity
government
principals "should engage in dialogue with immediate effect
within 15 days
(but) not beyond 30 days."
Some have taken this to
mean the parties have committed themselves to reach
agreement on outstanding
issues in that 30-day window, though the language
is ambiguous.
Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai said after the SADC troika meeting that his
movement for Democratic Change Formation would restore normal relations with
the ZANU-PF party of President Robert Mugabe. Mr. Tsvangirai declared Oct.
16 that his party was disengaging from ZANU-PF over its alleged violations
of the power-sharing agreement.
SADC sources said African leaders at
the meeting, who included President
Armando Guebuza of Mozambique, troika
chairman, and Mr. Zuma told the
Zimbabwean leaders not to set pre-conditions
to negotiations, as as both
wanted their grievances to be addressed
first.
Sources informed on the Maputo talks said President Mugabe and
Prime
Minister Tsvangirai traded recriminations during the discussions, the
president complaining that the MDC had not done enough to bring about the
lifting of Western travel and financial restrictions, and the prime minister
alleging a calculated ZANU-PF crackdown on members of his
party.
Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara, head of a rival MDC
formation to Mr.
Tsvangirai's, told VOA Studio 7 reporter Blessing Zulu that
he is confident
the GNU will now succeed.
Tsvangirai MDC spokesman
Nelson Chamisa commended the regional organization
for its mediation in the
crisis. But ZANU-PF Deputy Spokesman Ephraim Masawi
called MDC officials
crybabies and accused them of being controlled by the
West.
from
VOA's Studio 7
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=24610
November 7, 2009 By Takarinda Gomo THE SADC Organ on Defence and Security, commonly known as the Troika,
convened an extra-ordinary Summit in Maputo, Mozambique on Thursday, November 5,
2009. It is imperative for Zimbabweans both at home and abroad and the
international community in general, to get an appreciation of what are the real
issues at stake. What does MDC want and what is it that Zanu-PF is refusing to let go? What
does Zanu-PF demand from the MDC? Tabulated below are the arguments from both
sides. However what is the position of the general public in Zimbabwe. ..
Points that are in dispute between the
MDC-T and Zanu-PF, and what the people of Zimbabwe think.
MDC-T
Zanu-PF
People of Zimbabwe
1. MDC demands that President Mugabe swears in Roy Bennett ,
the MDC Treasure General as Deputy Minister of Agriculture. The party says the
charges being preferred against Bennett are trumped up.
Zanu-PF argues that Bennett was a former policeman during the
Rhodesian era and he represents the face of white supremacy. He is currently out
on bail after being charged for possession of arms of war. Bennett can only be
sworn in if he is cleared by the courts.
Ordinary people are confused. There seems to be no clear
policies or processes that can ameliorate their suffering as a result of this
appointment. Equally people don’t understand what Zanu-PF is afraid of if
Bennett is appointed junior minister.
2. Replace the Central Bank Governor, Gideon Gono and
Attorney General, Johannes Tomana as their appointments were made without
consultation with the Prime Minister in accordance with provisions in the GPA,
and the Sadc Communiqué of January 2009.
It is the prerogative and right of a sitting president to
make senior appointments as provided for in the Constitution of Zimbabwe. The
two were appointed before the advent of the inclusive government, even before
the Prime Minister was sworn in. So who was the President supposed to
consult?
The people are concerned because the two men have displayed
partisan support for Zanu-PF publicly. They are baying for the blood of the two
men because they caused untold suffering to the people of Zimbabwe. More
worrisome is the declaration by the President that the two are going nowhere
because he says so!
3. Appoint MDC chosen candidates as provincial governors as
stipulated in the GPA
Notwithstanding provisions of the GPA, provincial governors
represent the President in the provinces. The Constitution empowers the
President to exercise his discretion on such appointments. The Constitution is
the supreme law of the land and overrides any other law including the GPA.
People are asking what is the purpose of the GPA and Sadc
mediation if President Mugabe resorts to the Constitution when it suits him,
thereby allowing him to flout the GPA as and when he wishes?
4. MDC demands that PM Tsvangirai should be allowed to chair
Cabinet sessions when President Mugabe is out of the country. That is why the
GPA recognizes Tsvangirai as Deputy Chairman of Cabinet
All Cabinet meetings are cancelled if Mugabe is not in the
country. He even appoints an Acting President to act in his place. Tsvangirai is
at present a distant third place in terms of precedents and power
hierarchy.
People have really nothing to gain from this grandstanding
and display of raw power. Zimbabweans yearn for policies, programmes and
strategies that can improve their lives.
5. MDC has no power to remove sanctions and travel
restrictions on Zanu-PF leadership imposed by the West
Zanu–PF demands that sanctions should be removed
unconditionally and forthwith. Zanu-PF says the MDC which advocated for
sanctions should tell the West to remove them
The man-in-the-street has nothing to gain from imposition of
sanctions or their removal. People want food on the table not fairy tales of
leaders globe-trotting and embarking on shopping expeditions.
6. MDC wants persecutions against its members, particularly
selective prosecution of its legislators to stop. Zanu-PF is also accused of
launching a campaign of violence and intimidation by its youth militia on MDC
supporters to weaken MDC structures.
Zanu-PF accuses MDC of wanting legal immunity for all its
members including criminal activity using charges of human rights violation in
order to tarnish the image of Zanu-PF abroad.
People are caught up in orgy of violence. They want peace and
to go about their daily lives without fear and threats of violence.
7. MDC demands an end to continuing farm invasions of
white-owned farms by Zanu-PF supporters. These invasions are disrupting farming
operations and are a threat to food security in Zimbabwe.
Zanu-PF says there are no new farm seizures. However, there
are some people with authentic offer letters who are moving onto designated
farms. Some white farmers have refused to move out hoping MDC would protect
them.
People are not interested in this bickering. They want the
Government to concentrate on providing farm inputs for the forthcoming planting
season. As it is there isn’t enough fertilizer in the country. If orders for
inputs are send now the fertilizer will arrive in the country at the end of
February 2010.
8. On Media Reforms, MDC is accuses President Mugabe of
delaying the appointment of Zimbabwe Media Commission members already
short-listed. MDC views appointment of known Zanu-PF apologists to boards of the
Broadcasting Authority of Zimbabwe and ZBC Holdings in order to block the
opening up of the airwaves. MDC also denies that it has control over private
radio stations beaming into Zimbabwe.
President Mugabe’s officials say Mugabe is still carefully
studying the list submitted to the President by the Parliamentary Select
Committee.
Zanu-PF demands that MDC supporters operating pirate radio
stations from USA and Europe should close them down.Most Zimbabweans inside the country and abroad are getting
reliable sources of news from online publications such as The Zimbabwe Time,
ZimOnline and New Zimbabwe and private Radio Stations like Studio 7 and SW Radio
Africa. The local public broadcaster is spewing propaganda and hate speech. The
people do not believe in the government media outlets - Zimbabwe Newspapers and
ZBC.
http://www.state.gov/r/pa/prs/ps/2009/nov/131608.htm
US
Department of State
Washington, DC
November 6,
2009
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
In
light of serious concerns about Zimbabwe's compliance with the Kimberley
Process (KP) rough diamond certification scheme, we await full and
expeditious implementation of the stringent controls for exports of rough
diamonds from Zimbabwe's Marange fields that were agreed at the KP Plenary
in Swakopmund, Namibia, on November 5. The United States expects Zimbabwe to
commit substantial effort and resources to the obligations of the Work Plan.
If the Work Plan is not thoroughly implemented, we expect the KP to suspend
Zimbabwe's status in the KP certification scheme. We further note that
Zimbabwe agreed only to export Marange diamonds once the monitoring
mechanism is established. In addition, the United States remains deeply
concerned about human rights abuses in the diamond regions of
Zimbabwe.
The United States welcomes progress made during the KP Plenary
regarding
increased oversight of exports from Guinea, new measures regarding
identification and cooperation on suspicious shipments and efforts to
improve coordination on technical and development
assistance.
PRN: 2009/1112
http://www.independent.co.uk
Alarm over scale of foreign
holdings and secretive land deals by wealthy
nations
By Daniel
Howden, Africa Correspondent
Saturday, 7 November
2009
More than 50 heads of state will gather for a summit
later this month to
look at ways of policing the extraordinary "land grab"
that has seen richer
countries buy up at least 20 million hectares of
farmland in Africa in the
last 18 months. The United Nations is drawing up a
"code of conduct" in an
effort to slow what's been described as a new
scramble for Africa, while
agriculture experts are calling for a new global
watchdog and aid agencies
are appealing for a moratorium on new
deals.
Countries including the Gulf States, China, South Korea and a host
of
private investors and sovereign wealth funds have provoked serious
concerns
internationally with a string of aggressive and often secretive
deals for
large tracts of arable land on the world's hungriest
continent.
David Hallam, the deputy director of the trade and markets
division at the
UN's Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO), and one of the
experts
drafting the code, said yesterday that the "principles are agreed"
and he
expected leaders to make a joint statement at a summit in Rome in a
fortnight's time. "It's going to bring these deals into focus and make
people think about what's going on," he told The
Independent.
According to FAO figures the recent wave of land
acquisitions is equivalent
to one-tenth of the entire area already farmed in
Africa, or twice the
arable land in Germany.
The code is expected to
try and break the secrecy surrounding these deals
and ensure locals' rights
are not being trampled by big corporations or
governments and that Africans'
food security is not further threatened. "In
the worst cases it's fair to
say we are looking at neo-colonialism," said Dr
Hallam.
In the last
year Saudi Arabia has added to huge holdings in Sudan with a
$100 million
deal for land in famine stricken Ethiopia; Qatar has begun
acquiring 40,000
hectares in Kenya's Tana River Delta to grow fruit and
vegetables despite a
drought that sees the UN feeding four million Kenyans;
China has added to
its huge holdings in Zimbabwe and Algeria; and Egypt has
leased 2 million
acres of land from Uganda to grow corn and wheat.
The deal that really
brought the phenomenon to the surface was the
Madagascar government's
decision to lease 1.3 million hectares, or half the
island's arable land, to
the South Korean giants Daewoo for 99 years for
biofuel plantations. When it
was revealed that Daewoo would pay nothing for
the land and would instead
barter it for infrastructure projects, president
Marc Ravalomanana's
administration became the first to be toppled over "land
grabbing". The deal
has been scrapped.
The scramble has its roots in last year's food crisis,
which saw a huge
spike in the price of staples and food protectionism, where
countries
slapped export bans on rice and other foodstuffs. Food was not
only more
expensive, it was unavailable. Then came the oil price rises.
"Oil-rich and
water-poor countries suddenly became interested in securing
their long-term
food supplies," said Ruth Meinzen-Dick, senior research
fellow at the
International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI) in
Washington.
"Many of these deals were quite secretive and there was no
clear benefit for
the people living in these areas."
Added to these
factors was the historic switch from food to fuel, driven by
US subsidies
for corn-based ethanol and hasty moves by the EU to set targets
to switch
from fossil fuels to bio-fuels which have since been reversed.
The IFPRI
is calling for a watchdog "with teeth" to ensure that there is
"informed
consent" in poorer countries where land is being leased, as well
as respect
for African customary law, which is supposed to protect the
traditional
rights of smallholders.
Meinzen-Dick advocates a system that would ensure
that in times of shortage
there would be restrictions on the amount of food
exported from
foreign-owned land.
The irony is that the current trend
could be a win-win situation as everyone
is agreed that Africa is in dire
need of investment: foreign aid and
domestic spending on agriculture has
dipped alarmingly in the last two
decades.
The London-based
International Institute for Environment and Development
rejects the "land
grab" analysis as too "simplistic". In a recent report the
think-tank argued
that there can be an upside if the investments are
structured to create "new
opportunities".
The report does warn that too much of the land being
signed away is "high
value" and that African governments are pushing through
deals under the
pretence that common land is "unused".
Speaking at an
FAO event in Washington earlier this year Chido Makunike, a
Zimbabwean
agricultural consultant, explained: "In Africa, far from being
perceived as
a mere economic resource land has cultural, sentimental, and
political
meanings, and represents one of the strongest symbols of
dispossession
during the colonial era."
http://steelguru.com/
Saturday, 07 Nov 2009
According
to Mr Trynos Nkomo president of Zimbabwe Miners Federation, small
scale
miners are about to realize their true potential once the federation
seals a
partnership deal with a Chinese firm that specializes in mining
equipment.
Speaking in an interview following a visit to China by a
delegation led by
the Deputy Minister of Mines and Mining Development Mr
Murisi Zwizwai, Mr
Nkomo said his organization had engaged a big Chinese
firm in a deal that
could improve production in the local gold mining
sphere.
Mr Nkomo said "Our trip to China saw us meeting and engaging in
talks with
some major mining stakeholders at the China Mining Expo. We are
on the brink
of securing lucrative deals for our small scale gold miners. He
said that as
small scale gold miners we have always brought forward our
plight which is
that of shortage of appropriate mining equipment that is
essential if we are
ever to reach our full potential.
He added that
"The Chinese firm we are about to engage specializes in modern
high tech
equipment and we are convinced that with such a partner, small
scale miners
will be able to boost their production levels. He also said
that the
federation together with its potential partner had put in place a
joint
commission to facilitate the partnership."
Mr Nkomo said "The name of the
firm cannot be revealed now as this might
jeopardize our negotiations, but
we have set up a joint commission with the
Chinese with the sole purpose of
facilitating the partnership's terms and
goals. Hopefully everything will go
according to plan."
He said that the "Look East policy' should have been
diversified to all
sectors of the economy as the mining sector could have
started reaping the
benefits of the country's mineral reserves a long time
ago."
The partnership with the Chinese will see the small-scale miners
getting
equipment that can be used to go further down in the ground in
search of
mineral resources. Small scale miners have been facing the dilemma
of poor
working equipment and most of them have been using traditional
equipment
that only allowed them to tap the resources that are only near the
surface
of the earth leaving most of the minerals untapped.
(Sourced
from allafrica.com)
(AFP) - 11 hours
ago
BEIJING - Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao denied that Beijing was
developing ties
in Africa purely to satisfy its need for energy, as he
headed for talks with
the continent's leaders, according to state
media.
Speaking while on the plane to Egypt, where he is due to meet
Egyptian
President Hosni Mubarak before the Forum on China-Africa
Cooperation begins
on Sunday, Wen said Beijing had an important role to play
in Africa's
development.
"Energy cooperation is just one area" where
China and Africa were working
together, he said. "In no way has China come
to Africa solely for its energy
sources," he added, according to comments
carried by People's Daily.
"The aim for China in helping Africa is to
reinforce its own role in
development," Wen said.
Some Western
critics have accused China of worsening repression and human
rights abuses
in Africa by supporting countries such as Sudan and Zimbabwe
in its drive to
gain access to natural resources.
But other observers have said the
closer ties between the two sides are
focused on industries that would
improve African development such as
agriculture, electric power,
transportation and water drainage.
China is also seen as a key player in
ending the six-year war between the
Sudanese government and rebels in
Darfur. It is a leading weapons supplier
to Sudan and importer of its
oil.
Sunday's summit in the Red Sea resort of Sharm el-Sheikh comes as
Beijing
bids to expand its diplomatic and economic influence on the
resource-rich
continent.
Chinese companies have been pouring
investments into oil and other raw
materials in Africa to fuel the country's
booming economy.
At the last China-Africa summit in Beijing in 2006,
China pledged hefty aid
and vowed to step up its trade relations with the
continent.
Direct Chinese investment in Africa soared from 491 million
dollars in 2003
to 7.8 billion dollars in 2008. Trade between the two has
increased ten-fold
since the start of the decade.
http://www.radiovop.com/
Masvingo,
November 7, 2009 - Chivi Central legislator and
co-chairperson of the
constitution making process, Munyaradzi Paul Mangwana
said his team will not
tolerate calls from various stakeholders, political
parties and donors to
rush the constitution making process.
Speaking to
journalists at the Civic Center in Masvingo on Friday
night, Mangwana said:
"We will take our time. There is no need to push us on
this issue of
constitution, we want to come up with a perfect thing which is
going to last
forever. We are already six months behind ...All what people
need is to have
a constitution done but they are not considering that we are
operating
without a budget since the formation of this inclusive government.
We want
to be serious with this issue so we will not tolerate calls to
rush."
"We need at least US$ 5, 4 million for training people
and the
consultation process. The whole remaining work needs about 11
million
dollars. We have 70 teams which are going to be deployed in each
province
come next week. However, we are happy that minister of Finance
Tendai Biti
will be part of our management committee so we will be putting
pressure on
him to give us some money to use," said Mangwana.
The constitution is expected to be complete by next year in December
but
Mangwana said there were no time lines.
Mangwana is on record
saying that elections and the new constitution
are not related. He
emphasized that even if the new constitution was
completed, legislators must
never be forced into another election. He said
the elections which will come
after the new constitution might be only
presidential.
"How can
any sane man wants to challenge me after elections, I am
going to serve
Chivi Central for five years. I will never accept elections
before the end
of my term. Maybe Mugabe and Tsvangirai will go in to the
elections not MPs-
never," said Mangwana.
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=24633
November 7, 2009
By Owen
Chikari
MASVINGO - The three principals to the Global Political Agreement
which
ushered in the country's inclusive government have not been serious in
the
constitution making process hence the parliamentary select committee
will
now not meet its deadline as prescribed in the GPA.
President
Robert Mugabe, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirayi and Deputy Prime
Minister
Arthur Mutambara are the principals to the GPA which facilitated
the
formation of the inclusive government brokered by former South African
President Thabo Mbeki.
Addressing journalists in Masvingo yesterday
Zanu-PF co-chairperson of the
parliamentary select committee on the
constitution making process Paul
Munyaradzi Mangwana said that the three
principals were not serious about
the process hence. He cited the failure to
make a budgetary allocation for
the programme.
Mangwana said his
committee was now obliged to seek an extension of the
deadline as prescribed
in the GPA because they had already lost four months.
"The three
principals were not serious because if they were really committed
they
should have allocated the parliamentary select committee a budget",
said
Mangwana who is also Chivi central legislator, representing Zanu-PF.
"We
have been operating using our own resources and the three principals
have
been quiet about it," he added.
"We are now saying, 'If you are serious
where is the budget?'"
Mangwana also attacked the media for failing to
pressurise the principals to
release the money on time.
"We were
banking on you journalists to put pressure on the principals so
that they
give us money for the process. We said no to donor funding because
the
product would not be home-grown. If there are any donors they have to
come
through the government," said Mangwana.
He, however, said that the
committee had since received $300 000 to start
the outreach programme. He
said the money fell far shot of the required $11,
4 million.
"We have
been promised that monies would not be regularly channelled to us
and we
believe next week we will start training members of the thematic
committees
and the outreach programme, which involves the gathering of
people's views,
would immediately follow," said Mangwana.
According to Mangwana the
outreach programme which will see three meetings
being held in each local
government rural ward and one meeting in each urban
ward would require only
USD 5, 4 million dollars.
He said the outreach programme would require
about 65 working days to be
completed.
Mangwana said because the
funds were now starting to in the committee had
now secured offices and
opened a bank account.
"We want our names to be in the history books that
we spear-headed the
writing of the constitution," said Mangwana. "Next week
we are going to
conduct interviews for members of the
secretariat."
Turning to the controversial issue in which Zanu-PF is
allegedly telling its
supporters to rally behind the Kariba Draft Mangwana
said this draft was
like any other draft and would be used as a reference
point during the
constitutional process.
Mangwana, of Zanu-PF,
Douglas Mwonzora of the mainstream MDC and a
legislator from the MDC -M
co-chair the parliamentary select committee on
the constitution-making
process.
According to the GPA the parliamentary select committee should
have started
gathering the people's views in July this year, with the
process being
completed by the end of this month.
It is very well for Job Sikhala to
write and tell people about his
contributions to the democratic fight and
the formation of the MDC in
particular. It is also within Sikhala’s rights
to stake his claim in the
national process and it is again within his
rights, to name himself ahead of
other people who were also involved with
the MDC both at its formation,
thereafter, and up to now. Of course there
are so many people who were
initially close to the MDC but are now on the
sidelines. Some were too
disgruntled to carry on and others were literary
eased out of the way.
Indeed Sikhala is a very courageous and brave
person who has sacrificed so
much in the fight for democratic space in
Zimbabwe. That is why he earned
himself the name “Wiwa” after Ken Saro Wiwa
the late Ogoni nationalist who
was killed at the height of the suppression
of the Ogoni uprisings by the
government of the late Nigerian dictator Sani
Abacha. it does not augur well
for history however, when a national process
is owned and identified with
only a tiny minority of people when in fact the
scope of involvement was
greater. Neither is it health for nation building
when supposed leaders do
not sincerely but rather conveniently, put
themselves under due scrutiny and
thereby deny the nation a fuller and
comprehensive analysis of their
contributions and also transgressions. To
begin with, the names that Sikhala
always throws around when he narrates
about the formation of the MDC are not
the only ones that were involved,
neither were some of them the leading
personalities.
There were so
many other people involved, both at high profile and in the
middle and lower
echelons of the party and perhaps Sikhala could remember to
say “and many
others” if he cannot name them. The mentality of “owning” the
process of the
inception of the MDC is what has tended to limit the party’s
successes so
far. There is a culture of possessing the party like it is some
prized
personal asset with a few people claiming to be more MDC than others,
a
practice that is at the heart of ZANU PF where the term “mafikizolo” is a
regular reference to anyone in the party who may seek to question the
conscience of the ZANU PF establishment. The idea (in ZANU PF), is to
silence dessent. What Sikhala also tends to conveniently shy away from is
the fact there were a lot of political novices who found themselves at the
right place at the right time and in the process, landed themselves
positions of trust, power and national importance that they did not know how
best to handle. It was too much of an adjustment for a great number of MDC
“founders” who found themselves thrust in the limelight
overnight.
Nobody really imagined the MDC overrunning Zimbabwean national
politics in
the manner it did and that was not necessarily due to the MDC’s
own making,
but was mainly due to the fact that the environment in Zimbabwe
was now
conducive for a new serious political entrant to compete with ZANU
PF. Very
few MDC politicians knew what they were doing on the word go, and
the rest
were in some dangerous process of “on the job trial and error” at
the
expense of the people. But several got away with it, and continue to do
so
now because the situation in Zimbabwe would favour more scrutiny on ZANU
PF
than on MDC politicians. It is a dangerous scenario because by the time
scrutiny shifts to the MDC if at all it does, that may be too late. This is
what happened at independence and few years that followed then because it
made more nationalistic sense to criticise anything that Smith and his
Rhodesian Front stood for, than what Mugabe and ZANU stood for and a
dictator and horrible party were born in the process.
For Sikhala to
say he is now “free” because he has now realised that it was
wrong to join
the other MDC faction that is led by Arthur Mutambara is
missing the point.
There were a number of wrong decisions that followed the
MDC split yes, and
there have been a lot of cases of bad judgement but this
must never be
misconstrued with the reason why the MDC split in the first
place. What
Sikhala must probably say in honesty is that maybe, he has now
learned a
thing or two in the last two years or so. Because the problem with
tinkering
with serious political issues is that they remain unresolved and
useful
lessons don’t get learned in the process. Also, Sikhala cannot afford
to
keep the nation guessing about his future political plans when he knows
what
he intends to do because that is in unfair to the people who have
always
stood by him.
Also, and very importantly, Sikhala is making no mention
what so ever of the
fact that he tried unsuccessfully to impose himself as
the leader of that
formation. He is also not admitting that part of his new
found freedom is
the freedom of his conscience to see the difference between
wrong and right.
Sikhala has been fighting for democratic reform and
constitutional freedom,
and he seemed oblivious that the formation of the
MDC he chose at the split
of the party also adopted a constitution as a
working document. That
constitution does not provide that any disgruntled
member of the formation
can do whatever they please in dealing with the
source of their
disgruntlement. There are always channels, democratic
channels for that
matter that Sikhala could have very easily resorted. But
it is quite
heartening that he realised the futility of the route that he
had initially
chosen as a mode of addressing his concerns. That is something
to celebrate
indeed, not utopian freedom from utopian
conviction.
What the MDC failed as a party in its initial stages, was to
enunciate an
honest and frank process of correctly identifying people’s
talents and
strengths and then effectively deploying them to the best
advantage and
benefit of the party. Or better still, the party could have
allowed an
incubation period whereby people would take positions with a view
to later
reviewing their performances and strengths within a reasonably
short period
of time and then re-deploy them around and within the party.
That way, the
party could have been better run and maybe, a big maybe, the
split could
have been avoided. But because everybody was treading on new
ground, no one
was experienced enough to have the experience to identify
experienced people
who could deliver better for the party.
When the
MDC eventually split in 2005 there was a lot of deliberating and
this was
why several people went to the faction led by AGO and then later on
reverted
to that led by Tsvangirai. The reasoning for this has never been
fully
explained but I know it was partly and probably mainly, to remove or
even
neutralise then party secretary Welshman Ncube. There was widespread
belief
in the MDC that the SG as Ncube was affectionately referred to, was
pulling
in his own direction and not with the party president. In political
terms he
was undermining the president and this was deemed to be
counterproductive
for any party to do well. I first noticed this (the not
pulling together)
first-hand when Ncube travelled with Tsvangirai and
Priscilla Misihairambwi
to the UK for their very last trip together before
the party split. Signs
were all over that all was not well in the camp.
There was a time when the
SG even wanted to prevent Tsavingirai from doing
some of the many tv
interviews he was doing.
I later on put it to Tsavingirai that he had to deal
with his Secretary
General but he was not sure that could be done it in
isolation without
rupturing the party. Tsvangirai also feared a potential
back lush from the
support in Matabeleland because then, Ncube was more
revered than the
wanning support he now commands. Although I had questions
and doubts about
Ncube’s political attributes due to my experience of
working close with him
in the MDC, I have never doubted his administrative
and managerial
capabilities. This has now even been confirmed by the way he
is quite
capably running the ministry of industry. This is what the MDC
could have
done, reserving and nurturing people like him for
government!
One thing for certain was that had Learnmore Jongwe been
around either the
MDC was not going to split or it was going to be easier to
deal with the
issue of the Ncube-Tsvangirai rift because Jongwe was also the
brains behind
bringing Ncube as a last minute appointment to the SG post.
Jongwe and Ncube
understood each other much better and also the former had a
lot of clout in
the MDC although he was still very young. Jongwe’s power was
also
demonstrated by the way he took on Jonathan Moyo and the entire ZANU PF
propaganda machinery with precise authority and maximum effect. Jonathan
Moyo must have been greatly relieved when Jongwe tragically died bringing
his very promising political career to a premature end.
When AGO was
“headhunted” as his choice for leader has been commonly
referred to, the
idea was to bring someone who was relatively detached from
the feud at the
heart of the party but soundly familiar with MDC politics. A
lot of people
have very wrongly and unfairly blamed AGO for the MDC’s woes
and especially
for the loss of the 2008 presidential elections. But that
blame has not been
rightly apportioned. It is true that there are times when
AGO has made
statements that may have not gone down well with some sections
of the
Zimbabwean populace, but that does not mean that everything he stands
for is
dividing the MDC or ensuring that the MDC never wins an election. Far
from
it! When he came onto the scene AGO knew the scale of the task and that
it
was going to be difficult or even impossible to re-unite the MDC.
There
were people who gave it a timescale after which they would go back to
the
main wing of the party. These were the likes of the late Isaac Matongo,
Gift
Chimanikire and Blessing Chebundo. However, these people especially
Chebundo
and Chimanikire have come face to face with the unforgiving nature
of
politics.
Chihuri writes from Scotland and is contactable on email:
silencechihuri@googlemail.com
Dear Family and Friends,
You can sum up the two major events of the
past week in a sentence:
diamond suspension: not happening; action on unity
government:
another deadline, yes another one. Poor Zimbabwe,
disappointed and
let down again and sadly we are not surprised about either
the blood
diamonds or the blood stained politics.
You can't sum up
in a few words the present, desperate situation
regarding agriculture. I went
on a short journey this week, heading
south east through countryside once
alive with agricultural
production: tobacco, maize, fruit, potatoes, cattle
and sheep. Now,
almost a decade into land reform, the view is of
destruction..
Roadside woodlands of indigenous Musasa and Mupfuti
(Prince of
Wales' Feathers) trees are being hacked down by Zimbabwe's
new
farmers. Instead of ploughed or growing fields, the view is of
raw
tree stumps overseen by men in scrappy pole and thatch huts.
The
tragic irony is that this is open woodland area and all around
there
are deserted, unused fields. The new caretakers of
Zimbabwe's
countryside have not grown any food to harvest and so instead
they
are slashing, burning and destroying yet more land. Even more
ironic
is the fact that in the dams visible from the road, there is
still
water for irrigating and so drought or a lack of water cannot
be
blamed for no production.
Further along the journey eastwards
there is a Grain Marketing Board
depot. Once thriving, bustling places now
the red roofed building with
flags fluttering, has no customers or activity.
A single cream and
brown ox, harnessed to a rusty two wheeled cart stands
outside
flicking flies off his back. On farms which at this time of
year
should be, and used to be, green with tobacco or maize as far as
the
eye could see, now there are deserted unploughed fields and a few
mud
and thatch huts.
Grasslands once crowded with cattle, sheep and
even game animals are
now empty. For almost the entire 120 kilometre journey
the roadside
fences are gone and handfuls of scrawny cattle with huge horns
graze
on the verges. At the railway line which crosses the main road a
faded
rusting sign reads: 'Flashlights not working.'
Then, between
kopjes, comes a single brief glimpse of a green field -
blink and you miss
it. The sign- board on the road gives it away, it
is one of last original
commercial farmers that has managed to hold
on.
In white paint on a
rock high up in a kopje someone has painted the
word 'Jesus.' The image
sticks in your mind as after a while you try
not to look at the legacy that
Zanu PF have given to Zimbabwe and try
not to think about what they have done
to our children's heritage. And
you try not to concentrate on how hungry
people are going to be or how
the assault on producing farmers continues day
after day because of
the colour of their skin.
Until next week,
thanks for reading, love cathy. Copyright cathy
buckle 7th November
2009.
www.cathybuckle.com
http://www.latimes.com
Elephants are a lethal menace to
villagers, threatening their lives and
crops. But they bring in tourists,
and therefore money, so they are
rigorously protected -- more so than
humans, critics say.
By Robyn Dixon
November 7, 2009
Reporting
from Katubya, Zambia - Here's how to pitch this (true) story to
Hollywood:
Ordinary guy named John, ordinary Sunday, cycling home into a
setting sun.
Monster roars out of the bushes!
John abandons his bike, flees in terror.
The creature smashes the bicycle,
catches him in a few short strides, grabs
him by the shirt. But he slides
out of his shirt and falls to the
ground.
It picks him up again and he slips out of his trousers. Naked,
too afraid to
even to scream, he scrambles away. But he doesn't get far. The
shrieking
monster smashes him against a tree.
Camera pans to an old
lady approaching, unaware of the danger.
Within minutes she'll be lying
on the path, crushed.
The Hollywood twist? These people live in a bizarre
universe where the
rampaging monsters (and there are thousands of them) are
protected and the
people are not.
Cut to the killer creatures grazing
peacefully (cue close-up of gentle,
intelligent eyes with three-inch lashes)
along with their unbearably cute
offspring.
Of course, to sell it,
you'd need to change a few details: Lose the African
villagers; make them
suburban Americans. And the monster couldn't be that
beloved giant, the
elephant. Who would believe it?
::
The name of the dead man was
John Muyengo, a 25-year-old from a village
called Katubya in southern
Zambia. The woman was Mukiti Ndopu, highly
respected in the village, the
wife of the chief.
A neighbor, Muyenga Katiba, 44, saw the elephant
charge the young man on
that April day. He gathered his wife and children,
and they cowered inside
his hut.
"The boy didn't even scream," Katiba
said of Muygeno. "He just died
quietly."
Deaths like these are
increasing in southern Zambia and northern Botswana,
where people are
crammed in with a rising elephant population. There are no
reliable
statistics on fatalities in southern Africa, but in one region of
southern
Zambia alone, five people have died this year, compared with one
last year,
according to Zambian press reports.
Elephants, endangered in Central
Africa, are common in the south, mainly
because an international ban on
ivory trading drastically cut poaching.
Today, Botswana has 151,000
elephants, and Namibia about 10,000. In southern
Zambia, the elephant
population has more than doubled, from 3,000 to 7,000,
many of them
"immigrants" from Zimbabwe, where poaching and hunting are
rife.
The
animals capture people's imagination because they're intelligent,
emotional
creatures. They mourn their dead and try to help tribe members who
get
sick.
But as next-door neighbors? You pit yourself daily against highly
intelligent, dangerous thieves. You go hungry as they eat all your crops.
You're afraid to send your children to school, or your wife to the clinic.
But at some point you have to go to town for food, and you walk the dusty
red paths with fear in your heart.
If you get fed up and shoot an
elephant, you'll be jailed, because the
animals are protected. They're seen
as valuable to Zambia, because they
attract tourists, bringing millions in
revenue.
But people aren't protected. Nor are their crops, or houses.
There's no
compensation when someone is killed. So people living in elephant
country
complain that governments and tourists like elephants more than
people.
Albert Mumbeko, a former railway worker who's also from Katubya,
lives in a
flimsy house of grass and sticks: That was the only barrier
between him and
a massive bull elephant that woke the 76-year-old and his
wife at midnight a
few months back.
It was gobbling down his small
corn crop. Mumbeko crept out, heart beating
wildly. "I could see its eyes in
the moonlight, big and fierce. It looked
very angry and aggressive. Its ears
were open."
That's an elephant warning. He and his wife fled, but the
elephant stomped
their house down. Then went on eating.
"We felt very
angry, we felt very sad when we came back and saw our house
destroyed."
When he sees an elephant, he feels impotent fury. "We
hate elephants.
They're all bad."
It's a warm October evening, a good
time for elephant-spotting in Mosi O
Tunya National Park in southern Zambia.
As the sky turns to slate, a group
of elephants swims across a river.
Suddenly, the exhilarating sound of an
elephant trumpeting, right by the
car.
Dozens of elephants meander peacefully or wallow in the water. One
old bull
elephant splashes water over himself. Small elephants
frolic.
One baby elephant, with mini-tusks, trots amid the matriarchal
group. On
short legs, it gets a little left behind. It curls its little
trunk into its
mouth and prances, breaking into a gallop to catch up with
the big group.
Several open-topped safari vehicles chug alongside, as
rangers exchange
radio intel on the best elephant viewing. All is quiet,
except for the call
of birds, the engines and the ceaseless tweeting and
clicking from the nest
of excited digital cameras.
Seasoned elephant
watcher FerrelOsborn is awed by the creatures. That
doesn't mean he's
sentimental about them.
"I'm fascinated by elephants," he says. "But I
don't love them."
He's not the kind of conservationist who thinks that
the real elephant
problem is people -- African overpopulation and habitat
destruction.
He thinks that humans can live with elephants, as long as
they take a few
simple precautions. One key is giving people a motive to
try: At the moment,
the revenue generated by tourism doesn't trickle down to
those whose
livelihoods are threatened by the animals.
His outfit,
the Elephant Pepper Development Trust, hopes to preserve
elephants by
helping farmers protect their crops, reducing conflict and
saving both human
and animal lives.
The Zambia-based trust trains African farmers to repel
elephants by using
chilies. Elephants hate chilies.
African farmers
often burn chili as a repellent, but it's not enough. The
trust's method
involves four simple steps, but takes a lot of work and
commitment.
The method: 1) Leave five yards of cleared space between
the forest and the
fields. At night, smelling humans around, crossing the
gap into a field
makes the elephants wary and nervous. 2) Plant a thick
barrier of chilies
around the field. 3) Put up a fence with rope that has
jangling cans (which
gives them a fright) and cloth flags coated with thick
chili grease. 4) Burn
chilies, making pungent smoke.
The trust
guarantees to buy back chilies grown from farmers and manufactures
its own
Elephant Pepper brand chili spices and sauces, sold in southern
Africa and
soon to hit the U.S. market. (They are already available to U.S.
customers
via the group's website.) The profits go back into the trust.
"We say,
'We are not here to give you food or money,' " Osborn said. "
'We're here to
give you an idea. It's up to you to take it up.' "
One Zambian farmer
followed the method carefully and has successfully kept
elephants off his
crops for three years. It was so successful that his
neighbors accused him
of practicing witchcraft.
But the most important long-term solution, the
foundation argues, is for
communities to stop settling and planting crops in
established elephant
corridors.
"These corridors have been there for
decades, so it's easier to move the
farmers rather than the corridors,"
Osborn said. But land use is a highly
sensitive issue, controlled by tribal
chiefs, who decide who can live and
farm where. If your chief gives you land
-- even in the middle of an
elephant corridor -- that's where you go. But
passing elephants will gobble
the crop, and your family will be at risk of
elephant attack.
The governments in the region don't do much to help
farmers, according to
local aid organizations and farmers -- and the
Elephant Pepper Development
Trust is too small and poorly funded to train
every farmer in southern
Africa and supply chili repellent start-up
kits.
Farmers, seeing few benefits flowing from tourism, resent the
government's
inaction.
"The tourists come, but people here don't have
safe drinking water and they
have poor schools, and they feel like they're
not getting any benefit,"
Osborn said. "If the community could see that you
do get a lot of money from
the tourists, I honestly think they would not
mind the elephants."
Mumbeko, whose house was demolished, has his own
solution: If tourists love
elephants so much, the government should fence
them in.
"When I see one of those animals, I just know it wants to kill
me."
robyn.dixon@latimes.com