The ZIMBABWE Situation Our thoughts and prayers are with Zimbabwe
- may peace, truth and justice prevail.

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Zimbabwe - SAVAGERY
Please use this picture to illustrate the type of savagery used in an effort to intimidate farmers and their workers in Zimbabwe.  The Abuja Agreement brokered in Nigeria recently has made NO difference, in fact the situation has worsened. Zimbabwe at the Commonwealth Heads of Governments Meeting in Harare in 1991 agreed "to certain fundamental political values - democracy, rule of law, independence of the judiciary, respect for human rights and just and honest government".  There is no rule of law, except for the state sponsored thugs who terrorise and intimidate the populace - regardless of ethnic or religious origin.  As a result, we, the law abiding people of Zimbabwe have NO  recourse to the law and the perpetrators of this heinous crime pictured below will remain free to commit further acts of violence on humans and animals. The perpetrators of murder, assault, arson, rape, housebreaking by the state sponsored thugs are free - why?  Because when we report these serious crimes to the Police they say "our hands are tied, it is political". Is this about land?  NO.     Zimbabwe needs your help and URGENTLY.  The violence waged against all those not construed to support the ruling people increases daily.   Thank you so much.    Kerry Kay.

This pregnant cow was savagely brutalized as they cut open her rectum to her stomach while still alive - pulled some of her intestines out and gouged out her right eye and then left her to die. A message has been received that the workers are next if they do not vacate the farm.
The farm is under threat from Mugabe's TERRORISTS because it has been de-listed and therefore shows up the rhetoric and nonsensical approach attached to Mugabes "fast track".
The farm owner is Howard Hall farming dairy cattle 15 km east of Marondera.
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2.5m Zimbabweans register for food aid as maize crisis worsens
October 18 2001 at 11:23AM

Harare - Some 2.5 million Zimbabweans in four southern provinces have registered with the government for food aid, the weekly Financial Gazette reported Thursday.

The figure represents about one-fifth of the nation's 12.5 million people, and came from totalling the number of requests for food relief in the provinces of Matabeleland South and North, Midlands and Masvingo.

The hardest-hit province is Matebeland South, where 540,550 people out of a population of 900,000 have registered for food aid, the paper said.

Aid agencies and government reports have blamed the food crisis in southern Zimbabwe on several factors, including a devastating cyclone in early 2000, a January drought which destroyed this year's maize crops, and ongoing disruptions to agricultural activity due to land invasions by liberation war veterans.

Violence tied to the government's land reform scheme prevented both commercial and small-scale farmers from producing a full maize crop.

Zimbabweans consume between 1.8 million and two million tonnes of maize per year, but government officials have estimated that only 1.4 million tonnes will be harvested this year, while the nation's reserves are nearly empty.

Zimbabwe is normally self-sufficient in food production, but aid agencies have been organizing for months to find ways of delivering food relief to people in rural areas. - Sapa-AFP

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SA retailers battle in Zimbabwe

Massmart and Shoprite struggle to find food while Pick 'n Pay criticises the price freeze

Consumer Industries Reporter

SA RETAILERS operating in Zimbabwe say they are having difficulty finding food for their stores, and have strongly criticised the government's price freeze on basic commodities.

Massmart's deputy CE, Dan Barrett, said yesterday that finding general and dry goods had been a problem for some time, but now finding a steady supply of certain foods had become a problem.

He said Massmart was experiencing "serious shortages" in sugar, oils and mealie meal, and that it expected the problems to spread to other food products. Massmart runs two Makro stores in Zimbabwe, one in Bulawayo and the other in Harare.

Shoprite CEO Whitey Basson said the group also had problems finding a steady food supply. It was especially difficult to find fresh produce, he said. He believed disruptions on farms were the main reason for this. Basson said he would not be surprised if the problem developed into a food crisis if matters continued as they were.

Pick 'n Pay CEO Sean Summers said he was confident that he could keep his stores supplied with food, but he was critical of the price freeze.

Summers said the freeze did not make "commercial sense".

Barrett said that the problem was getting worse for retailers and that, with the introduction of price controls, it would not get any better.

Basson echoed this sentiment and did not think any good would come from the price controls.

With selling prices being fixed and the cost of goods rising, it would not surprise him if some businesses went under, Barrett said. He said the price freeze was on basic commodities such as sugars, oils, mealie meal, soaps, salts, meat, chicken and bread.

Barrett said all retailers were finding trading conditions extremely tough. The fact that suppliers were demanding cash payments upfront was making it even more difficult for retailers.

Retailers who did not have cash on hand to buy goods were at a big disadvantage, he said.

Barrett said Massmart's Zimbabwebased stores had most of their food supplied by suppliers in that country. The Makro stores were initially getting a steady supply of food, but this was becoming more difficult.

Barrett, like Basson, believed that a drop in food production was the likely reason for the food shortage.

Besides food, the Zimbabwe Makro stores were also experiencing a disruption to their supply and range of general merchandise.

Barrett said supplying goods to Zimbabwe from SA was problematic as the shortage of foreign currency in that country resulted in payment for exported goods being a "bit tardy".

Adding to the payment problem, SA banks were not recognising letters of credit issued by Zimbabwean banks.

With the Makro stores not getting goods from SA, Massmart is now using Zimbabwean suppliers for sourcing general merchandise.

The group was having more luck in obtaining supplies of liquor for its stores from Zimbabwean suppliers, Barrett said.

Managers on the whole were spending a lot more of their time finding products than they used to.

In spite of the difficult trading conditions, Barrett said that there was no "financial risk on (the group's) investment". Massmart did not bring back the profit made by its Makro stores to SA. He said that Zimbabwe's shortage of foreign currency was the main reason for this.

Ironically, the stores were quite profitable when measured in Zimbabwean dollars. High inflation meant the stores merchandise were gaining value "by sitting on the shelf", Barrett said.

However, Massmart would not be considering further investments in Zimbabwe at this stage.

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Zimbabwe's president vowed yesterday to return the country's crippled economy to a socialist command system, telling businesses opposed to the move to "pack up and go", reports the Guardian (UK, p.17). Robert Mugabe said his government would strictly enforce the price freeze on basic foods imposed last week and threatened to seize any companies that shut down because the new prices made their production unprofitable.

Mugabe insisted that he would hold firm on the price controls despite pleas from manufacturers, adds the Independent (UK, p.16). "Let no one on this front expect mercy," he said. "We will as a state take over any businesses that are closed and reorganize them with the workers, and at last that socialism we wanted can start again."

Zimbabwe dropped its socialist economic policies a decade after it gained independence in 1980, the story says. It embraced IMF and World Bank economic reforms. In recent years, rampant corruption, huge budget deficits and mismanagement have dragged the economy down, with hyper-inflation, 60 percent unemployment and a desperate shortage of hard currency.

Yesterday, however, Mugabe declared an end to the process of adopting free market economic reforms-saying: "It will be no more." The Associated Press and Washington Times (p. A13) also report.
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PPC makes debut on Zimbabwe Stock Exchange

Cement maker Pretoria Portland Cement (PPC) started trading on the Zimbabwe Stock Exchange on Thursday, following the successful takeover of Zimbabwean cement and lime producer Porthold, which became effective today.

In terms of the deal, trading in Porthold shares was suspended last week on the JSE Securities Exchange South Africa (JSE), and the company de-listed in Harare and Johannesburg on October 15.

The majority of Porthold shareholders, excluding Anglo Zimbabwe shareholders, opted for an all-share exchange of 6.724 PPC shares for every 100 Porthold shares, PPC said.

The alternative was a cash plus share option of $47.277 plus 2.447 new PPC shares for every 100 Porthold shares held.

A pre-requisite of the deal, prescribed by the Zimbabwean competition authority, is that Porthold is maintained as a going concern that continues to produce cement in Zimbabwe. Porthold is the holding company of Unicem, which operates the cement business.

The existing management team from Unicem, headed by managing director Darren Muirhead, will remain in place.

"In time, the name Porthold will be replaced by PPC Zimbabwe on a corporate level, and the name Unicem, which is well recognised in Zimbabwe, will remain as a cement brand name," Muirhead said.

PPC shares closed at 68.90 rand on the JSE on Wednesday, but were untraded on Thursday.

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ECONET Investors Flee Harare's Political Chaos

Financial Gazette (Harare)

October 18, 2001
Posted to the web October 18, 2001

Staff Reporter

ECONET Wireless Holdings, the Zimbabwe Stock Exchange (ZSE)-listed counter, this week said it has been severely hit by the flight of foreign investors from the local bourse due to Zimbabwe's deepening political and economic crisis.

Kevin Kachidza, head of Econet's investor relations department, said the counter - which has attracted overwhelming support from foreigners since its listing in 1998 - had been worst hit by the political upheaval of Zimbabwe in the past year.

Until Zimbabwe's political crisis started last year when government supporters violently seized private commercial farms, Econet had the largest following of foreign investors on the ZSE.

"Most international investors who had significant shareholdings in the company have either sold their shares in the last year, or they have frozen their portfolio investment programme in Zimbabwe," Kachidza noted.

"This has been a major contributor to the under-performance of our share price in Zimbabwe in the last 12 months," he said.

Without quantifying the amount that has been pulled out by foreigners due to the uncertainty, Kachidza said foreigners started deserting the counter immediately after the government followed up on the seizures of farms with its own controversial land reforms.

"This situation was exacerbated by the dramatic fall of the Zimbabwe dollar which made foreign investment worth comparatively little in US dollar terms," he said.

Kachidza however said the sharp drop in Econet's share price had nothing to do with the company's actual performance.

"The truth is we had an overhang of shares from foreigners who wanted to get their money out of Zimbabwe. When that happens, as any good analyst knows, a company's shares will remain under pressure."

Kachidza also said foreign investors continue to hold Econet in high regard due to the company's reputation as a value creator with a strong business model and an innovative management team, adding that Econet believes that entrepreneurship is not a monopoly of the world's largest operators.

"Many of the foreign institutions we speak to are ardent supporters of our approach to telecommunications investment and all are waiting for the company to list on an international stock exchange," Kachidza said.

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ZIMBABWE: Government declares new minimum wage

JOHANNESBURG, 18 October (IRIN) - President Robert Mugabe's Cabinet has legislated minimum wages for Zimbabwean industry without reaching agreement with labour and business, the 'Financial Gazette' reported on Thursday. The minimum wages, which were still under discussion in the Tripartite negotiating Forum (TNF), were gazetted together with new price controls at the end of last week and were effective from 1 October.

"TNF was in the middle of negotiations on price monitoring and minimum wages," the Business Leaders' Forum (BLF) told journalists this week. "Submissions from BLF were due on Monday 15 October but regretfully government moved ahead and legislated price controls and minimum wages." Industry officials said the cost-of-living pay increase of between 20 and 30 percent would, in conjunction with the new minimum wages, boost low-level monthly incomes for industry and commerce to around 11,600 Zim dollars (US $216).

This represents wage increases of over 100 percent in some sectors, which some companies, already reeling from runaway production and input costs and expected to fare badly under new price controls, might not be able to afford. "It's likely that some members are in a position to pay (the minimum wages) but others are in a worse state," said Bankers' Association of Zimbabwe vice chairman Nigel Chanakira. Business executives said many firms were likely to apply for exemptions from the new regulations, while others could be forced to cut back on staffing levels to remain viable.
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From The Financial Gazette, 18 October

Plot to deploy voter registration stations on occupied farms

Registrar-General Tobaiwa Mudede's office plans to deploy most mobile voter registration stations in occupied commercial farms to enable ruling Zanu PF supporters to register to vote in next year's presidential election, it was learnt this week. Authoritative official sources told the Financial Gazette that Mudede's office, which kicked off mobile voter registration on Monday, was working hand in hand with state security agents to manipulate the voters' roll with these measures. They said Central Intelligence Organisation officers, who have been seconded to Mudede's office countrywide, would in the eight weeks of mobile voter registration work mainly on commercial farms occupied by Zanu PF supporters.

Although mobile voter registration offices will be available countrywide, the exercise will be concentrated in Mashonaland Central, Mashonaland East and Mashonaland West, where Zanu PF supporters have seized large numbers of commercial farms under the so-called fast-track land resettlement exercise. Zanu PF enjoys huge political support in the three provinces and wants the mobile voter registration service to be readily available to resettled peasants and rural folk, who form the bulk of its support. The mobile stations will also register many resettled peasants who are ineligible to vote in the presidential election because they were moved from their homes to be resettled elsewhere in commercial farms after the June 2000 parliamentary election.

Voters in the presidential poll will be required to cast their ballots in their constituencies and nowhere else. Sources privy to Zanu PF's exercise said Local Government Minister Ignatius Chombo's ultimatum to resettled peasants to occupy their pieces of land by the end of last month was aimed at making it possible to assess the number of people resettled before the start of the mobile voter registration exercise. The government says it has resettled about 200 000 people under its scheme. Mudede could not be reached for comment because, his officials said, he was attending meetings away from his office. Home Affairs Minister John Nkomo, whose ministry runs Mudede's office, was reported to be out of Harare and unreachable.

Opposition Movement for Democratic Change leader Morgan Tsvangirai, who will square off against Zanu PF's President Robert Mugabe, said the government should establish an independent electoral commission to ensure free and fair elections. Although Zimbabwe's voters' roll is said to be in a shambles, the government has spurned offers of technical expertise ahead of the election from foreign organisations. "For us to have some reasonable grounds to have a free and fair election, we need an independent electoral commission to be set up," Tsvangirai said yesterday. He said the government-appointed Electoral Supervisory Commission had become dysfunctional since its work was now being done by Mudede's office.

From IRIN (UN), 17 October

International NGOs prepare to distribute food

International NGOs working in Zimbabwe are preparing food distribution and food for work programmes despite the government's reluctance to admit to a food crisis, representatives said on Tuesday. "We're initially targeting about 130 000 people in the Midlands and Matabeleland South provinces," Zvidzai Maburutse of World Vision International (WVI) in Harare told IRIN. Food shortages in these regions have been largely drought induced, impacting adversely on a population mainly made up of subsistence farmers. Lack of food in other areas has been attributed to additional factors, including the government's chaotic land reform programme, as well as a severe foreign exchange shortage. During a recent food assessment mission to the two provinces, WVI found that in seven districts, over 50 percent of the population had no livestock, no reliable source of income and no agricultural implements, and that very little grain production was taking place. "The problem is trying to identify those really in need, those without remittances from South Africa and entirely dependant on subsistence farming," he added. WVI have received funding from USAID, and food importation and distribution would commence soon, Maburutse said.

Oxfam in Zimbabwe is trying to help a smaller number of rural people – about 8 500 - "but that's just phase one, we'll expand if we can secure enough funding," Arif Khan, Oxfam's regional humanitarian coordinator told IRIN from Pretoria. He added that Oxfam was equally concerned about food shortages in urban areas and that his agency was trying to address this problem as well. Both agencies said they had secured permission from government to import food aid at a time when the issue of food shortages is of growing political sensitivity. Oxfam is attempting to raise about US $1 million to fund the first part of its programme. "It's like talking to two governments right now - at a local level there's a great deal of concern and enthusiasm for food aid, at national there's still a strong element of denial that parts of the country are going to starve soon," one aid worker who wished to remain anonymous told IRIN. Khan said he was aware of the possibility of President Mugabe's government using food aid as a political tool in the run-up to next year's crucial presidential election. "If there's any attempt by government to control Oxfam's food aid programmes we would have to think again," he said.

Further signs are emerging that the government is trying to assert control over dwindling food supplies. At the weekend the 'Zimbabwe Standard' reported that the army had been deployed to enforce a recent government decree that farmers sell all their maize to the government. Communal farmers in Mashonaland West and Mashonaland Central are reportedly the worst affected as the army is now monitoring the sale of grain as well as the ferrying of the crop to various destinations around the country. Farmers said they were being forced to sell to the controversial Grain Marketing Board (GMB) for half what they could get privately for their maize. Finance Minister Simba Makoni told parliament recently that 100 000 mt of maize and 60 000 mt of wheat would have to be imported to make up for shortfalls in domestic production. According to a United Nations' Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO) estimate in June, Zimbabwe will need to import a total of about 570 000 mt of maize and wheat to avert starvation and replenish its reserves.

From The Financial Gazette, 18 October

Zanu PF readies for war

Zimbabwe is amassing huge quantities of arms and ammunition using two African allies in preparation for next year's crucial presidential election, it has been established. Financial Gazette investigations in the past one-and-a-half months have revealed that the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and Namibia are helping Zimbabwe circumvent an international arms embargo to buy huge quantities of guns and bullets for next year's ballot. The arms embargo was imposed on Harare last year by Europe and the United States on President Robert Mugabe's government because of its appalling human rights record. The investigations show that Zimbabwe is importing and massing an assortment of guns at army bases around the country in preparation for the poll, which is expected to be violent. Most of the guns have been arriving secretly at Suri Suri airbase in Chegutu before they are distributed to other military bases and some will be sent to farms where self-styled war veterans have established bases to intimidate voters. The bulk of the weapons have arrived from the DRC in that country's military cargo plane. The weapons consist of a significant portion of French-made guns, most of which top government sources say will be distributed to war veterans who are central to the ruling Zanu PF party's re-election strategy in the presidential poll.

The sources say Zimbabwe, after the massive depletion of its armoury because of its participation in the three-year-old DRC war, has been finding it extremely difficult to replenish its arms stocks because its traditional and cheaper arms suppliers in Europe are refusing to sell it arms. This had forced the army to implement some unpalatable measures, including the grounding of most of its entire fleet of Hawk fighter aircraft due to Britain's refusal to sell spare parts. Virtually all European Union member states have severed ties with Zimbabwe and imposed an arms embargo on the country. "Although we can still buy a number of arms from countries like Russia and China, a greater part of our fairly priced weapons, ammunition and spares have been sourced from mainly European countries like Britain, Sweden, France and others over the years. We can no longer buy arms from Europe at the moment because of the problems here," said a top Ministry of Defence source. "We have been left with no alternative but to buy some weapons via our allies in the DRC who have access to some of these European weapons that we have preference for." Defence Minister Sydney Sekeramayi declined to comment on the allegations of sanctions busting and the massing of guns at army bases around the country. "Just avoid that one for now. I am not going to comment on that one," Sekeramayi said yesterday before immediately cutting off his telephone.

Asked why weapons of French origin were finding their way into Zimbabwe in an interview last month, Jerome Sautier, the first counsellor at the French embassy in Harare, and Lieutenant Colonel Dault, the defence attache, said France was not selling any arms to Zimbabwe. The two said they had no knowledge of the arrival of French arms in the country but said France sold arms to several African countries which could in turn re-sell them to other countries. They said they did not know whether this was the case with Zimbabwe. "In Africa, we have military relationships with many countries. We have, for instance, sold arms to many French-speaking countries. These arms can in turn be re-sold by those other countries," said Sautier, adding that there was also the possibility of illegal arms trafficking outside the authority of the French government. The first secretary at the Namibian High Commission in Harare, Mati Jose, said he had no knowledge of Namibia helping Zimbabwe to bust the arms embargo while the DRC's ambassador to Zimbabwe Mawapanga Mwanananga could not be reached for comment.

Authoritative military sources said the army will be training and arming war veterans to ensure that Mugabe is re-elected in the ballot which must be held by the end of March. A number of bases have been established for the war veterans throughout Zimbabwe, particularly in those areas which did not have army camps. The sources said the war veterans will operate from these bases, their main objective being to make it impossible for the MDC to campaign in rural areas. Opposition supporters would also be harassed and ejected out of the rural areas to disable them from voting in their constituencies. A number of war veterans have in fact already been armed. The opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) said in a statement that Zanu PF supporters who smashed MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai's vehicle and thwarted his planned meeting with his party's structures in Sanyati last week were armed with guns. A senior government official said: "I sympathize with those who want change in the presidential elections but judging by the groundwork that Zanu PF is doing to deal with the opposition, I am afraid to say that I don't see that change coming."

Comment from The Wall Street Journal, 17 October

'Pack Up and Go'

It's official: Robert Mugabe declared Monday that he's finally gotten what he's "always wanted." He calls it "socialism," but it looks for all the world like economic collapse in Zimbabwe. In announcing a return to a command economy - in which not only would prices be controlled but production itself would be subject to government regulation - Mr. Mugabe has completed Zimbabwe's journey from a relatively successful postcolonial economy to an African disaster. Price controls, as everyone knows, lead to scarcity, especially when the mandated prices are below the prevailing ones prior to regulation, as Mr. Mugabe's are. Mr. Mugabe knows this, which is why he's accompanying his price regulations with a demand that businesses continue to produce. This is backed up by a threat to nationalize businesses that halt production in response to the Zimbabwean president's price orders. If businesses don't like it, they can "pack up and go." This may be advice that anyone still engaged in productive activity in Zimbabwe will be only too glad to accept. These economic controls come on the heels of Mr. Mugabe's ongoing expropriation of Zimbabwe's productive farms, seizures that have done much to cause the scarcity that has driven up the prices Mr. Mugabe is now trying to rein in.

Such economic details are apparently of little interest to Mr. Mugabe, who is more interested in getting what he wants - total control over his hapless country, even at the cost of driving the economy into the ground. But since he obviously cares little for the economic costs of creating his socialist paradise, he might want to consider how his government, already running a huge deficit, will finance the continued operations of companies driven out of business by his ham-fisted attempt to control an inflationary spiral that his own policies attempted to create. With runaway inflation and a tax base that shrinks every time he commandeers a formerly successful business or turns a productive farm into a squatters' wasteland, Mr. Mugabe's grand design can only accelerate his nation's collapse. One of the staples in Nobel Prize-winning V.S. Naipaul's fiction is "the big man" - the African or Caribbean or South American "liberator" who, through a combination of hubris and greed, leads his nation to ruin. Zimbabwe's big man just got bigger, and as always, it is those in his country who not able to take Mr. Mugabe's advice to flee who will pay the price.

From ZWNEWS, 18 October

"Big man" economics

The following advertisement appeared in the Zimbabwe press earlier this week. It needs no further comment, except to say that is a classic case study in what the Wall Street Journal (above) describes as the economics of "the big man".

Confederation of Zimbabwe Industries


As agreed with Government Officials, it now costs large and small bakeries $52.00 to bake one loaf of bread, but they are expected to sell that loaf at the controlled price of $44.00, which means a loss of $8.00 per loaf.

Flour Z$30.60

Other raw materials Z$4.85

Labour Z$6.78

Transport Z$6.10

Baking Gas Z$1.70

Other Z$1.97

TOTAL Z$52.00

While bakers continue to distribute a limited quantity of bread on a daily basis, the loss incurred is in the region of $1 800 000 per day. Obviously bakeries are going to go out of business in a short space of time and it is hoped that on-going discussion with Government will produce a solution.



15 October 2001

From The Daily News, 17 October

Hundreds laid off as bread war continues

Bakeries in Harare have laid off hundreds of contract workers and are losing $1,8 million a day as the wrangle between the government and bakers over statutory price controls on bread continued yesterday with no solution in sight. The bakers argue they are incurring heavy losses and risk going out of business soon after using up the current flour stocks. Jacob Dube, president of the Confederation of Zimbabwe Industries, said yesterday bakers were losing $1,8 million every day because of the mandatory price controls on bread introduced by the government last week. Addressing journalists after a meeting of the Business Leaders’ Forum in Harare, Dube said: "It’s not possible to produce bread at $52 and sell it at $48. A business that does that will close down sooner or later."

Dube said attempts to control the price of bread without curbing prices along the supply chain would cause an economic dislocation. He said: "There is a big possibility that there will be serious food shortages this year." A production manager at a city bakery, who refused to be named, said: "We are incurring heavy losses every day and we cannot continue producing bread under the prevailing circumstances. As a result, we are down-sizing our operations and doing away with contract workers." Since the beginning of this year, the price of flour has gone up every month by between 10 and 20 percent, he said. "Our business is no longer sustainable and the allegations of profiteering are baseless because of the hyper-inflation, now hovering at about 86 percent," the manager said.

While the Cabinet was expected to discuss the matter yesterday, Mark Prior, chairman of the National Bakers’ Association of Zimbabwe, said bakeries were producing and selling bread at a huge loss. Prior said millers and bakers were still waiting for the government’s response to an appeal for a review of the price so that all parties could get a better deal. "We have already indicated to the government that we will not be viable if we sell bread at the gazetted prices," said Prior. "Bakers are still producing bread, but we need to make it clear that they are selling at a loss. The length of time we can continue to operate at a loss is debatable."

The government last week gazetted price controls on bread, maize meal, margarine, beef, pork, sugar, chicken, soap, salt and fresh milk. But millers and bakers are resisting the new prices, arguing they would make business non-viable. Prior said: "There is a massive demand for bread at the moment because not all bakeries are operational. We are producing limited quantities of bread and delivering it around town, but not to rural areas. This is because of the high delivery costs." The business leaders’ meeting yesterday came ahead of today’s conference of the Tripartite Negotiating Forum, which brings together leaders from government, business and labour. Meanwhile, the Ministry of Industry and International Trade said in a statement yesterday that sales tax would not be applicable to bread, maize meal, cooking oil, chicken, beef, sugar, milk, margarine, pork products and salt. But economists immediately dismissed the statement as inconsequential because the products had always been non-taxable.

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A View from the Pan.

A concise summary of the present situation. A must for all observers.

Just look at the record of the past two years of the Zanu campaign to retain
power: -

1. They have virtually destroyed our agricultural base - production in
2002 will be about 40 per cent of what it was in 1999.
2. They have driven our mining industry into the ground and frightened
off all but the most committed investors in this sector - output is down 75
per cent in three years.
3. Industrial output is now below the level last achieved in 1970 - 30
years of work has been blown away and what is left is now reeling under
arbitrary and punitive price controls.
4. Some 400 000 men and women have lost their jobs in the formal sector
- job losses in the informal sector must be even greater.
5. Tourist arrivals have fallen by 70 per cent and show no signs of
6. Inflation is over 86 per cent and will exceed 100 per cent by the
year end with public sector salaries held down to a rise of only 25 per cent
on average.
7. The health and education sectors are near total collapse - major
hospitals are virtually closed and fees now prohibitive.
8. Food shortages are emerging - a third of the rural population is
facing starvation and urban food supplies are running out with maize
supplies only available for a few more weeks. Oil, salt and bread are all in
short supply.
9. Over 130 people have been murdered in politically related violence
since April 2000 and some 27 000 people have been beaten or worse, often at
the hands of security personnel.
10. The rule of law has been virtually suspended and the constitution is
no longer being upheld by a politically motivated legal system.
11. There is an almost total disregard for basic legal and human rights
and the Police and Army are being used for political ends in a flagrant
12. Political activity is effectively banned in most of the country and
is routinely disrupted by State agencies. The State controlled media are
totally committed to a propaganda campaign directed at the main opposition
Party - the MDC.
13. The state coffers are being used in a flagrant and irresponsible
manner to support the campaign. Money is being handed out without proper
controls and patronage is being conducted on a massive scale.
14. Corruption and clandestine contracts are being entered into by
government and are undermining both our independence and our future.
15. There are already two million Zimbabweans living abroad and we are
now the number one country of origin for illegal immigrants to Britain and
South Africa.
16. Skill losses because of the collapse of the economy and the racist
rhetoric of the government and state-controlled media now threaten any
prospects for recovery, even if policy changes are adopted.

One feature of the situation that is not captured by these bald facts is the
absolute terror being felt in many areas where political control is being
disputed. Farmers and their workers are being subjected to violence and
intimidation. They have no protection of any kind. If they complain they are
likely to be wrongfully imprisoned or charged on some pretext. Businessmen
who dispute what is happening to their businesses are threatened and if they
do not go along with government edicts their businesses are invaded and the
government threatens to take over their assets. Any actions that are likely
to be seen as supportive of the opposition is taken as an attack on the
interests of government and met with fast and often brutal action.

The image presented as a cover for all this activity is one that says, "we
are doing these things as acts of sovereignty". A youthful Minister of
Finance, who often appears in public as the image of reasonableness and
rationality, takes off his disguise and openly threatens food manufacturers
who threaten to halt production if forced to sell products at below their
cash cost.  Or "the land is ours - we are just taking it back on the same
basis as it was taken from our forefathers". When things go wrong - they
blame everyone except themselves.

In the past week it has been hard to imagine that this collection of clowns
has actually been running the country for 21 years. They have not learnt a
thing. We have more PhD's in our government that almost in any other in the
world - it has not helped one iota. Nathan Shamuyarira may have a post
graduate degree from a leading US University, he has no wisdom, humility or
common sense. It's unbelievable that after all these years of being in
charge of what was once a small but sophisticated mixed economy, they still
make such fundamental mistakes and then say such stupid things.

A fellow worker stopped working the other day because the transport cost to
his place of work was more than he earned. It's simple economics - produce
bread that costs $53 a loaf to bake (cash costs only) and sell at $44 -
that's a loss of $9 a loaf. How long before you go bust? Nathan does not
even understand that simple arithmetic.

They are trying to force the sugar companies to sell sugar at half its value
- before that sugar was pouring over our borders into neighbouring states.
If they do not relent, the sugar companies will go bust in short order. They
have halved the price of salt in consumer packs - not in bulk for the
industrial user, only for the consumer. So salt will shortly be in short
When a product disappears from the shelves of the large supermarkets it
appears as if by magic in the informal sector - at double the price.

But the best is yet to come - everyone now states that we need to import
food - the World Food Programme says so much, the SADC Food Security Unit,
so much - but not Joe Made.  What is of concern is that we are now probably
beyond the point of no return on the issue of maize. Already certain grain
products are in short supply. A worrying development is that maize prices in
the informal market have doubled in recent weeks. The Police and the Army
are now confiscating maize in the informal sector. Are these guys completely

When we run out we do not have the transport capacity to bring in sufficient
maize to feed the country. A Minister was heard to ask anxiously - could we
fly the stuff in?  They are about to discover that this is not Berlin.

But for the rest I must tell you that the water in the pan is cool, the
weather sublime and the trees - well only those who have been allowed on
special occaisions to visit Zimbabwe in spring can know what it is like. The
Jacaranda is superb this year. The Bouganvilla give you eye strain. The
Knobthorn is a blaze of yellow. The delicate colours of the new leaves on
the trees and the early spring flowers on the burnt areas of the veld.
Somehow we carry on - the most patient and accommodating people in the
world. We find a way to feed our families and to enjoy the country. At least
here if you are hungry - it's warm.

M Ngwenya
18th October 2001.
Please note that this note is personal and does not necessarily reflect the
views of the Movement for Democratic Change.

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Media Monitoring Project Zimbabwe
Media Update # 2001/40
1st October to 7th October 2001

1.  Summary
2.  The Supreme Court ruling and the Judiciary
3.  POLITICAL VIOLENCE: ZBC continues to suppress
    incidents of violence
4.  MDC ROW: Private press maintains low-key note


ª   The Supreme Court's ruling granting the government
    temporary relief from an earlier interdict preventing it from
    acquiring commercial farms, attracted wide media attention.
    The state media focused on comment from government
    officials and those individuals and organizations sympathetic
    to the ruling party to give the impression of unanimous
    approval. And it pursued its agenda to portray those who had
    raised doubts about the competency of the Bench that made
    the decision as racists by quoting anonymous sources,
    including "black judges and lawyers". In this way the
    government media kept alive accusations of racism in the
    legal fraternity that had resurfaced at the beginning of the
    hearing but which originated in a campaign initiated by
    senior government officials last year to remove former Chief
    Justice, Anthony Gubbay.

ª   All sections of the print media published a scathing criticism
    of the Executive by a High Court judge before his
    resignation. But the government-owned media dismissed it
    by quoting Information Minister, Jonathan Moyo, attacking
    former High Court Judge Michael Gillespie as an
    "unrepentant racist" former Rhodesian whose criticism had
    demonstrated a "disgusting abuse of the bench" (The
    Herald 6/10). But the paper made no effort to substantiate
    these vitriolic insults, nor asked Moyo what evidence he had
    for making them.

ª   The row between Supreme Court Judge, Justice
    Muchetetere and Chief Justice, Godfrey Chidyausiku, was
    carried merely as a letter in The Herald (2/10) and as a
    straightforward story on the front page of The Daily News the
    next day. But the Herald simply ignored the controversy in
    its news columns.

ª   Fewer stories of political violence punctuated the week than
    in previous weeks, but where they were reported the familiar
    pattern emerged of the state media blaming the MDC and
    the private Press ascribing responsibility to Zanu PF.

ª   Zimpapers also continued to try and extract as much
    propaganda as possible out of attacks on an MDC MP's
    home in its efforts to portray the opposition as "doomed"
    as a result of divisions within the party exposed by the
    violence (The Herald 2/10). The private Press on the other
    hand, dealt with the dispute arising from the attacks
    sympathetically, minimizing its effect on the party.

ª   MMPZ notes the recent corrections published by The Daily
    News to errors carried in earlier issues. This is as it should
    be. However, the errors concerned reflect a lack of diligence
    in the process of newsgathering and provide the paper's
    critics with the opportunity to discredit its reputation and
    devalue the importance of its role as a vital messenger of
    relevant news. Its muddle over the numbers of health
    professionals remaining in government service reflected a
    level of naiveté or negligence among members of the editorial
    staff that beggars belief, while the story relating to Minister
    Moyo's bouncing cheques in Bulawayo exposed the paper's
    willingness to publish stories without substantiating
    evidence. Despite the extremely hostile environment in
    which media workers in the privately owned Press operate,
    this practice cannot be condoned. The story about the
    health professionals appeared in The Daily News of October
    1st, and the correction appeared the next day. The paper
    apologized to Minister Moyo in its October 8th edition for the
    story it carried in its edition of September 13th falsely
    claiming that the Minister had issued cheques, which had
    been dishonoured.


ZBC reported the Supreme Court ruling in favour of the government
by widely quoting ZANU PF officials and sympathisers celebrating
the decision. War veteran, Andrew Ndlovu, (ZTV, Nhau/Indaba,
2/10) was quoted saying the ruling showed that "the judiciary was
now addressing Zimbabwean problems and is no longer
against the will of the people of Zimbabwe", giving the
impression that changes made to the judiciary by the government
were bearing fruit.
ZANU PF lawyer, Terrence Hussein, was sought for a legal
interpretation of the ruling (ZTV, 2/10, 8pm) and countered earlier
reports in the private press questioning the neutrality of the Bench
on the grounds that most judges who heard the case were
appointed under ZANU PF patronage. He pointed out that one of
the judges had been part of the Bench that had heard the original
case last year, while there had been no complaints about the
decisions of two of the other judges who had been recently
appointed to the Supreme Court. But he overlooked the need to
examine the credentials of Chief Justice Godfrey Chidyausiku
whose relationship to ZANU PF is unquestionable.
Minister of Information, Jonathan Moyo, was also quoted saying
the ruling confirmed that government's land reform programme was
being conducted lawfully.
    "...That means everything which we did as government
    in terms of land acquisition and resettlement up to the
    1st of July was, contrary to those who have sought to
    portray it in political terms, quite legal."
The next evening Minister of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary
Affairs, Patrick Chinamasa (ZTV, 3/10, 8pm), reinforced Moyo's
statements when he stated:
    ".this Supreme Court should have made this ruling
    late last year. The Supreme Court last year, on no legal
    basis or grounds, stopped government from lawfully
    acquiring land in terms of our Land Acquisition Act."
The impression given by Minister Chinamasa was that the
Supreme Court, led by former Chief Justice Anthony Gubbay, had
ignored the laws of the country and that the current Bench's
interpretation of the law was correct. It also gave the impression
that Supreme Court rulings are fair only when they are in line with
government's wishes.

The Daily News and Zimpapers' titles followed up ZTV's reports the
next morning (3/10). It wasn't until Thursday (4/10) that Zimpapers
dailies carried long articles according Minister Moyo lengthy space
to elaborate on his television comments. Deputy Attorney-General,
Bharat Patel, was also given ample space to give government's
legal comment on the ruling. The CFU and their legal
representative, Adrian de Bourbon, were given a few lines to
comment, but these were quickly muffled by anonymous
"analysts" accusing De Bourbon of being racist. The Herald has
been regularly employing these unnamed sources to promote a
racist perspective without providing any credible evidence to
support such claims. The next day, The Herald (5/10) continued its
racist invective, combining an unrelated High Court case, and a
follow-up to the land ruling under the headline, High Court Judges
in Racial Clash.
Abandoning all norms of issue-oriented journalism, the paper
resorted to crude character assassination by quoting unnamed
black lawyers claiming De Bourbon was an indoctrinated racist
who had been taught by a Professor Christie who reportedly "used
to tell his students that blacks could not practice law because
of their background." Opinion was allowed to pass as fact and
the paper made no effort to explain how any of this had any
connection to De Bourbon, far less his remarks in the Supreme
Court. Nor was De Bourbon given an opportunity to reply to the
The Herald (4/10) aired a government perspective of the Supreme
Court's decision, while The Zimbabwe Independent (5/10) provided
a gloomy but factual comment "Without an independent judiciary
we are doomed". This cited ongoing violence in the country to
substantiate the fact that the rule of law had not been restored on
the farms as claimed by the government, a fact also raised in The
Daily News comment of the previous day.
In a news story on the ruling, The Zimbabwe Independent quoted
De Bourbon saying he would take the case to the Law Society of
Zimbabwe, the South African Bar Association, and the International
Bar Association (IBA). The paper also carried useful independent
opinion from the Legal Resources Foundation that revisited the
IBA's recommendations issued after a visit to the country earlier
this year. The LRF was reported as saying the composition of the
judiciary could give credence to the allegation that the Bench was
"packed" which might violate the assurances given to the IBA by
President Mugabe.

The Saturday dailies reported the attack on the Executive by
former High Court judge, Justice Michael Gillespie, in a criminal
review judgement, accusing government of subverting the judiciary
and "engineering" factory invasions and electoral violence. The
Daily News (7/10) gave the story front-page status but simply
reported the contents of the review, without seeking comment.
By contrast, the judge's remarks gave Zimpapers and government
officials the opportunity to attack the judge without bothering to
provide any evidence to support the insulting claims made against
The article gave Minister Moyo another opportunity to launch a
gratuitous and vitriolic attack on the judge and the judiciary in
general, violating a government undertaking made to the IBA that
attacks on the judiciary would be brought to an end. Moyo's
disparaging accusations of racism and abuse contained in the
story (see summary) were echoed in the newspaper's comment,
which also linked him to the "Rhodesian era" and to the MDC.
The same edition of The Herald carried the full text of Gillespie's
judgment, which substantiated the reasons for his resignation
without being overly emotive. The Sunday News (7/10) also carried
a comment equally scathing, not only of the judge, but of all white
judges in general.
 The Sunday Mail, The Zimbabwe Mirror and The Financial Gazette
reported none of these developments.

ZBC (ZTV, 6/10, 8pm and Radio 1/3, 7/10, 6am) followed up The
Herald's attack on Justice Gillespie by quoting the lawyer, Joseph
Mandizha, who said the judge's comments exposed his ignorance
of the 'doctrine of the separation of powers'. ZBC allowed
Mandizha to misinform the public without any challenge when he
said: "While we talk of the separation of powers, the reality of
the matter is that the Judiciary and the Executive should really
be one and the same. So it's as if the judiciary is attacking
His comments appeared to be an attempt to say the institution of
the Judiciary should not be independent of the Executive, thus
justifying the Executive's recent interference with the Judiciary.
Mandizha also took the opportunity to criticize Advocate De
Bourbon for his comments about the Supreme Court ruling.
Another lawyer, Shingi Mutimbwa, was quoted by ZTV describing
Gillespie's comments as, ".a serious indictment.of criminal
and civil justice in this country". No independent comment was
sought from lawyers' organizations or legal academics.

The week also witnessed a row between Minister Chinamasa and
Justice Muchechetere over who was more senior in the country's
legal fraternity. ZBC merely noted that The Herald had published a
letter from Justice Muchechetere (ZBC, 3/10, 8pm) dismissing
claims by Minister Chinamasa that he and Chief Justice
Chidyausiku were the two most senior black legal practitioners in
the country.  Muchechetere stated that he was the most
experienced because Chinamasa and Chidyausiku had graduated
when he was already practicing. A closer analysis of this debate
shows that Chinamasa based his argument on the political position
one held, while Muchechetere based his response to Chinamasa's
comments in Parliament the previous week on years of experience.
To clarify this, the state broadcaster should have sought
independent experts to explain the criteria used to establish
seniority in the judicial fraternity.
This could only be found in the private Press. The Zimbabwe
Independent (5/10) quoted University of Zimbabwe law lecturer
Lovemore Madhuku saying Chinamasa's statements were "too
simplistic and misleading."
He was also quoted as saying: "Seniority among lawyers
depends on various factors. (Political) appointment to a
judicial position is merely one of them. That's why you can
find judges on the bench who are junior to lawyers in practice
or to professors at a school of law."
The Daily News (4/10) duly followed the story, with Chinamasa
standing by what he had said.

3. POLITICAL VIOLENCE: ZBC continues to suppress incidents
of violence

There was a notable decline in the incidence of politically motivated
violence reported in the press during the week. Farm violence
continued to receive attention in the private press, while the
government-owned media ignored it. Fresh farm invasions and the
conflict within the MDC were the two conspicuous aspects of
political violence covered in the print media. The Daily News and
The Herald (2/10) covered the second attack on the home of MDC
MP for St Mary's, Job Sikhala. The incident was given front-page
prominence in The Herald. In both reports the MP alleged "well
known Zanu PF supporters" had instigated the second attack.

In a front-page story under the headline, Farm invaders burn down
workers' houses, The Daily News (2/10) reported fresh invasions at
Barrymore Farm in Macheke in which farm foreman, Loiter
Mariyano, blamed the government for the lawlessness. While the
paper corroborated its report with comments from the farm owner,
the foreman and a worker, there was no comment from the police.
Neither The Herald nor The Chronicle reported the incident.
Readers of The Herald were only told about it in its Friday edition
(5/10), in a report that attempted to exonerate war veterans from
the invasion. Relying on a ZIANA report, the paper exploited the
commonly misused description of farm invaders as war veterans to
claim in it headline that 'Farm workers exonerate war veterans,' and
blame the violence on thugs. However, the paper failed to edit out
the last part of a comment from a farm foreman that made
nonsense of the headline. He was quoted as saying: "Some of the
people claiming to be war veterans are very young. If there
were war veterans in the violence they were not more than

The Financial Gazette (4/10) continued to report government's
failure to adhere to the Abuja Agreement. The weekly carried
Commercial Farmers Union reports of continued farm invasions.
The report provided important statistics that have been absent in
the media. The story revealed that since the signing of the
agreement on 6th September, there had been 30 new farm
invasions, according to the CFU.

Like Zimpapers, ZBC continues to suppress incidents of political
violence unless it can be ascribed to the MDC. As a result, these
media institutions provide an entirely distorted picture of what is
actually happening. Other incidents of political violence are usually
only referred to in ZBC news items through denial reports by police
spokesman Wayne Bvudzijena, or statements that the police are
investigating and in some cases arrests have been made. Rarely
does the ZBC follow up these arrests.
During the week Bvudzijena was quoted (ZTV, 2/10, 11pm) saying
the police were investigating incidents of violence in Mashonaland
East. Bvudzijena accused the media of misrepresenting facts to
give the impression that the Abuja Agreement was under threat:
"The media would like to maintain the hype that the Abuja
agreement might be derailed. But what we are doing on the
ground is that we would like to ensure that every case that is
reported is adequately police we are doing

As proof that the police were doing their job, ZBC reported the
following day (ZTV & Radio 1/3, 3/10, 8pm) that the police had
arrested six people in connection with the Barrymore Farm
incident, which was initially ignored by the broadcaster. Bvudzijena
accused "people who are bent on disrupting the Abuja
agreement." of perpetrating the violence.

ZBC (ZTV & Radio 1/3, 8pm, 7/10) accused the MDC of initiating
violence in Epworth. A ZANU PF Epworth official, Peter Sibanda,
was quoted stating that violence erupted when the MDC insisted on
holding a rally at ZANU PF offices. Television viewers were shown
sticks, axes, and catapults among other items as exhibits of MDC
weapons. No comment was sought from the MDC.
MMPZ notes that ZBC's tendency to get only ZANU PF's version of
events in incidents of political violence grossly compromises the
truthfulness of their stories and starves audiences of accurate and
reliable information.

In the same Epworth story, ZBCTV quoted ZANU PF Harare
Provincial Secretary for Security, Mike Moyo, calling on ZANU PF
supporters in Epworth to defend themselves and identify their
neighbours' party affiliation to be sure who their enemies were. This
grossly inflammatory statement was not subjected to any analysis.
There was no comment from the police about whether they would
arrest Moyo as a result of this blatant incitement.

4. MDC ROW: Private press maintains low-key tone

The conflict between rival MDC MPs continued to dominate press
coverage, with both Zimpapers and the privately owned press
covering the developing story. The Zimbabwe Independent (5/10)
was the only paper not to follow the issue.
Generally, the private press either maintained a low-key tone or
accepted the rivalry as healthy for the party's development, as
expressed by Masipula Sithole's analysis in The Financial Gazette
and in its news story claiming that the MDC had now put "its
house in order".
The Daily News' lead story (1/10), 'MDC vows to end divisions', was
more realistic and factual. But The Standard (7/10) quoted Brian
Raftopolous, of the University of Zimbabwe's Institute of
Development Studies saying "it's just growing pains within the
MDC." which also helped to minimize the danger of the divisions
within the party.
In contrast, Zimpapers continued to report the conflict prominently,
providing its readers with a wealth of unsubstantiated claims. But it
also quoted the party's youth chairman in Chitungwiza, Tendekai
Masiwata as saying that MP Job Sikhala, was not giving an
accurate picture of the reasons for the attacks on his home.
For three consecutive days, from Monday through to Wednesday,
The Herald gave the MDC's conflict front-page prominence, a
status it only accords the opposition when the paper can report
news that impacts negatively on the party's image. As in the
previous week, reportage continued to be generalised, speculative,
and relied heavily on unnamed sources.
In spite of MDC statements issued to give its official view of the
strife, the government-controlled media continued to report its
speculative rhetoric as fact. For example, The Herald (3/10)'s front-
page article titled, Sikhala, Jongwe, Musekiwa can go says
Tsvangirai, was entirely based on obscure "inside" and
"unnamed sources." In the report, the paper continued to peddle
the idea it had initiated the previous week that senior party
members were challenging Tsvangirai's authority as fact, even after
the allegation had been categorically refuted.
 The Daily News story (2/10) quoted Sikhala alleging "well known
Zanu PF supporters" were responsible for the violence. As a
result of this conflicting coverage, readers of both papers would
have found it difficult to decide what was factual. And while
Boniface Manyonganise was arrested in connection with the attack
on Sikhala's home, it remains unclear from the press whether he is
affiliated to Zanu Pf or the MDC given his multiple defections
between the two parties.
Notably, ZBC did not feature much coverage of the rivalry within the
opposition and even accorded the MDC airtime to explain what was
happening within its rank and file. MDC secretary-general,
Welshman Ncube, (ZBC, 3/10, 8pm) was quoted stating that his
party had appointed a committee to investigate alleged reports of
clashes and would act on facts on the ground. He also took the
opportunity to dismiss state media reports alleging that his party
was divided over their presidential candidate with one camp
supporting him and the other supporting Morgan Tsvangirai.

The MEDIA UPDATE is produced and circulated by the Media
Monitoring Project Zimbabwe (MMPZ), 15 Duthie Avenue,
Alexandra Park, Harare, Tel/fax: 263 4 703702. Send all queries to
the Project Coordinator, E-mail: Previous
reports can be accessed at

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Sent: 16 October 2001 09:29

ZIMBABWE - CFU Mash East and Court Orders
News release
(On behalf of the Commercial Farmers Union)

ON the 9th October, Marondera Police were served with a High Court order
issued by Justice Chinengo granting a relief order to five Ruzawi River
Valley farmers, upholding their right to continue farming on Eirene, Uitkyk,
Safari, Munemo and Bonne Chance farms.

Ruzawi River Valley is south east of Marondera in Mashonaland East. Of the
42 farms surveyed recently, 20 were found to be experiencing some form of
work stoppages.

In the adjoining Wenimbe Valley 14 out of 21 farms surveyed had labour
disruptions, compromising tobacco earnings in excess of US 2,5 million.

The Mashonaland East area, which falls under Governor David Karimanzira, has
become the most turbulent province. In Hwedza district alone, 31 out of 35
farms are no longer operating and over 1 590 farm workers have lost their
livelihoods, affecting approximately 7 950 people. This represents a total
loss of turnover of approximately ZWD $620 million to Zimbabwe's
agricultural sector.

The High Court order issued on October 4 instructed Police Commissioner
Augustine Chihuri, Officer in charge ZRP Marondera, the Governor, provincial
and district administrators in Mashonaland East, and war veterans to curb
lawlessness and allow farmers to operate freely.

Weekend unrest resulted in five workers being badly assaulted by a group of
about 60 occupiers on Uitkyk Farm. Violence has also been reported on two
adjacent farms, Eirene, owned by Hamish Charters, and Bonne Chance, run by
Henry Harris, all covered by the High Court order.

On Saturday evening on Uitkyk, a 27-year-old farm worker, Maphios Chayamiti
sustained a deep cut to the head after he was struck with an axe - he has
since been discharged and is recuperating on the farm. Two other workers
sustained injuries after being attacked with chains and sticks, while a
pregnant woman was repeatedly kicked in the stomach until she fell down and
vomited. Seven others were severely beaten up in the attack. Marondera
Police are yet to make arrests despite the assailants being identified as
resident on the farm.

Violence began on Uitkyk Farm last Thursday, two days after the court order
was served, when the mob arrived on the property early in the morning. The
invaders, who were led by Edward Jera from the nearby Svosve communal lands,
ordered the farm owner, Mr. Angus Campbell to stop farming operations. They
further said that the Court Order was 'powerless' as they were above the law
and that if he did not comply  "blood would be spilt on the ground"; they
would return this week 'to finish us off'.

After taking 8 hours to respond to calls for help, Marondera Police took
statements from the wounded and left after advising Mr Campbell to seek an
appointment with the Marondera District Administrator (DA), Shadreck
Magunda. The DA declined to see Mr. Campbell, but sent members of the Lands
Committee to see him.  Members of the committee verbally abused Mr Campbell,
telling him that they were above the law and that they had taken the farm as
a punishment. Mr Campbell has since written a letter to the Police
expressing his dissatisfaction with their failure to enforce the Court

Last Monday, Hamish Charters of Eirene Farm, attempted to return to work, in
accordance with the Court Order, but was set upon by 22 occupiers who axed
him on the skull, beat and whipped him. He laid a charge of attempted murder
at Marondera Police, but no reaction has been forthcoming despite the fact
that assailants, who live close by, have since threatened to kill him and
destroy the farm village on his property.

Another farmer, Mr. David Kay, whose farm, Chipesa was granted a similar
Court Order allowing him to continue with farming operations without
harassment, has been the victim of intimidation by unidentified persons over
the last year.

A few weeks ago, Mr. Kay unearthed a grenade left on the road to his
farmhouse and last Friday, gunshots were fired around his farmhouse.

Ironically David Kay was arrested by Marondera Police when he went in to
register his dissatisfaction at the inability of the law enforcers to
recognise their role in implementing his Court order. He faces charges of
attempted murder although no victim has been identified, and he is now out
on ZW $ 5000 bail.

15th October 2001
For more information, please contact
Jenni Williams
Cell 011 213 885 / 091 300 456 / 011 615 300
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The Daily News - Leader Page

MPs’ behaviour tarnishes image of Parliament

10/18/01 8:04:02 AM (GMT +2)

THE recent sight on television of three MPs noisily haranguing the manager
of a bakery in Harare must have disturbed many voters.

Their dyed-in-the-wool party supporters will feel their MPs were behaving in
the precise manner expected of them as representatives of their
constituencies. They were fighting a good cause bread must still be baked,
never mind the bakers’ protests at the government-controlled retail price.

Others, more mature, may have felt that the MPs were taking their
affirmative action activism too far. It could even be concluded, by their
more uncharitable critics, that they were behaving more like so-called war
veterans or Zanu PF youths than MPs.

The behaviour of those groups of Zanu PF supporters has cost this country so
much in lost foreign investment, following what many perceive to be the
government’s virtual abandonment of the rule of law.

Philip Chiyangwa (Chinhoyi) and Saviour Kasukuwere (Mt Darwin South) have
garnered a reputation for political derring-do which many people find rather

They are among the “young turks” of Zanu PF who were expected to bring fresh
blood into the party leadership.

Generally, the expectation was that they would swing the party away from its
archaic, Stone Age attraction for a monolithic political and economic

They did not succeed and now they seem determined to make life impossible
for anyone who finds their party’s policies ruinous to the economy.

David Chapfika (Mutoko North) will be remembered mostly for that memorable
debate on television during which he was thoroughly creamed by Tapiwa
Mashakada of the MDC.

The three MPs belong to what is called, with the usual party grandiloquence,
the Zanu PF Caucus on Empowerment.

It has to be accepted that, on behalf of their party, they will be permitted
to do anything, never mind how boorish and uncouth.

But as MPs they must owe that august House an allegiance which calls on them
to behave with a modicum of dignity.

In other words, they must set an example of decorum. To barge into a bakery
and then to shout and virtually abuse the man in-charge is hardly the stuff
of which a genuine Honourable Member is made.

But we could be whistling in the wind here. Perhaps Zanu PF is beyond
redemption as it pulls out all the stops in its campaign to have President
Mugabe re-elected.

The exchanges between the three MPs and the permanent secretary in the
Ministry of Industry and International Trade, Stuart Comberbach, were quite
heated. It was entirely compatible with those exchanges for Comberbach to
threaten to resign.

If he is going to be treated like a cringing Zanu PF tuckshop owner in
Chikonohono suburb in Chinhoyi, people would sympathise with him for wanting
to get out of the public service.

He would be emulating the fine example of his former minister, Nkosana Moyo,
who quit before they could turn him into the amoral, greedy, acquisitive
creatures some of them have become.

In line with Zanu PF’s present policy of shooting itself in both feet,
President Mugabe spoke of the government taking over the bakeries abandoned
by those unable to stomach the controlled price of bread.

Perhaps the government can embark on the socialism programme it promised the
people in 1980, Mugabe said to loud cheers at Heroes’ Acre on Monday.

But the latest figures are a chilling reminder of the true state of the
economy under Mugabe’s tutelage: foreign debt, US$475 billion (about Z$26
130 billion); domestic debt, US$200 billion (about Z$11 000 billion).

Few countries would lend money to a government so mired in debt.
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The Daily News

MDC accuses Herald of lying

10/18/01 8:56:24 AM (GMT +2)

Staff Reporter

PROFESSOR Welshman Ncube, the MDC secretary-general, has strongly denounced
the government-controlled Herald newspaper, accusing it of fabricating
stories bent on tarnishing the credibility of the two-year-old opposition

Dismissing the report of alleged divisions within the party, Ncube said:
“Our party already has a presidential candidate, Morgan Tsvangirai. We have
been beaten, stoned and clobbered while campaigning for Tsvangirai. We will
not change today because The Herald has written lies about us. We have no
problems in the MDC.”
Ncube, a lawyer, said the MDC yesterday instructed its Harare lawyers,
Atherstone and Cook, to take legal action against the newspaper for
publishing lies in aid of Zanu PF’s ploy of projecting the MDC as a party
rocked by divisions.
“We have instructed Atherstone and Cook to either make an investigation
themselves or instruct senior counsel and advise us on the legal remedies,
if any, against The Herald. Enough is enough,” Ncube said in an interview.
He was commenting on a report in The Herald yesterday which alleged that MDC
members had differences over the party’s presidential candidate for next
year’s election.
The report claimed that a meeting was held in Bulawayo over the weekend to
choose a candidate for the MDC.
Ncube said it was clear the aim of The Herald was to cause despondency among
MDC supporters over the credibility of the party by churning out fictional
stories in which unnamed sources were repeatedly quoted.
Ncube said: “The tragedy is that they know it is false. Nonetheless, they
write it simply because they are directed by Zanu PF to maintain the
illusion that the MDC is rocked by divisions.”
He said no meeting was ever held in Bulawayo to discuss the issue of a
presidential candidate as alleged by The Herald.
Ncube said the MDC women’s assembly held a national conference in Bulawayo
last weekend to elect its leadership.
Women’s representatives from the party’s 12 provinces and 120 districts met
in Bulawayo and elected a substantive national leadership for the women’s
Ncube said the weekend meeting had absolutely nothing to do with the
presidential candidate.
“The Herald is a newspaper which has thrown out of the window all the
elementary rules and principles of journalism. Effectively, they have gone
beyond fictional writing - it’s actually insane.”
Ncube said the MDC holds one congress after five years to choose
a leader.
“As you know, we held our party congress in 1999 where members endorsed the
candidature of Tsvangirai. No other congress is due until February 2005 when
we will elect a new leadership.”
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The Daily News

Expo to showcase potency of traditional medicines

10/18/01 9:05:41 AM (GMT +2)

Staff Reporter

ZIMBABWEANS will this month experience what traditional medicine offers both
as an alternative and competitor to clinical medicine in the health sector,
through a Traditional Medical Expo which will be hosted by the Zimbabwe
Traditional Healers Association (Zinatha).

Mutsa Chikede, the director of the Zimbabwe Traditional Medical Expo, said
the expo, which will draw traditional healers from the region, seeks to
showcase the potency of traditional medicines.
Exhibitors to the three-day event which opens at the Harare International
Conference Centre will be drawn from Uganda, Tanzania, Senegal, Kenya,
Burundi, Rwanda, Sudan, Democratic Republic of Congo, South Africa and
Said Chikede: “I hope the expo will enlighten people that going to a
traditional healer is not about the drama, primitiveness and dirt that
people usually associate the practice with.
“People will realise that going to a traditional healer means having one's
problems in life solved. Those who come will have a chance to be cured.”
Peter Sibanda, Zinatha's secretary general, said besides exhibiting herbal
medicine, the healers would also showcase other forms of medicine which
people either do not know or shun.
Said Sibanda: “Social medicines which make one acquire distinguished
performances in social life, for example in sport will be available.
“The traditionalists will also present economical medicines that cleanse one
of bad omens.”
Organisations, firms and individuals that deal in herbal medicine,
traditional musical instruments, sculpture and curios, traditional music,
jewellery, literature and traditional dressing, will be among the
exhibitions at the expo.

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 MDC InfightingFact or Fiction?

The state media has been going to fantastic lengths recently in an effort to present an image to the public of an MDC that is divided and is fighting itself over various things – the ethnic divide, ideological issues and factionalism. Just this week I have seen an article in the national media stating that Chief Ndeweni has "demanded" that the leadership of the MDC pass to the members of the Executive that come from Matebeleland. This morning there was an equally bizarre item on the radio to the effect that we were intending to hold a Party Congress to "resolve" the leadership dispute. For weeks we have seen stories about the four younger Members of Parliament who have been recently suspended from their Party posts until an investigation is completed into the underlying issues.

I am always amazed that anyone listens to the state media or reads the state controlled newspapers – even more astonished when these matters get given any credence, but it seems to happen. So I thought I should give you a bit of an "insiders view" of these issues.

All of the suspended Members of Parliament are personal friends as well as being colleagues. Tapiwa, as the Shadow Minister of Finance, works with me very closely and sits on my Committee dealing with economic matters. They are all bright, well educated and young – the latter feature is perhaps the most important because this makes them more vulnerable to the kinds of things that the CIO gets up to from time to time.

Job Sakala has been a target of the CIO from day one – he is a delightful character, very forthright in his opinions and a history graduate, which gives him special insight into what is going on in the country. They hate Job with a passion and sometimes he wreaks havoc in Parliament with his pithy and biting comments. He also has a short fuse and is easily aroused. Try that on any of the older leaders and they will just laugh at you – they have been there before. In the early days of the MDC Job was selected as a tinderbox on which the CIO hoped to launch a violent campaign against the thugs of Zanu PF. We were able to point this out to Job and he has been able to take all the punishment metered out on him and his family and still present the other cheek to his tormentors. Let me tell you – Job is a big man and that has not been an easy task for him.

Last week I reviewed the documentation that has been the subject of the dispute between Tapiwa and the other three – I was astonished and I told Tapiwa so, most of the documents are so clearly a CIO plant that they should never have been given any credence. They are crude forgeries and designed to foster conflict and division in the MDC. I was dissapointed that the CIO could not do a better job with all the resources at their disposal. Tapiwa was astonished that I gave the documents so little credence. Learmore, in his role as spokesperson for the Party has proved to be quick and sharp and eloquent. He should have exercised a bit more caution in his reaction than he did – but he is learning, fast. All of them have accepted, in a mature way, the actions taken by the Executive to resolve the issue.

Our senior leadership has warned us very strongly that we must be very careful about our personal behavior. The CIO are following us around and we are being filmed and recorded constantly. They are doing this to try and catch us in a compromising position and then will use this stuff against us in any way they can. If they cannot find anything then they will simply go out and fabricate it – this is easier than you might think!

When I accepted a position with the MDC in 1999, Morgan had me in and warned me that if I went out on a limb for the MDC I had to accept that I would be opening myself to all sorts of personal attack. My business interests would be in danger, my family threatened and my reputation sullied. He wanted me to know that before I committed myself to the job. He was right but I accepted the role because I wanted to help rescue the country from the deep despair and hardship that it was in because of Zanu PF mismanagement and corruption. If we fail, the country is a write off anyway – so what if in the process we lose what we already have.

I was in the leadership of the Forum Party and remember well how easily the CIO infiltrated our ranks and sunk our ship. The MDC is a different kettle of fish – led by tough seasoned politicians who have been in the front line for many years and are a tight knit group. The CIO have not been able to infiltrate to any great extent – even in the lower levels of the Party where you would think it was quite easy. The temptations are great – we have been shown cheques drawn on building society accounts for a million dollars in favour of individuals – rewards to them for dropping an MDC position or withdrawing from an election contest. Its impossible to think that they have not had some success – fear and greed are very effective in such a struggle, but my general reading of the situation is that they have had very limited success.

The manner in which the conflicts in Harare and Chitungwiza Provinces are being resolved is both disciplined and principled. When the preliminary investigations found some evidence it was decided to appoint a Commission of "elders" to investigate – all three are capable and mature. They were then given a free hand with the clear instruction that they were to report back as soon as possible but within a month at the latest. Then the persons caught up in the spat were all told to withdraw from their Party positions until the report was in. If any evidence is found of misbehavior by anyone involved, the Parties disciplinary committee will take disciplinary action. After that they can appeal if they feel that they have not been heard fairly or a wrong conclusion drawn. These actions were given unanimous support at the Executive and Council meetings held last week.

On the issue of the "ethnic" divide, I can remember the days in the early 60’s when Zapu and Zanu fought in the streets and villages for supremacy in the race for leadership of the struggle against the white government of Rhodesia. I grew up amongst the Ndebele and know well their deep feelings of being marginalised and ignored both in Rhodesia and then in the new Zimbabwe. The late Joshua Nkomo was a regular guest in our home in Bulawayo in the 80’s before and after his forced exile. I am well aware of the deep feelings of the Ndebele about the attempted genocide of their leadership in the mid 80’s.

I am a white man – born and raised in this country, but still a "Murungu" with all the baggage that that entails. My forefathers were not angels – they were often ruthless and full of avarice and certainly believed in their innate supremacy as a race. These things run deep – they will take many generations to overcome. I am pleased and surprised at how far we have gone in such a short time already, but no one, least of all the MDC, says it will be easy.

Since I joined the MDC in 1999, I have never perceived any substantive signs of any deep ethnic divide. On the contrary, the leadership is remarkable unified in every way and no cognizance is given on any issue to the question of race, tribe, religion or even ideological persuasion. I sit next to Gwisai, a convinced Marxist in Party meetings and we discuss key issues openly and frankly. We do not agree on everything – but we sail under the same flag and accept its rules. I feel totally accepted in the structures and have been with Morgan in all areas of the country. There can be no doubt that he is the leader of the Party and has the full acceptance of all provincial leaders. When he is in Bulawayo, the greeting he gets is no different to that in Harare. Mugabe certainly could not walk the streets of Bulawayo without a heavy security presence, he would have difficulty in holding a meeting anywhere in the province, the same cannot be said of Morgan or Gibson, his deputy, who finds similar acceptance in the Shona areas of the country.

In a unique way, MDC is an amalgam of different interests and people and this is its strength, not its weakness. What holds it together is not what others might say – simply its desire to rid Zimbabwe of the Zanu plague, sure that is there, but its much more. We share a commitment to a new, more democratic Zimbabwe, under a new constitution, which will outlaw for many years the presidential dictatorship we have been living under for the past 20 years. We share a commitment to new economic policies that will harness our great natural resources to our human resources within the frame of a dynamic, market driven economy, for the betterment of all our people. We share a commitment to rid the country of corrupt individuals and businesses that have bled our economy dry and impoverished our population. We share a vision of a better future for all our children, one in which they will each be accepted as individuals and citizens with equal rights and responsibilities.

When I read that "statement" from Chief Ndeweni and the claim that Gibson and Welshman were vying for the Party leadership I laughed out loud. It is so ridiculous that it’s laughable – but it also encourages me because it reveals how desperate this bunch are and the lengths to which they will go to undermine the image of the MDC. I am not concerned about the impact of this nonsense on the mass of our membership or even the majority of our population; I learned long ago that ordinary Zimbabweans have a wonderful system of communication that works much more effectively than any state controlled system. I was concerned that those who do not have any contact with the MDC on a direct basis, might actually become disheartened by what they get fed very day – especially if you, like the great majority of us, cannot afford DSTV or find a copy of the Daily News 5 minutes after it has arrived.

Eddie Cross

17th October 2001

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From The Daily News, 18 October

Zvobgo warns Zanu PF

Eddison Zvobgo has stirred fresh controversy in Zanu PF which threatens the party’s chances of winning Masvingo province in the 2002 presidential election. He has reportedly declared parts of the province, rocked by factionalism for years, no-go areas for Zanu PF in the presidential campaign. Zvobgo is the MP for Masvingo South. He leads a faction which is fighting for control of the faction-ridden province against another led by the provincial governor, Josaya Hungwe, a protégé of Vice-President Simon Muzenda. Zanu PF lost the executive mayoral election to the MDC earlier this year. Some analysts attributed the loss to factionalism which has split Zanu PF in Masvingo. Hungwe was reportedly present at a Zanu PF meeting in Masvingo on Tuesday at which Zvobgo’s latest statements were discussed. Last night, a meeting of the provincial executive of the party was held, again reportedly to discuss, among other crucial issues, Zvobgo’s reported threat to bar Zanu PF from campaigning for President Mugabe in the province.

The controversy was stirred up by a report in the small weekly independent paper in Masvingo, The Mirror, alleging Zvobgo had once more attacked Mugabe and the Zanu PF leadership for clinging to power for too long. In Harare yesterday, Zvobgo denied the newspaper report, although he said he would do nothing to correct it. The paper covered a rally addressed by Zvobgo on Saturday, 6 October, in its Thursday 11 October issue. The newspaper is owned by a Masvingo businessman, Douglas Hill. Zvobgo was quoted as saying: "I will not allow Zanu PF to be abused by a few individuals. We did not fight the liberation struggle for one person to rule the nation forever. No one was born a dictator in this country. We fought for majority rule." He was speaking at a victory celebration rally at Nyikavanhu business centre. Contacted for comment, Zvobgo said: "This is a very delicate time and I do not want to be part of this fray. Those are damned lies. I have never attacked the person of the President. I never said that." In August, Zvobgo was quoted at a colleague’s funeral as attacking leaders who clung to power instead of retiring gracefully. He likened the refusal of one to hand over power to the mentality of a madman who, when given the relay baton in a race, flees with it into the mountains instead of passing it on. "Once upon a time, a psychiatric patient at Ngomahuru Hospital joined a relay race with other patients. Instead of passing the baton onto the next person, he ran into the adjacent hill with the baton," he told the mourners.

At Tuesday’s meeting, the Zanu PF provincial leaders were reportedly divided over the issue. Some felt the party should not concentrate on Zvobgo but on campaigning for Mugabe. Others felt the "Zvobgo factor" had to be addressed. Zanu PF is likely to fare very badly in the presidential election without the full backing of the Zvobgo faction. Samuel Mumbengegwi’s executive, which took over from the one led by Dzikamai Mavhaire, a Zvobgo ally, is unpopular in the province. The Hungwe-led faction is alleging Zvobgo is using his victory celebrations to campaign for Morgan Tsvangirai, the MDC’s presidential candidate. Zvobgo has already held six victory celebrations with another 19 still to be held in Masvingo Central and South. "I heard about that a long time ago that I’m MDC but that’s nonsense, rubbish. I have always held victory celebrations in each and every ward where people come to feast after every general election, and that’s not a crime," he said. Zvobgo said the celebrations will spill into the Masvingo Central constituency, which Mavhaire lost to the MDC’s Silas Mangono in last year's parliamentary election. However, Zvobgo says the majority of the people in the rural areas voted for Mavhaire.

From African Eye (SA), 18 October

War vets want R47m for all terrain vehicles

Harare - Zimbabwe's war veterans plan to ask their African sympathisers to contribute towards the $5,3 million (about R47 million) they need to buy all-terrain vehicles, at a meeting to be held in South Africa next weekend. The meeting on October 27 and 28 aims to enhance unity amongst former war veterans will include representatives from Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa and Zimbabwe. "We are going to discuss economic and political situations in these countries," said acting secretary general of the militant Zimbabwe National Liberation War Veterans Association (ZNLWA) Andy Mhlanga. "Beside forging unity among the war veterans we are also going to take this opportunity to request for financial assistance from our colleagues," added Mhlanga.

He said the chairman of the South African war veterans association, Deacon Mathe, had already pledged to mobilise financial support for the ZNLWA. The Libyan government has promised to give Zanu PF about $1 million for the presidential election, despite Zimbabwe's parliamentary decision last year to outlaw foreign funding of political parties. The ZNLWA aims to buy about 40 vehicles to use during a vigorous campaign to garner support for Zanu PF's 2002 presidential campaign. Mhlanga said the vehicles would be distributed among the party's 10 administrative provinces and would be used to campaign for President Mugabe' s re-election. "What we want is enough money to buy at least four new cars for each of the 10 provinces, fuel and food for war veterans," said Mhlanga. Mugabe is facing the stiffest challenge to his presidency since independence in 1980 from the opposition Movement for Democratic Change leader, Morgan Tsvingirai. Of late the war veterans have become the backbone of Zanu PF's election campaign.

From The Mail & Guardian (SA), 18 October

His Master's Voice

Zimbabwe's in-your-face Department of Information was at it again last week, fulminating on everything from first lady Grace Mugabe's right to keep secret her abysmal London University law exam results, to the alleged conspiracy of whites behind South Africa's planned deportation of Zimbabwean farm workers. Playing the race card, an unnamed "authoritative source" told the state-controlled Herald newspaper the deportations would rouse black Zimbabweans' fury against South Africa, and whites in general. The voice was unmistakably that of Professor Jonathan Moyo (47), President Robert Mugabe's highly articulate Minister of State for Information.

A recent report in the Bulawayo Chronicle – another newspaper under Moyo's control - said his "mesmerising glamour made him by far the most popular politician in Matabeleland since the death of vice-president Joshua Nkomo". Publication of unctious claims that adoring fans were fighting to shake Moyo's hand clearly implied the paper's master now nurses the highest ambitions. Moyo declares that "the days of trash journalism are numbered" with a "Freedom of Information Act", long delayed in drafting. It may also signal the end of the road for Zimbabwe's once-vibrant independent media, through imposition of a state-drafted "code of ethics", an official accreditation system and a Moyo-nominated disciplinary board. Several foreign correspondents have been ordered out of Zimbabwe this year. Within hours of his promising to silence the Daily News in January, its presses were bombed. In a land racked by political paranoia, Moyo is feared and hated both by opponents of the regime and old timers in Mugabe's ruling Zanu PF who see him as a Johnny-come-lately who whizzed up the ladder into the Cabinet and Politburo in the short space of two years. Before then, Moyo enjoyed international respect as a champion of human rights against Mugabe's autocratic regime. His bald, dome-like cranium, resembling one of the granite hills of the Matopos, has become a familiar sight on television and in opposition cartoons.

Moyo's former colleagues fear being quoted about him. He rebuffs interviews by independent journalists. Even Moyo's origins are obscure. Without clarifying exactly where he was born, he recently denied a claim he hailed from the Nyamandhlovu area of Matabeleland, close to the Botswana border and scene of some of the worst atrocities against suspected Mugabe opponents during the 1980s. Old colleagues believe he comes from Gwanda, south of Bulawayo, from a family linked to the Karanga section of Zimbabwe's majority Shona people, rather than from the Ndebele minority. He attended a church school in Matabeleland, then the paper trail gets cloudy again. Wilfred Mhanda, veteran of the Zimbabwe People's Revolutionary Army, claims Moyo enlisted as a young guerrilla in 1974 but deserted from a training camp in Tanzania within weeks and fled to the United States. Moyo says this is false, he was a mere child at the time. He did, however, receive tertiary education in the US in the dying years of the Rhodesian War and the turbulent early years of independence, returning home with a doctorate of philosophy in political science, to join the University of Zimbabwe department of political and administrative studies. It was there, between 1987 and 1991, that he won acclaim as a scholarly opponent of Mugabe's plans for a one-party state. His book on the 1990 election, Voting for Democracy, remains a classic critique of Zanu PF skulduggery. He concluded it was essential to win proportional representation, a free press and legislated safeguards leading to truly "free-and-fair" polls. "Why do we have a unicameral Parliament full of presidential appointees who do not appear capable of independent thinking?" he thundered in a 1991 article. Ten years later, Moyo is a presidential appointee and the question is unanswered.

He attacked Mugabe's early threats to seize white farms and redistribute them to black Zimbabweans. "From the point of view of the landless ... the measures are too good to be true," Moyo said of Mugabe's Land Acquisition Act. "This puts Zanu PF as a ruling party at the risk of committing 'politicide' by promising what it can hardly deliver. "The new land reform measures have the trappings of a boomerang - they dare the government to do something drastic when all indications are that there is neither the will nor the space for such action." Mugabe could never give all 10-million black Zimbabweans a viable plot, even if he seized every square metre owned by whites, Moyo warned. Ten years later, with 76% of Zimbabwe's now 13-million people living below the bread line, his point seems equally pertinent. What changed, or who changed? Former colleagues believe Moyo turned cynical after a move to Kenya with the Ford Foundation in the mid-1990s. A 1999 article published in Zimbabwe indicated a change in tone - still attacking Mugabe, but urging him to strip whites of economic power and deliver "real independence". He became embroiled in a row with the Ford Foundation that has left the threat of litigation hanging over him. A similar but briefer excursion to Wits University led to another row over the fate of funds. He denies wrongdoing, but enemies accuse Moyo of scuttling to Mugabe's side to seek legal protection.

However, when he agreed in 1999 to serve on a constitutional review commission, chaired by Chief Justice Godfrey Chidyausiku, his participation was generally felt to give it credibility. Over the following six months, as the commission defied popular opinion to impose a framework that would have entrenched Mugabe's power indefinitely, Moyo's formerly urbane tone became increasingly embittered. He blamed whites for the Constitution's rejection at the February 2000 referendum. He was rewarded with a seat in Parliament and the Cabinet after the June 2000 general election. Revealing for the first time a streak of vindictiveness, Moyo said urban voters who backed Morgan Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) would be "given a bitter pill" while Zanu PF rewarded the "loyal and disciplined" rural areas. Shortly afterwards - to the horror of party stalwarts - Mugabe brought Moyo into the Politburo. The former champion of civil society continues to slang off any critic of the government's human rights record and alleges it is those widely seen as victims, the MDC and the white farmers, who provoked violence in which 100 have died. Many believe the recent adulatory articles in the Bulawayo Chronicle indicate Moyo's ambition to become Mugabe's vice-president when 70-year-old Joseph Msika steps down. And after that?

From The Mail & Guardian (SA), 18 October

SA farmers defy Zim workers repatriation

Three rebel farmer associations in the Northern Province on Thursday decided to act unilaterally to retain the services of their skilled Zimbabwean employees, some of whom have worked for them for 15 years or more. The government is insisting that the foreign workers be repatriated without delay. The Weipe, Pont Drift and Njelele farmers associations this week obtained a high court interdict restraining the government from deporting any workers before further negotiations with the farmers. The three associations came under heavy fire during Wednesday's annual general meeting of the Soutpansberg District Agricultural Union, the umbrella body to which they are affiliated, for failing to work through the recognised channels provided by organised agriculture.

Representative for the three associations said in a meeting their situation was unique, because most of their members owned farms along the banks of the Limpopo River, the official boundary between South Africa and Zimbabwe. The workers and their families now lived on both sides of the border, and had become an irreplaceable component of their farming operations. During an emotional debate on the issue, it became clear that there were serious differences of opinion on how the dispute with the government should be handled. The agricultural union's general affairs convener, Gideon Meiring, said his committee was exploring all options to resolve the deadlock, including further talks with the government. However, other speakers at the meeting said the government was intent on breaking the farmers and getting them off the land.

Union President Dries Joubert, who was elected for a sixth term of office, appealed for unity, saying the central issue was the survival of the regional economy north of the Soutpansberg. "The 15 000 Zimbabweans, one of the mainstays of the province's economy, have suddenly become illegals - the other six to eight million illegals do not seem to matter. Who is being targeted here - the workers or the 90 farmers along the border ?" Joubert asked. The official government view, conveyed during talks with the farmers, was that the foreign workers were holding jobs which should be given to unemployed South Africans. But the farmers insist they cannot recruit a large enough work force in the area to replace the foreign workers.

From BBC News, 18 October

Starvation looms in southern Zimbabwe

Drought, floods and farm invasions are all blamed

Harare - About three million people in southern Zimbabwe are reported to be facing starvation as critical food shortages bite. Since independence, the Southern African country has always been a net exporter of food but now aid agencies working in the area say the situation is desperate. No deaths from starvation have been officially reported in the area but relief agencies say the situation will worsen if food aid is not sent quickly. In some areas, thousands have resorted to eating tree roots simply to stay alive, but even the bland roots are now in scarce supply. Estimates by the United Nations' Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO) say Zimbabwe will need to import a total of about 570,000 metric tonnes of maize and wheat to avert starvation and replenish its reserves. So far, some 2,5 million have registered with the government for emergency food aid. According to Mark Karinda, the national drought co-ordinator of Christian Care International which is working in the affected areas, they have had to introduce a feeding scheme for children. Another aid agency, Care International, reported that in the southern Provinces of Midlands and Masvingo, 100,000 children are already taking a supplementary meal a day. For some of these children, school is the one place they are assured of a square meal each day and worth the long distance they have to walk.

Last month Zimbabwean Agriculture Minister Joseph Made admitted the country was to import 100 000 tons of maize immediately from neighbouring South Africa to avert the looming food shortages. But for a long time, Zimbabwe denied that the country could face food shortages. The government has promised that no-one will starve. But the opposition have already warned the government not to use food aid to try to get votes In next year's presidential elections. Drought-prone southern Zimbabwe normally receives very little rainfall, but last year, poor harvests came as a result of a combination of drought and heavy rains brought about by Cyclone Eline that ravaged southern Zimbabwe. The lack of food has also been attributed to additional factors such as the government's chaotic land reform programme. In urban areas, consumers are facing massive bread and other food shortages as a result of strict price controls imposed by the government last week. Major bakeries in the country have already put workers on shorter working hours and reduced output because of the price controls. Several face closure unless the prices are revised.

Voter Registration Programme

The government has recently published details of dates and places for its countrywide Voter Registration Programme. If you are intending to vote in the 2002 Presidential election, it is vital that you check that your name is on the voters' roll. If you would like a copy of the Voter Registration Programme, please let us know - it will be sent as an Excel spreadsheet attachment to an email message - size 200 Kb - about four times the size of the average daily ZWNEWS.

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From FinGaz - Public Eye

Presidential election before or after Brisbane?

10/18/01 5:48:04 PM (GMT +2)

What I hear through the boardroom walls..

AS consultations by the Commonwealth secretariat go on regarding the
rescheduling of the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) summit
to next March, candles are burning after hours in the boardrooms of the
ruling ZANU PF party and the opposition Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC), as if to hide from the public eye what everybody knows.

The chief strategists of both parties are spending sleepless nights weighing
and assessing the pros and cons of the postponement in light of the
impending presidential election.

Listening through the boardroom walls one hears them outlining the possible
scenarios: "now that Brisbane has been postponed to January"; then, "now
that it has been further postponed to March, what if it is further postponed
again?", et cetera.

It is like shooting at a moving target. And indeed the target is moving as
fast as a kangaroo.

We first consider what we hear through the boardroom walls of the ruling

It all started with Abuja. And Abuja was about the Brisbane meeting, lest we
forget these days when a lot of things are happening, including trading our
national sovereignty to a certain country in North Africa for oil and
campaign funding. (By the way, I understand both might be illegal and
treasonable or impeachable, whatever the case. Hezvoko! Be careful!).

Just in case you have forgotten, Abuja was facilitated by the experienced
and discerning Nigeria leader Olusegun Obasanjo to avoid a confrontation
between the British and Zimbabwe at the Brisbane meeting.

Anticipating CHOGM to occur in October, the ruling party acceded to the
Abuja agreement and the subsequent Southern Africa Development Community
(SADC) "hear-everybody" conference in Harare, all held before the Brisbane

The ZANU PF strategists had recommended an early election - as early as soon
after CHOGM; that is, had Brisbane happened in October as originally

But because we would have wanted to be seen to be committed to the "rule of
law" (albeit "in accordance with our Zimbabwean constitution"), this would
have required 90 days after CHOGM. This would have meant a January 2002
election, at the earliest.

Meanwhile we destabilise the MDC, even while its leader, Morgan Tsvangirai,
was in Brisbane telling the Commonwealth he will be Zimbabwe's new head of
state at the next CHOGM summit two years hence.

With the MDC split, there would be nothing to fear. We can meet the demands
and expectations of Abuja, the SADC, the Commonwealth, the European Union
and the Americans and even the MDC for a free and fair election. Bingo, our
candidate, Robert Gabriel Mugabe, chete chete, is re-elected.

Even mina ngokwami (I myself) would have cheered and gone to the victory
celebration, invited or not, for that would have been a brilliant move by
any standards under ZANU PF's present discomforting circumstances.

But Brisbane didn't occur in October and, from the look of it, the plan to
destabilise the MDC ahead of an early January presidential election has
failed, at least for now. For there is no finality in these things.

"CHOGM has now been re-scheduled to occur in March and the plan to
destabilise the MDC is failing. Sh . . .", oops, but a four letter word from
the boardroom!

"My, my, my, comrades, what do we do now? Should we go on with a January
election even before the rescheduled CHOGM meeting? Or should we wait until
immediately after CHOGM in March? The 90-day constitutional requirement can
be announced in January anyway."

So the comrades weigh the pros and cons of a presidential election before
and after the rescheduled CHOGM meeting.

Two schools of thought emerge in the boardroom: the January school and the
March school.

The January school consists of the hardliners, the ultra-nationalists of the
party. I won't mention names, but he is one of them.

These hardliners argue that the timing of a Zimbabwe election cannot be
determined by CHOGM considerations or any external forces. "We are a
sovereign state," they argue, as if in doubt. In fact, this school says to
hell with CHOGM and Abuja to the extent that a free and fair presidential
election is part of the deal.

The strategists of this school find comfort in a mercenary faction of the
war vets who didn't get rich in the first round. In other words, the January
school wants a repeat of the June parliamentary election using the same vile
and violent methods to win the presidency.

What if the MDC and the rest of the world cry foul? Simple.

"Their tears will dry up, as they did after the June parliamentary
elections" is the simplistic answer.

The March school, on the other hand, argues that the MDC and the
international community do matter. We should begin to listen to what they
are saying on the issues of the "rule of law" and "good governance" rather
than seeing only "LAND" in the Abuja text, as if we are illiterate.

They argue: "Let us wait until CHOGM in March. Whatever we do afterwards, at
least we would know the odds against us and adjust accordingly."

Moreover, this rather cautious school warns against offending friends like
Obasanjo and Thabo Mbeki. They are weary of desperate deals with Muammar
Gaddafi and the Far East. Obasanjo has oil. Why not do similar deals with
him instead?

"Quite to the contrary," the March school cautions the January school, "it's
not the MDC and the international community who will shed tears after a foul
election in January if it is held under the June 2000 conditions. It will be
ZANU PF shedding tears as it has done since the June parliamentary
elections, if the truth be told."

I concur with this observation. There has been nothing for ZANU PF to smile
about since the vile and violent June parliamentary elections. The present
economic and diplomatic isolation of this country will be intensified after
a vile and violent presidential election until tabvuma chete. This is clear
even to the blind.

What about voices through the boardroom walls of the Movement for Democratic
Change, even in its teething pains? Maybe next week.

Professor Masipula Sithole is a lecturer of political science at the
University of Zimbabwe and director of the Harare-based Mass Public Opinion

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From FinGaz - Cabinet Files

What happens should we lose the election?

10/18/01 5:44:43 PM (GMT +2)

Dear Cabinet and Politburo Members

Today I want to discuss with you the unimaginable: what happens should we
lose next year's presidential election?

Comrades, don't get me wrong, I am not at all entertaining thoughts of
retiring from office or allowing anyone to force me out of State House or,
for that matter, abandoning you at the mercy of these ungrateful

I am merely pointing out that we need to visit this area and perhaps come up
with workable ideas of how this glorious party and yourselves ought to react
should we come second best next year.

The reason why I have chosen to discuss this unpalatable subject is that
although Tsvangson might be weakened by internal strife, our lot is no
longer under our control because imperialistic machinations have manipulated
prices of basic commodities to be beyond the reach of our supporters.

Comrades, my boys have already advised me on a number of fast-track options
that we could employ should we, by some unforeseen misfortune, face the
possibility of losing the election.

Chinos and the gallant members of the war veterans' association have said we
should go back to the bush. That is a good idea because we can even use that
to threaten voters to rally behind us before the poll.

Cde Mzee has suggested that both of us could undertake some management
course in piggery before the poll and then retire to a life of peace and
tranquility in Gutu.

As usual, I am not sure whether Cde Mzee is joking because I do not think
any of you would be happy to see your glamorous First Lady feeding hogs in
an area as dry as Afghanistan.

Some comrades say we should put all our trust on the registrar-general to
deliver the election to us because he is one of us.

Since I was little, herding cattle and looking after my mother's chickens, I
have always hated putting all my eggs in one basket.

There are others who suggest that we must sponsor some food riots, shoot a
few urban looters, declare a state of emergency and scrap the election.

I quite like that idea because it is sophisticated and actually sounds like
something an educated person like myself might employ.

Even Brother Muammar is impressed with this idea and has indicated to me
that he might spare us some riot gear, including mean water cannons and
special rubber-coated bullets that are difficult for us to procure on the
international market.

Comrades, for the first time I want you to think and come up with workable
suggestions of your own and please may your answers be written in proper



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From FinGaz

Mugabe panics at MDC's second coming

By David Masunda Deputy Editor-in-Chief
10/18/01 9:57:41 PM (GMT +2)

PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe's threat this week to throw Zimbabwe back to the
dark ages of socialism, re-introduce price controls and nationalise
companies is a panicky reaction to a looming tricky election and an
imploding economy, according to experts.

Mugabe told mourners at the burial of Clement Muchachi, a former minister in
his first Cabinet in the 1980s, that his administration was bringing back
price controls thereby sounding the death knell to International Monetary
Fund (IMF) economic reforms introduced in 1991.

An emotion-charged Mugabe threatened to nationalise companies that closed
down because of the price controls and the harsh economic conditions and
said the takeover of companies was "at least the socialism we had wanted".

Analyst Brian Raftopoulos of the Zimbabwe Institute of Development Studies
said Mugabe's statement was the typical offensive reaction he has employed
over the past 21 years when cornered.

"At this stage, his statement on the re-introduction of socialism is more
rhetoric play than anything else. I do not think it is viable to introduce
socialism," Raftopoulos said.

He said Mugabe could also be trying to confuse trade unions and employers'
organisations that had recently united against his policies by taking a
pro-labour position.

"I think what he is also trying to do is to try to force the hand of the
international community to renegotiate with him because this state has no
capacity to take over companies," Raftopoulos said.

He said by threatening to re-introduce socialism and nationalise companies,
the ZANU PF leader could be trying to force the international community to
stop such desperate measures by resuming aid through the Abuja land deal
signed between Zimbabwe and Britain last month.

Consultant economist John Robertson however said Mugabe's toying with
socialism at a time when the world is pushing for market-oriented policies
would "switch off new investments completely" from Zimbabwe.

He said even former socialist countries such as Russia had abandoned the
concept because it had been discredited while others such as China were
opening up their economies to the world.


"There will be no respect for Zimbabwe around the world if Mugabe
re-introduces socialism. Zimbabwe will no longer exist as an investment
option," Robertson told the Financial Gazette.

He said the result of such pronunciations by Mugabe was that the few
remaining big companies in Zimbabwe would begin to close down "gracefully
and slowly" so that they could minimise their losses.

Robertson said while Mugabe blamed the IMF for the failure of his economic
reforms introduced in 1991, it was his administration's reluctance to rein
in runaway government expenditure that had undermined the programme.

Mugabe, said Robertson, was now prepared to "turn back the clock" just to
win next year's presidential election.

The 77-year-old politician, who has ruled Zimbabwe with an iron fist since
independence in 1980, faces the stiffest challenge to his rule from Morgan
Tsvangirai, the leader of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change.

Robertson warned that the introduction of price controls and nationalisation
of companies would backfire on the governing ZANU PF party when factories
start to close and essential goods gradually become unavailable in the

Said Robertson: "He will not fool the people for too long. What is good
having a low price for something that you cannot buy in the shops?"


Yash Tandon, an economist based in Harare, welcomed the official dumping of
the IMF-sponsored Economic and Structural Adjustment Programme (ESAP)
because, he said, "the policy was aimed at adjusting African economies to
the demands of the industrialised countries".

"ESAP was fundamentally flawed. It was like trying to make a cake with
cement and the mixture was not right," he said.

Tandon, the director of the Southern and Eastern African Trade Information
and Negotiation Initiative, cautioned though that the imposition of price
controls should be well planned and slammed last week's announced controls
on the price of essentials.

"You cannot just impose price controls out of the blue before you do an
input and output analysis," Tandon noted.

"For example on the price of bread, you need to find out how the fixing of
the price of bread impact on wheat production. What you need is an input and
output analysis.


"The government should be able to provide subsidies. I do not think because
of the price control of bread the burden should be carried entirely by the
millers. It is unfair."

On Mugabe's intention to re-introduce socialism, Tandon said while he
advocated the abandonment of ESAP-based policies such as the payment by the
poor of school fees and health services, he was not happy with the doctrine.

"I am not sure about socialism because as a system it is up for review.
There are many aspects of socialism as a doctrine which I find problems
with," Tandon said.


to lose

Edmore Tobaiwa, an independent economist, said signs were that more price
controls would be introduced before the election and that "strategic"
companies would be taken over by the governing ZANU PF as part of its
election ploy to woo urban voters.

He said as far as Mugabe and his administration were concerned, the country
was already suffering from international sanctions that were triggered by
the withdrawal of aid by the IMF and the World Bank in 1999 and Mugabe had
"nothing more to lose".

"Price controls are inevitable because it's a move by ZANU PF to win the
urban vote. There is going to be more of the same," Tobaiwa said.

The Harare offices of the World Bank and IMF did not respond to requests for
their views on price controls and socialism.

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From FinGaz

War vets raid shops

From Njabulo Ncube Bureau Chief
10/18/01 9:45:00 PM (GMT +2)

BULAWAYO - Mobs of ruling ZANU PF party supporters and their war veterans
raided most retail shops in Bulawayo's central business district this week
to force shop managers to cut prices of basic commodities in line with a
government directive.

Singing revolutionary songs and denouncing business and industry, which they
accused of working in cahoots with the opposition Movement for Democratic
Change to hike prices of basic goods, the boisterous war veterans struck
terror in the hearts of the city's shoppers.

Stanley Ncube, the vice chairman of the Bulawayo war veterans chapter, said
yesterday that some retailers who had previously maintained higher prices
had agreed to reduce them following the raids, which he preferred to call

"Some have agreed," said Ncube, who is directing the supermarket raids.

"We would have wanted to continue on a larger scale but we are forced to cut
down on our activities because we understand that a high-level government
delegation is visiting Bulawayo. We don't want to disrupt their visit," he
told the Financial Gazette.

But many retailers had to close shop temporarily as ZANU PF's noisy storm
troops swooped on the supermarkets, checking on the prices of bread, cocking
oil and mealie-meal ¾ commodities that were very scarce here yesterday and
whose retail price was controlled by the government last week.

In Harare, police spokesman Wayne Bvudzijena said the force would
immediately arrest anyone found threatening businesses or forcing them to
close because of the prices they were levying.

"We appeal to all retailers to immediately report to the nearest police any
illegal interference with their operations so police can take immediate
action," he said.

But some retailers charged that the police had not reacted when called to
assist. For example in Rusape town in Manicaland, a supermarket belonging to
TM Supermarkets was by midday yesterday still closed despite reports having
been made to the police on Tuesday when the war veterans first raided the

TM Supermarkets deputy managing director David Mils told the Financial
Gazette: "The shop was closed on Tuesday and it is still closed today,
Wednesday, although a report has been made to the police."

In Mutare city, the mobs also forced shop managers to temporarily shut down
but by midday yesterday the situation was reportedly back to normal.

In Bulawayo some of the stores visited by the war veterans, who moved in
groups of about 100, are OK Zimbabwe, Woolworth's and TM Hyper.

"These people (the war veterans) are accusing us of being responsible for
raising the prices of commodities," said a merchandiser at one of the raided

"Our employers have asked us not to wear uniforms, name tags and job titles
for fear of us being assaulted," he added, preferring not to be named for
fear of being assaulted.

Supermarkets and general dealer shops owned by businessmen of Asian origin
in and around Bulawayo's central business district were some of the shops

A senior manager of a food-and-wine supplier said retailers were now putting
pressure on suppliers to reduce prices.

"Retailers are asking suppliers to cut prices so that they can in turn
reduce the prices as per government directive but we cannot do that because
we bought goods using foreign currency secured from the black market," said
the senior manager, who asked not to be named.

It also emerged yesterday that some Bulawayo retailers were now withdrawing
basic commodities from supermarkets into safe warehouses for fear of trading
at a huge loss.

The government's price controls have resulted in an acute shortage of most
basic commodities such as bread and sugar nationwide.

The war veterans, who waged a violent campaign that rescued ZANU PF from the
jaws of defeat in last year's parliamentary election, have virtually
operated above the law since then, refusing to obey court orders to quit
commercial farms they are occupying illegally.

Five months ago, the veterans unleashed terror on industry and commerce
nationwide by invading several companies. They forced them to re-hire
dismissed or retrenched workers and, in some cases, assaulted managers and
threatened to take over their businesses.

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