ZANU PF arm-twists chiefs for support in election

Zim Online

Thursday 19 October 2006

      HARARE - President Robert Mugabe's government last month asked
traditional leaders to block and frustrate opposition candidates from
registering for forthcoming rural council elections in return for more
allowances and perks, authoritative sources told ZimOnline.

      They said Local Government Minister Ignatius Chombo sometime in
mid-September asked president of the Chief's Council, Fortune Charumbira, to
instruct traditional leaders to refuse to give letters to opposition
candidates confirming that they (candidates) resided in wards in which they
wished to stand for election.

      Prospective candidates had to produce written confirmation from a
local chief that they resided in the respective ward before they could be
allowed to register to stand in the poll scheduled for the end of this
month.

      Out of 1 127 seats that were up for grabs, only 647 shall be contested
after the ruling ZANU PF party won 480 seats unopposed because opposition
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party candidates were disqualified in
most cases after failing to get letters of confirmation from local chiefs.

      "The deal was that the government would in return increase allowances
and perks for traditional leaders who would have helped the ruling ZANU PF
party retain its hold on rural areas," said a senior official at the
Ministry of Local Government, who spoke on condition he was not named.

      According to the official, Chombo also asked Charumbira to ensure that
chiefs and village headmen barred known supporters of both factions of the
divided opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) from receiving
government food aid as a way of pressuring them to abandon the opposition
party.

      "It was a typical carrot and stick tactic with traditional leaders who
refused to co-operate being threatened or even deposed from their hereditary
positions," added another Local Government official, who also chose not to
be named.

      Charumbira, who is a former junior member of Mugabe's Cabinet, on
Wednesday refused to comment on the matter. "I am too busy to comment at the
moment," was all the leader of traditional chiefs would say before switching
off his phone.

      Chombo agreed meeting Charumbira and also confirmed that the
government had indeed promised to increase allowances and perks for
traditional leaders. But he strongly denied that the promise to increase
allowances was meant to influence traditional leaders to block MDC
candidates from registering.

      According to Chombo there was no need for the ruling party or the
government to arm-twist or blackmail chiefs and headmen for support because
the traditional leaders - who are supposed to be apolitical - were already
in bed with ZANU PF.

      Chombo told ZimOnline: "We don't arm-twist them to campaign for ZANU
PF. In fact it is a stated position of this country's traditional leaders
that they support ZANU PF because they agree with the policies we take.

      "They deserve better allowances, not because they support ZANU PF, but
because like many Zimbabweans they have been hit by inflation, yet they are
doing fantastic work in our communities."

      Traditional leaders have largely ceremonial powers but wield immense
influence over their subjects in rural areas.

      But the opposition and human rights groups accuse chiefs and headmen
of abandoning their traditionally neutral role in the community to side with
Mugabe and his ZANU PF party. - ZimOnline

Zim could lose out on US$500m stake in Mozambique power firm

Zim Online

Thursday 19 October 2006

      HARARE - Zimbabwe could lose out on a US$500 million stake in
Mozambique's Hidroelectrica de Cahora Bassa (HCB) electricity firm because
it has no cash to finance a deal experts say could go a long way to ending
the country's perennial energy shortages.

      Preliminary agreement was long reached with Maputo for Harare to take
up stake in HCB but the latter has failed to produce a letter of interest to
secure the investment, state-owned Zimbabwe Electricity Authority (ZESA)
said in an internal report that was shown to ZimOnline on Wednesday.

      "A letter of interest is all that the government of Mozambique is
waiting for from the government of Zimbabwe," reads part of the document
dated September 6, 2006.

      In the absence of a letter of interest, Mozambique could sell HCB
stake to other willing investors, top ZESA officials said, adding that
cash-rich South African energy players were already been pushing Maputo to
ditch the undecided Zimbabweans so they could move in on the lucrative deal.

      Harare, which is battling its worst ever economic crisis and is
desperate for foreign currency to import food, fuel and essential medicines
among other basic commodities, is said to have developed cold feet on the
deal because it has no hard cash to pay.

      "They (government) are non-committal because they have no foreign
currency but it was better to show interest and then try to raise foreign
currency to pay for the stake later," said one ZESA senior executive, adding
that Maputo was in the first place not expecting all the money upfront.

      A stake in HCB could allow Zimbabwe - which imports more than 30
percent of its electricity requirements - easier access to excess power
generated by the Mozambican energy firm.

      Zimbabwe already imports about 100 megawatts a month from the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, 200 megawatts from HCB, 450 megawatts from
South Africa and 300 megawatts from Zambia.

      But frequent breakdowns at ZESA's ageing power stations have meant
routine blackouts for Zimbabweans who in some cases have spent several days
on end without electricity.

      The shortage of power is however just one on a long list of problems
bedeviling Zimbabwe in its seventh year of an economic meltdown described by
the World Bank as the worst in the world outside a war zone.

      The southern African country also has the world's highest inflation
rate of more than 1 000 percent, skyrocketing unemployment, shortages of
foreign currency, food, fuel, essential medicines and increasing poverty
levels. - ZimOnline

Minister fails to appear before parliamentary committee

Zim Online

Thursday 19 October 2006

      HARARE - Industry and International Trade Minister Obert Mpofu on
Wednesday failed to appear before a special parliamentary committee probing
a controversial US$400 million management contract between state-owned
ZISCOSTEEL and Indian firm Global Steel Holdings Limited (GSHL).

      Mpofu - and not Economic Development Minister Rugare Gumbo as had been
indicated earlier on the parliamentary schedule - was supposed to give oral
evidence on the contract that appears crumbling amid allegations of rampant
corruption and fraud at ZICSOSTEEL, the largest steel works in southern
Africa outside South Africa.

      Committee acting chairperson Edwin Mushoriwa said Mpofu did not attend
the meeting due to other commitments elsewhere.

      Mushoriwa said that the committee had resolved to consider the
evidence it has to compile a report to be presented when Parliament resumes
sitting on 31 October 2006.

      "We resolved to consider the evidence we have. This coming week we
will compile the report to be presented to Parliament," Mushoriwa said.

      Last month, Mpofu told the committee that there was a report done by
the government's National Economic Conduct Inspectorate (NECI) that he said
highlighted high level corruption at ZISCOSTEEL by Members of Parliament
(MPs) and President Robert Mugabe's Cabinet.

      Mpofu however backtracked a week later saying he did not mean that MPs
and Cabinet ministers had fleeced ZISCOSTEEL but that their companies which
were buying steel from the troubled steelmaker were making a profit when the
parastatal was making astronomical losses.

      Impeccable sources told ZimOnline that Mpofu had changed his tune
after uproar from his colleagues in ZANU PF and the government who were
unhappy that he was exposing them. - ZimOnline

AirZim plane back in air after repairs

Zim Online

Thursday 19 October 2006

      HARARE - Troubled national airline, Air Zimbabwe , received a major
boost last Saturday after a Boeing B767 aircraft which was undergoing
repairs in Germany flew back into the country.

      Air Zimbabwe spokesperson David Mwenga confirmed the return of the
aircraft saying it will most likely resume flights before the weekend.

      "We have it back now. We used the Frankfurt to Harare flight as a test
flight," said Mwenga.

      The plane, which was grounded over the past five months, underwent
major overhaul at Lufthansa Technique Logistic in Germany .

      The return of the aircraft is expected to bring relief to Air Zimbabwe
as it was only operating a single aircraft to service its international
routes.

      Air Zimbabwe was one of the best airlines in Africa in the early
1980s. But years of mismanagement and corruption have nearly brought the
airline to its knees.

      The airline has in recent months failed to service some routes or
delayed passengers because planes could not fly due to a lack of spares or
fuel, blamed on an acute shortage of foreign currency to pay foreign
suppliers. - ZimOnline

Official implicated in World Cup ticket scam set to bounce back

Zim Online

Thursday 19 October 2006

            HARARE - Suspended Zimbabwe Football Association (ZIFA) chief
executive, Jonathan Mashingaidze is set to bounce back at the national
football association after it emerged that there is no evidence linking him
to a ZIFA ticket scandal.
            Mashingaidze was suspended two months ago after being accused of
diverting World Cup tickets allocated to ZIFA to the black market.

            He is said to have pocketed huge sums of money. But two months
after the national association launched an inquiry, it emerged that there
was nothing to incriminate the suspended ZIFA boss.

            A top ZIFA official confirmed to ZimOnline yesterday that they
might end up recalling Mashingaidze.

            "The ticket scandal has so far produced nothing to prove that
Mashingaidze was involved in illicit deals. While he might have benefited
from selling the tickets at inflated prices, the bottom line is that he did
not steal from anyone.

            "ZIFA was not prejudiced in any way. Mashingaidze now has strong
grounds to sue us. It will be better to bring him back than face him in
court," said the official.

            ZIFA chairman Wellington Nyatanga has been the acting chief
executive since the suspension of Mashingaidze.

            ZIFA treasurer, Gladmore Muzambi who is leading the probe has
already conceded that he has found nothing in their investigations. -
ZimOnline

Kagoro And Ayittey On Zimbabwe's Crisis - Part 3

Zimbabwejournalists.com

      By a Correspondent

      Violet: Zimbabwe is collapsing and in this final segment of the
teleconference with Dr. George Ayittey and Brian Kagoro we look deeper to
see what role the international community can play in helping Zimbabwe move
forward.

      It is generally agreed that to remove the dictatorship in Zimbabwe the
opposition forces need to work together. But what exactly are we asking the
pro-democracy groups to do? We start off the discussion by taking a look at
the role of the International community. Kofi Annan, the UN Secretary
General, is putting out fires in other conflict areas.

      We asked Dr Ayittey what he made of his fellow countryman's approach
to the Zimbabwe situation?

      George: Oh he has been very, very disappointing. Disappointing in the
sense that, I mean, you look at, you know, the operation which I can't
pronounce

      Violet: Operation Murambatsvina?

      George: Ya, you know that resulted in more than 700 000 people being
driven from their shantytowns and rendered homeless. You know the United
Nations Envoy came up with a report and that report even the African Union
wasn't really pleased with releasing that particular report. In other words,
there is general unwillingness. It seems that, you know, something like Kofi
Annan is somewhat afraid of Mugabe or something and doesn't want to take a
position, which is contrary to the African Union position.

      You know the African Union doesn't want to criticise Mugabe. Thabo
Mbeki sees Mugabe as his buddy; he owes him a huge debt of gratitude. You
know during the struggle against apartheid the ANC received a lot of support
and material from Mugabe, so, they feel they are indebted to him. But, you
know, Kofi Annan should have stood fast against the brutalities against
Mugabe but he hasn't done so

      Violet: You know, it's generally agreed, that there's this sort of
African brotherhood that is keeping Mugabe protected. But what should Kofi
Annan really be doing, because others feel it's not enough to just issue
statements criticising Operation Murambatsvina and also what about the
African Union and the SADC Region?

      George: You know, Kofi Annan is your quintessential diplomat and he's
in a very, very uncomfortable situation as the United Nations Secretary
General and I've been critical of him also, not just the opposition in
Zimbabwe. Look, we want to move Africa forward. Kofi Annan, as I indicated,
hop-notches around the world, globetrotting or putting out fires in some
hotspots; trouble spots. But, as far as I'm concerned, what we need to do is
to prevent these fires from erupting in the first place.

      Kofi Annan hasn't done that. Look across Africa, I mean we've seen
countries like Somalia blow up; Rwanda, Burundi, Zaire, Liberia, Sierra
Leone, Ivory Coast, Togo. Time and time again, we don't prevent these
countries from imploding. But we only sort of rush in with blankets and high
protein biscuits after their countries have already blown up. Zimbabwe is on
the brink of blowing up. What we have to do is prevent the country from
blowing up. Not after the country has blown up then we appeal to the
international community for bandage and for this.

      Look, the international community, to be blunt with you, is fed up
with Africa. Look at Sudan, for example, the Dafur region! Look at Somalia.
You know, it seems that time and time again we can't resolve our problems.
We'll always be appealing to the international community and if I were Kofi
Annan this is where I'd put my foot down and tell somebody like Mugabe, for
example, that 'look, if Zimbabwe blows, we'll hold you personally
responsible for the mess in Zimbabwe'.

      You see look, the time has come for some tough talk, alright. Enough
argument, enough debates; the people are suffering. We want new direction,
we want focus, for example we're not getting this, and Kofi Annan is not
supplying this, the AU is totally useless. You know, the reason I'm saying
this is that it hurts my African pride. Look, we struggled very hard for our
independence in the 1960's; we kicked out the white colonialists but in
country after country after country after country, we run our countries down
an economic sump, so, if the racists look at us they'll say ' Hey look, we
gave these things to the blacks and look at the mess they have made.' It
pains me. And, this is why we need a completely new direction in Africa.

      Violet: And, Brian, what are your thoughts on this?

      Brian: I think that they could have done more to censure the actions
of the Harare regime. In fact, they could have taken much more decisive
action, especially where the Commission in Banjul; the African Commission on
Human and Peoples' Rights, issued reports. You finally had an instrument and
authenticated evidence from an African institution, if the fear was that all
other evidence was emanating from the West. Clearly, even in the light of
that, they allowed the Zimbabwean Government to clasp at technicalities as a
way of avoiding obligations that are agreed to.

      In fact, the Zimbabwe has become the Achilles heel of the entire NEPAD
and peer review and APRM process. It has made a mockery of any pretence that
we are moving towards an African Renaissance; because, if it is a
renaissance of the people, this is a classical place where misery of the
people is ignored for no good reason. I mean, quiet diplomacy; how does one
keep silent in the face of murder and violations on human rights.

      But, we have seen the same lethargic approach to violations of rights
within the context of Dafur. Although Dafur is much bigger than Zimbabwe, it
is a worrying factor that the African leadership is very loud in making
pronouncements but very weak in taking decisive action to bring to bear and
to bring to pass the new African vision of a new democratic and accountably
governed continent. So, it is a worrying fact that I think Kofi Annan could
have done more; I think African leaders could have done more.

      Violet: And, you know the West have imposed sanctions on Zimbabwe,
should regional bodies do the same?

      Brian: No, that sanctions thing is really some lunatic position
adopted by the West. I mean, firstly, let me say, as a Zimbabwean, that the
British government is as implicated in the prolongation of the Zimbabwean
crisis as the Mugabe regime is. First, there was a clear obligation at
Lancaster to make available resources for land reform. The fact that
consistently the British government has refused to accept an obligation
which everybody knows it assumed at Lancaster is startling because Mugabe
has focused on that particular issue and the British reneging on that
particular obligation, and of course, the excuse by the Blair government
that they gave 47 million British pounds, and, that this should have
sufficed, is nonsensical, because, the estimated value was at US $2 billion.
So, that's one issue; the one issue the international community has fuelled
and allowed the excuses that Mugabe gives to sustain the repression in
Zimbabwe.

      But, sanctions, targeted sanctions, were bound not to work. They were
bound not to work because there was an assumption that the only thing the
elites wanted to do was to shop at Tottenham Court Road in London or in
Paris or in some other place where they used to shop especially not within
Zimbabwe. It didn't deal with the question of individual culpability and
liability for the human rights violations. It simply sought to embarrass,
and Mugabe still flies to New York, still flies to Rome and still goes
everywhere else under the guise of attending the United Nations conferences
and other international conferences. So the targeted sanctions have not had
the impact. In my view, there was a better approach.

      Violet: What was the better approach?

      Brian: That better approach was to do exactly what Dr Ayittey has been
urging the Zimbabwean opposition to do. There was a clear agreed position
that you needed to deal with the question of land reform in Zimbabwe. That
could have been removed as an excuse. The bi-lateral exchanges that went on
between London Whitehall and Harare were un-necessary, the point scoring
between the Blair Government and the Mugabe Government cost Zimbabwean
pro-democracy forces a lot of ground. But, we can't blame them; I think the
British had the strategic and political interest in prolonging the crisis.
So the better approach would have been to deal with that matter so that
African leaders would have a stronger foot to stand on in challenging
Mugabe. But, as long as that matter remained unresolved, Mugabe would ask
the rest of his colleagues in Africa to ignore the Human Rights situation
and characterise the entire national crisis that Dr Ayittey has referred to
as 'an economy almost in near collapse', as a bi-lateral feud between him
and London and the Blair regime.

      Violet: But, Brian, on the issue of the British reneging on its
promises, was it not the fact that the Zimbabwean Government had been given
part of the money and the British then stopped the payments when the Mugabe
regime failed to account for this money? I know this is maybe a huge topic
that we need to discuss on a separate platform, but was this not the case,
just on that specific issue?

      Brian: Certainly that's not the prime excuse. The fact of the matter
is the first and everything you read on that land reform is the first
attempt at land resettlements did not fail due to corruption. It failed due
to the fact that there was no clear plan for its sustainability. So this is
the fact. But, let's leave land alone, and simply say there was a duty
incumbent on all actors when you can see that the excuse being given
resonates with the broad variety of forces that you need to act in concert
to enforce international norms.

      There was a duty incumbent upon Tony Blair's government to take a
decisive position. Now, the question you might ask is should this money have
been given to a regime that has proven to be corrupt and repressive? Where
would those resources have been taken to? And, I think there were various
possibilities with the emerging African Union and the frameworks it has
created that could have facilitated this amount.

      This money or the resources required could have been kept in trust by
this African body for the purposes of achieving this, and then, you could
have dealt with the political question, which is mis-governance in Zimbabwe,
as a separate issue. Now, the conflation of that political question with
historical injustice issues has totally confused issues. But, that does not
account for the failure of the opposition in Zimbabwe; that's a totally
different issue.

      Violet: And finally, last word from both of you. It is agreed that no
single opposition party or group by itself can remove entrenched tyranny
from power and that it takes an alliance of opposition forces, as you've
both said. But, what is it, in a nutshell that we can say we are asking the
progressive forces in Zimbabwe to do?

      George: First of all, let me thank you for this opportunity and let me
say that I am very much, I have been a supporter of your position, not in
words, but also in deeds. I have met with several of the opposition leaders
here in Washington and elsewhere. I have been to Zimbabwe by the way, and, I
know I have been harsh in my criticism, but they should take this criticism
in good faith. If you have a dear friend sometimes it is your dear friend or
your relative who tells you if you are doing something, which is foolish,
and it is in that spirit that I am saying this. Now look, we need to forge a
new strategy in Zimbabwe. People are suffering. We must end their misery. We
don't want to be partly responsible for prolonging their misery.

      The opposition forces need, first of all -- this is my suggestion to
them -- they have to assume, and this is what we also assumed in Ghana, that
they are not going to get any help from the international community. They
are not going to get any help from the US, or from Britain or South Africa
or from any of the African leaders, so they should not waste their time
trying to change their minds, ok. South Africa has already made up their
minds; if they would have helped the Zimbabweans they would have already
done so a long time ago. The debate about sanctions is simply academic.
Assume you are going to get zero support from Kofi Annan and from the
international community so that you have to rely on your own.

      Now, the second point is that, yes, we need constitutional reform,
land reform and improvement in governance. Let's not waste our time on these
because there's no way you are going to have meaningful constitutional
reform, meaningful land reform with the tyrant still in power.

      The focus must be on removing that tyrant from power. How do we do
that? In order to do that, right now the opposition leaders are exhausted;
they are weakened. We need to form a small tiny little group, set up what
you might call a war room for example, a small group of people say not more
than ten who are apolitical so that you can devise a new strategy. Now, the
protest marches simply don't work, we need a new strategy. If a civil
servants strike will work, fine, let us try that. All these things have to
be done in camera, so that, at least once we decide upon this everybody must
be on board so that you level the political playing field. After that, we
can play our party politics, but, so long as Mugabe is there, we have to
recognise that the regime is very shrewd and it is also very clever; it is
always going to throw obstacles our way. But, we need to think ahead and be
one step ahead of him. That's all that I would say for now.

      Violet: And Brian?

      Brian: I think that the first thing I would say to my colleagues is
stop the internal purges, stop the internal squabbling. And, to both Dr.
Arthur Mutambara and Comrade Morgan Tsvangirai, whom I know very well, is
the only price to pay for freedom would be to swallow your egos and your
differences. And, I appreciate there are fundamental value differences, but,
there are also fundamental strategic asymmetries in what we are trying to do
and I would urge them not only to talk but to explore the possibilities of
standing as a united front in action because I think the first thing that
must happen is a united leadership front articulating the same agenda. We
have wasted a lot of time; Tsvangirai criticising Mutambara. Mutambara
criticising Tsvangirai, witch-hunting within the factions, as one might call
it.

      Number two, to the civic leadership there's a much more fundamental
challenge. One of rebuilding; and rebuilding not around an authoritarian
nature that some of us have seen emerge where we are focusing more on
distinguishing amongst ourselves; you are elites, we are workers, you are
peasants, you are the unemployed. I think, all progressive social forces
must be united under the banner of democratic transformation. And, it is
important that you have a leadership that doesn't have a provincial
mentality; that only looks at a small cluster. It is also important for
civil society to purge itself of the cancer of tribalism, which seems to be
emerging.

      The third thing that is more important than this is that to discuss
strategies in newspapers is foolishness, to declare in newspapers that this
is how we will offer change, seems to be foolish. But, finally I think that
resourcing of the movement, having a vibrant alternative means of
communicating, re-visiting the structures of your system, of your movement,
and also re-visiting the articulation; your spokesperson, and ensuring you
carry critical constituencies such as women, such as youth, such as the
unemployed, such as peasants is important. I think we've got to look back
and say 'what is our social base'.

      So the only addition I have to add to what Dr. Ayittey has said is
that the small individuals yes, the small group of individuals, yes, is
important. However, for me, the much more important and missing ingredient
is having a very strong social movement base or political movement base and
a clear political strategy of how we do this thing. And, of course, we have
tried all sorts of tactics; going back to the drawing board is not as
painful as staying at the front and using the same thing that is causing
incessant and consistent loss. So, I'd urge that the battle is not lost;
hope is not lost, perhaps what's lost is our commitment to work together,
and, remembering that we are all one nation, one people, fighting for the
same thing, a more prosperous and democratic country.

      And, if we remember this, perhaps we will set aside our differences
and stop discriminating against each other and also stop trying to sideline
each other and embrace the many strands of thoughts that are coming in. And,
thanks to Dr Ayittey and others who have been critical of what we are tying
to do, critical of the opposition, critical of civil society. Perhaps it's
important that criticism comes from friends and I would urge others within
the civic movement to take the criticism that has come; embrace it as
perhaps either a frustration amongst our friends and peers about what we are
trying to do, or not doing, or, an encouragement by them that we should do
more, so that's all I would say. And, don't despair, the struggle continues.

      Violet: Thank you very much Dr. George Ayittey and Brian Kagoro, thank
you very much for participating on this programme.

      George: Thank you for having us.

      Brian: Thank you.

      Audio interview can be heard on SW Radio Africa's Hot Seat programme.
Comments and feedback can be emailed to violet@swradioafrica.com

The Road From Ruin

Los Angeles Times

To flee financial despair, many endure high fees and great peril on often
illicit rides to S. Africa.
By Richard Boudreaux, Times Staff Writer
October 18, 2006

BULAWAYO, Zimbabwe - Andrew Dube was cruising across the savanna, past
baobab trees, donkey carts and herds of giraffes, when a flashlight pierced
the gathering dusk, waving him off the highway.

A policeman approached, aiming the light at sacks heaped under a web of
bungee cords in Dube's open-top trailer. The driver muttered a curse in
Zulu.

ADVERTISEMENT
"Let's see what's inside," said the officer, who was searching for
undeclared foreign currency.

Dube chewed nervously on a paper clip. His deliveries, mostly food for 20
poor families here, were already late. The 800-mile drive from Johannesburg,
South Africa, had taken 24 hours and required bribes at six checkpoints on
both sides of the border. Now a few miles from his destination, he was out
of cash.

He turned to the 12 weary passengers crammed into his 1998 Toyota Venture
station wagon. Each already had paid a $75 fare, about a month's salary for
most of them.

"We can sit here three hours while the police search every package," he told
them. "Or you can help me fill their stomachs."

The passengers coughed up $100, and the cash passed from the driver to the
policeman, who let the vehicle pass.

This ritual, performed daily by hundreds of cargo haulers known as
"runners," keeps a lifeline open for Zimbabwe in a time of economic
meltdown.

Four-wheel-drive taxis shuttle cash and care packages from migrant workers
in South Africa to their kin back home. On the return trip, drivers ferry
fresh waves of migrants across the border. Many of them are crossing
illegally to seek work as waiters, maids, seamstresses, farm laborers,
construction hands and street vendors.

Their endeavor is part of a global movement. The World Bank reports that
migrants from poor nations sent home at least $167 billion last year, a
fast-growing sum that exceeds all foreign aid.

Remittances bring Zimbabwe an estimated $360 million to $600 million a year,
says John Robertson, an economist in Harare, the capital. They rival mineral
exports as the biggest source of foreign income for a country of 12 million
people.

Countries such as El Salvador, Haiti, Moldova and Yemen depend as heavily as
Zimbabwe on their citizens abroad. But those countries are closer to the
world's wealthy regions. About one-third of all the money sent home by
migrant workers flows from nations such as South Africa that are barely
better off.

The arrival of as many as 2 million Zimbabweans has fueled a backlash of
public anger, human rights abuse and mob violence. South Africans accuse
them of fomenting crime, spreading AIDS and stealing jobs in a country with
a 40% unemployment rate by working for rock-bottom wages that local people
won't accept.

Yet they keep coming.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Dube's weekly journey begins and ends in a fenced parking lot surrounded by
high-rise slum dwellings in Johannesburg's inner city.

The lot was bustling on a Saturday evening as runners hitched up two-wheel
trailers. Dube's passengers piled into the white Toyota with the cracked
windshield and booming sound system.

Wendy Masuku, a 21-year-old waitress, was going home to Bulawayo to marry
her boyfriend, but they would come back to jobs in Johannesburg. Precious
Moyo, 23, said she was going to bury an older sister and would return with
the sister's passport, hoping it would look more authentic than the fake ID
she had been using.

But the primary purpose of Dube's trip was to move cash and goods.

Zimbabwe's economy, once the strongest in Africa, has been tormented by
shortages of fuel, food, medicine and skilled labor in the six years since
President Robert Mugabe confiscated large, mostly white-owned farms that had
accounted for about half the country's foreign exchange.

Thousands of businesses have closed, at least 70% of Zimbabweans are
unemployed, and annual inflation tops 1,000%, the world's highest.

Mugabe accused of protecting murder suspect Joseph Mwale

      By Tererai Karimakwenda
      18 October 2006

      The man regarded as the most violent criminal in Zimbabwe, Joseph
Mwale, is still free despite his alleged involvement in several violent
incidents in Manicaland and his alleged role in the murder of two MDC
activists who were campaigning for MDC president Morgan Tsvangirai.
Witnesses say Mwale and two other ruling party thugs set Tichaona Chiminya
and Talent Mabika on fire after beating them with iron bars during the 2000
elections. The police were accused of watching the incident then pretending
to make a wrong turn instead of pursuing Mwale and his gang. Mwale is an
intelligence operative in Robert Mugabe's office and it is widely believed
this is why the police will not touch him.

      There were recent reports that the Attorney General's office has
      ordered Mwale's immediate arrest. Asked to confirm the reports Levison
Chikafu, a senior officer in the AG's office said: "I did something like
that." He then rushed into a meeting saying he would talk later. Chikafu is
reported to have resigned from his position after he ordered Mwale's arrest.

      The MDC spokesman in Manicaland, Pishai Muchauraya, said he believes
Mwale has not been arrested because he is protected by Mugabe. He told us
that he saw Mwale at the ZANU-PF headquarters in Nyanga just last week, and
has seen him on two other occasions recently. The MDC official believes
Mwale himself is not feared by many people who know him, despite his
notorious violent tendencies. He said it is Mugabe they fear because Mwale
works for the CIO directly from his office.

      The arrest order is reported to have been given to the officer
commanding Manicaland province Ronald Muderedzwa. It is not clear whether he
attempted to act on the arrest order, but Muchauraya said Muderedzwa was
transferred out of Manicaland to some remote place in Matabeleland North
soon after he received the order.

      It has been 6 years since the murder of Chiminya and Mabika, and Mwale
has still not been prosecuted. On the programme In The Balance on Wednesday
Gugulethu Moyo talks to lawyer Sheila Jarvis who has handled the Mwale case
for the MDC from the beginning. She said there will not be a trial until
Mwale is apprehended and is brought to court with the other two suspects who
were granted bail.

      SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news

Demo in London

Article by: Ernest Mukumba (Zimbabwe Action Group Coordinator-Scotland, UK) Yes we would like to defeat the 'monster’ in the form of the ruling Zanu (PF) government. Yes we need to do it sooner than later. But do we have the mechanism in place to do so? I personally do not believe that we do have a mechanism to give power to the people for as long as we remain divided. The Zimbabwean issue is so complex and it needs the input of all Zimbabweans the world over. Saddening it is, to find out that most of us the suffering Zimbabweans need change now. However, I believe that the only problem that has taken us so long to get this change is the division amongst the Zimbabwean population. We are all Zimbabweans. The black majority need to take a leading role if we are to achieve any meaningful results, however not forgetting our fellow white brothers and sisters who have Zimbabwe at heart. I thus urge all Zimbabweans around the world to unite and fight the common enemy Zanu (PF). I would like to urge all Zimbabweans especially in UK to forget their political or ethnic differences and try to give support in kind towards fighting this enemy. Lets share ideas, support one another in times of need and try to attend meetings, demos or marches in large numbers. There is a very large Zimbabwean population and different social and political/pressure groups here in the UK. Only a few are participating. The international community, and South Africa in particular, should look back to history. It is the Zimbabwean people who suffered most in their quest for a free South Africa. Today everyone has deserted the Zimbabwean people. Please hold on and just try to think of those suffering children, women and men. The Zimbabwean issue is for all Zimbabweans, with the help of the international community.Lets stand united and fight the devil.

Conservation report highlights plight of wildlife in Zimbabwe

Santa Barbara News

ANGUS SHAW, Associated Press Writer

October 18, 2006 12:01 PM

HARARE, Zimbabwe (AP) - The economic chaos engulfing Zimbabwe is decimating
the country's once teeming wildlife, according to a conservation group,
which painted a grim picture of nature reserves staffed by poorly trained
rangers who cruelly kill the animals they are meant to protect.

In one case, rangers pumped at least 40 bullets into an elephant suspected
of encroaching on a settlement in remote northwestern Zimbabwe, said the
independent Zimbabwe Conservation Task Force in a report released Tuesday.

A witness told the task force the elephant appeared to have been
''kneecapped'' in the first bursts of fire. Several minutes and at least 40
shots later, a single heavy caliber shot was heard.

The rangers used AK-47s, while heavier firepower might have meant a more
humane death. The animal's meat was sold to local residents, the task force
said.

Another elephant was shot 16 times.

Both animals were shot in full view of ''disgusted and heartbroken''
tourists, some of whom vowed not to return to Zimbabwe, said the task force,
which was formed in 2001 by a group of local environmental activists
concerned about illegal poaching and government seizure of wildlife preserve
land.

''On the one hand, Zimbabwe is trying to promote tourism, and on the other
it is destroying any chances of reviving it,'' said the task force in its
latest monthly report.

No comment was immediately available from the government or state wildlife
officials.

Christina Pretorius of the South Africa-based International Fund for Animal
Welfare called the situation in Zimbabwe's nature reserves ''outrageous.
Absolutely outrageous.''

''Zimbabwe wildlife is absolutely unmanaged,'' she said.

In total, at least five elephants were shot by rangers looking for a rogue
elephant that killed a safari park caretaker in the Chirundu district in the
Zambezi River valley on the border with neighboring Zambia, 190 miles
northwest of Harare, the conservation task force said.

Problems with rogue elephants have increased in Zimbabwe as the mighty
mammals roam into villages in search of food and water. Although no reliable
figures exist, Zimbabwe's elephant population is generally thought to be on
the rise, as it is in neighboring South Africa. But whereas South Africa is
able to manage its herds, there is no control in Zimbabwe.

Numbers of other animals, by contrast, have plunged since President Robert
Mugabe began seizing white owned-farms and game reserves five years ago.

''The population of antelopes is being decimated by poaching, be it for the
pot or for the illegal sale of their body parts,'' said Pretorius.

Rhino populations have also been hit hard by poaching, she said.

One witness told the task force that four years ago the Zambezi River flood
plain teemed with animals. ''Today you are lucky to see an impala (African
antelope) down there over a weeklong period,'' the report quoted the witness
as saying. The impala used to be one of Zimbabwe's most widespread and
prolific animal species but has fallen victim to rampant poaching.

The group said that in the 5,400-square-mile Hwange National Park, the
population of lions was down from more than 2,000 to 18 males and about 200
females.

Wildlife experts said this was largely due to the shortage of antelope and
other prey, combined with the breakdown of artificial waterholes. They said
this was forcing the lions to move to areas - mainly in Botswana - where
they could survive.

The report revived criticism of the state wildlife authority, accused of
indiscipline in its ranks, with some disgruntled and underpaid rangers
profiteering on meat and illegal ivory.

The National Parks and Wildlife Authority lets its rangers and staffers in
bush areas shoot a ''meat quota'' for themselves and sometimes supply
surplus meat to villagers bordering reserves to discourage poaching.

Visitors to the state-run Chivero conservancy, 20 miles west of Harare, this
week reported seeing no wildebeest and were told by rangers most of the herd
was shot for ''ration meat.''

Like most government departments, the parks authority has suffered from the
nation's worst economic crisis since independence from Britain in 1980.
Acute shortages of hard currency, gasoline, equipment and spare parts have
brought some of its operations, including some anti-poaching patrols, to a
near standstill.

Its revenues have been hit by a sharp decline in foreign tourism in five
years of political and economic turmoil.

In the Hwange National Park, only donations of fuel and volunteer labor have
kept 34 of its 53 artificial watering holes supplied with water from wells
equipped with gasoline-fueled pumps.

The task force said it recently bought 16 new pumps and provided spare parts
for others. The watering holes were created as a conservation measure in dry
areas of the park to attract wild animals - and tourists - away from natural
water sources where an overpopulation of animals was destroying their
habitat.

The task force alleged hunting concessions, controlled largely by members of
the ruling party elite, were spilling inside the park's boundaries, where
ancient teak, redwood and mukwa trees were also being commercially felled in
violation of conservation laws.

Zimbabwe recovers 22 tusks, poaching on rise

Zimbabwejournalists.com

      By a Correspondent

      HARARE - Zimbabwean officials have recovered 22 tusks after suspected
poachers killed 11 elephants in a state wildlife park, official media
reported on Wednesday, adding that cases of poaching were on the rise.

      Zimbabwe is home to some of Africa's largest game reserves, but local
conservation activists say some species such as elephant and rhino are at
risk from cross-border trophy hunters and rampant poaching by people
struggling with hunger and rising poverty.

      The country's security agents, who exchanged gunfire with the
poachers, said two people were arrested while some of the poachers fled to
Zambia through Botswana.

      The elephants were killed in Chizarira National Park in central
Zimbabwe. Richard Mbewe, the National Parks and Wildlife Department
spokesman, blamed the incidents on human encroachment into wildlife
sanctuaries.

      "Chizarira is a problematic spot because of the border and the
communities encroaching into wildlife areas," Mbewe told the state Herald
newspaper. He was unavailable for further comment.

      Conservationists say President Robert Mugabe's land seizures have seen
some villagers settling in or near wildlife parks and involved in
subsistence poaching while also giving cover to cross-border poachers.

      Officials put Zimbabwe's elephant population at 89,000, more than half
being found in Hwange National Park in the west, and say lack of funds has
hamstrung the country's effective wildlife management capabilities.

      Last year Hwange recorded several elephant deaths due to water
shortages, a result of drought.

      Reuters

Human Rights Watch Honors Zimbabwean Lawyer

Human Rights Watch - Press Release

(New York, October 18, 2006) - Human Rights Watch will give its highest
recognition to Arnold Tsunga, a courageous Zimbabwean human rights lawyer
and activist whose work has highlighted the deteriorating state of human
rights in Zimbabwe, on November 2.

Tsunga is the executive director of Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights, a
leading human rights organization that provides legal representation to
victims of human rights abuses, including human rights defenders who are
often arrested and detained in Zimbabwe. Human Rights Watch has worked
closely with Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights and Tsunga in documenting
human rights abuses in Zimbabwe and bringing them to the attention of the
international community.

"Arnold Tsunga provides a voice to those silenced by repression in
 Zimbabwe," said Tiseke Kasambala, researcher with Human Rights Watch's
Africa Division. "He has shown extraordinary courage and commitment to human
rights in the face of severe persecution by the government of Zimbabwe."

A high-profile defender of the rule of law in Zimbabwe, Tsunga has often
spoken out against government abuses at great personal risk. He has been the
victim of numerous attacks, arrests and death threats.

In January 2006, Tsunga and five others were arrested and charged with
operating a broadcasting service without a license, even though the law
under which they were charged did not apply in their case. The charges which
were dismissed by the High Court on September 25, 2006, appeared to be yet
another attempt by the government to intimidate and harass Tsunga and his
colleagues. Tsunga has also been the subject of several vitriolic verbal
attacks in the state-run media.

In March 2002, Tsunga was seized at gunpoint by soldiers, detained for
several hours and then assaulted in front of onlookers. In September of the
same year, he was unlawfully detained and threatened with a gun when he
visited a police station in the town of Chimanimani to represent a client
who had been abducted by government intelligence officers.

In the past six years, the government of Zimbabwe has increasingly turned to
repressive and, at times, violent means to suppress criticism from the
opposition and civil society. Independent media outlets have been closed
down and opposition political parties have been stifled. Police and other
state-sponsored agents routinely intimidate, attack and torture government
critics, including members of civil society organizations, human rights
lawyers, journalists and trade unionists. At the same time, the police have
used repressive laws to silence critical or dissenting voices within civil
society. Human rights abuses continue to take place with impunity; few
perpetrators are brought to justice

The continuing erosion of human rights in Zimbabwe was highlighted in 2005
by the government's brutal campaign of mass evictions and demolitions which
began in May, and, which, according to the United Nations, deprived 700,000
men, women and children throughout the country of their homes, their
livelihoods, or both.

Tsunga and Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights have worked tirelessly to get
justice for the victims of the evictions in the domestic courts and at other
regional proceedings.

On December 5, 2006, Human Rights Watch and Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human
Rights, together with four other local and international organizations,
successfully pressed for an unprecedented resolution on Zimbabwe at the
African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights. The resolution - the first
to be released by the commission on Zimbabwe - expressed its concern over
the deterioration of human rights in the country, and alarm at the
violations of rights resulting from the evictions.

"Through their fearless defense of human rights, Arnold Tsunga and his
colleagues at Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights bring hope for justice to
countless victims of human rights abuses in Zimbabwe," said Kasambala.

Press statement: CHRA succeeds in mobilizing residents to defend their rights

COMBINED HARARE RESIDENTS ASSOCIATION
P O Box HR 7870
HARARE
Daventry House, Room 103
CELL:  011 862 012, 011 612 860
011 443 578, 091 924 151
E-mail: chrainfo@zol.co.zw
Website:   www.chra.co.zw

16 October 2006

THE Combined Harare Residents' Association (CHRA) is buoyed by recent
statements from the City of Harare, in particular the admission that
residents owe the municipality over 4,6 billion dollars (Z$4,6 trillion old
dollars) in unpaid rates and charges. We reiterate our call to residents to
refuse to fund the illegal Commission sitting at Town House and to withhold
all rates and charges until our democratic right to elect our
representatives is restored.

Furthermore the City's admission that residents have not paid water rates
imposed by the Zimbabwe National Water Authority in May 2006 indicates the
level of dissatisfaction with the imposition of ZINWA by the regime. Harare's
water woes will not be resolved by the insertion of a bloodsucking parasite
in the food chain.  The first step must be the restoration of a legitimate
Council that has a mandate from residents and that can engage with all
stakeholders to find a solution. The water crisis is essentially a political
one and can only be resolved politically.

It is unfortunate that municipal employees resort to threats in their
attempts to coerce payments from residents. CHRA has no argument with those
officials trying to do their jobs under very difficult and trying
circumstances but we reject such threats as misinformed and unjustified. We
advise municipal employees to keep their heads down and refrain from making
political statements to intimidate residents. Residents of Harare,
represented by CHRA, are resolute and will defend their rights. The City of
Harare should realize that it has neither the capacity nor the legality to
engage residents in such battles.

Water disconnections are illegal. At most, the City can reduce the flow of
water to a consumer but water is a human right whatever the circumstances.
CHRA will continue to defend those principled residents who refuse to fund
the corrupt, illegal and unaccountable Commission. The threats issued by the
municipality will soon backfire as residents fully implement their boycott
agenda inspired by CHRA's slogans 'Do Not Fund Your Own Oppression' and 'No
Taxation Without Representation',

CHRA has engaged in appeals to the regime as well as to the courts to
restore legitimate government at Town House to no avail. The failure of the
judiciary to protect residents from a callous and rapacious regime has left
us with no choice but to engage in civil disobedience. We will continue to
mobilize residents to resist tyranny at Town House and elsewhere. The
Association's 2 July General Council resolution commits the organization to
campaign for rates boycotts, holding of public meetings and staging
decentralized, peaceful demonstrations against the City of Harare for poor
service delivery.

The City of Harare is reminded that it is in a contractual position to
supply water to residents. It should address questions of legitimacy and
technical issues (water supply, quality, pricing, billing, etc) before
threatening residents who are ultimately the owners of the city.

CHRA launched an objection letter campaign in August encouraging residents
to object to new tariffs imposed by ZINWA. The Ministry of Local Government,
Public Works and Urban Development indicated subsequently that the new rates
would be reversed. If the City of Harare decides to be confrontational and
proceeds to act outside the law, then CHRA will be left with no option but
to respond in the best interests of residents.

For details and comments please contact us on chrainfo@zol.co.zw, or call
Information Officer Precious Shumba 011 612 860 CEO Barnabas Mangodza 011862
012, Chairperson Mike Davies 091 249 430, or visit our website
www.chra.co.zw

Another ARV shortage looms

United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs -
Integrated Regional Information Networks (IRIN)
Date: 18 Oct 2006

[This report does not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations]

HARARE, 18 October (IRIN/PLUSNEWS) - The government has been forced to hold
off putting more HIV-positive people on its treatment programme, amid
reports that anti-AIDS drug supplies could run out by December.

"Our problem is that, currently, we cannot put more people on the programme,
but we have enough drugs for those already on the ARV [antiretroviral]
programme," health minister Dr David Parirenyatwa told IRIN PlusNews.

According to local newspapers, health officials had revealed that the
ongoing shortages of ARVs were worsening.

Zimbabwe is going through a severe economic crisis with serious fuel and
food shortages due to recurring droughts and the government's fast-track
land redistribution programme, which have disrupted agricultural production
and slashed export earnings.

The government's response to the AIDS crisis was to declare a state of
emergency in 2002, allowing cheaper generic drugs to be imported as well as
locally made under World Trade Organisation rules. But Varichem, the local
generic drug manufacturer, has been hamstrung by the scarcity of foreign
currency to import raw materials to make ARVs.

The country has one of the world's highest rates of HIV infection.

Activists have warned that the lives of the estimated 310,000 people in need
of the drugs are at risk. Mary Sandasi, executive director of the Women and
AIDS Support Network (WASN), said the government was "sentencing to death"
thousands of people living with the virus by restricting the numbers of
people who could receive the medication.

"We know that failure to get the drugs means death and nothing else. I can
tell you many people are dying now because they have stopped taking ARVs or
they never had access to them in the first place," she added.

About 42,000 people are receiving the drugs from state facilities.

Members of the Zimbabwe National Network for People Living with HIV and AIDS
(ZNPP+) hope to meet the minister this week to raise their concerns about
the shortages, said chairman Benjamin Mazhindu.

Frustrated and angry over inadequate planning to prevent such emergencies,
HIV-positive Zimbabweans have threatened to protest if the government fails
to provide them with their medication.

"When the political leadership can get money to buy new cars for the army
and police chiefs, I wonder if they care about people like us," said ZNNP+
member Collin Munazvo. "That money should be used to buy ARVs for thousands
of people dying a painful death because of shortage of drugs."

NOCZIM Unveils New Fuel Allocation System

The Herald (Harare)

October 18, 2006
Posted to the web October 18, 2006

Jeffrey Gogo
Harare

THE National Oil Company of Zimbabwe will from today reshuffle service
stations that had been receiving Government's cheap fuel to allow equal
participation by industry players.

Distribution director Mr Krispen Mashange yesterday revealed that over 3
million litres of both diesel and petrol had been distributed to about 130
service stations countrywide since the start of the preferential fuel
delivery system a month ago.

The deliveries may have been irregular, nonetheless, he said, given
obtaining capacity and hard currency constraints. The situation has meant,
therefore, that fuel availability has remained suppressed in spite of
dedicated efforts to satisfy market demand.

Almost a similar quantity of fuel distributed during the first phase would
be made available to the public this time around at the reduced amount of
$335 and $320 for petrol and diesel respectively. Any other conditions of
offer would remain the same.

"Designated service stations have not been receiving fuel on a daily basis
because of availability problems," Mr Mashange explained.

"However, we are now looking at rotating service stations purely to share
the little resource available. This week, we will be releasing a new list of
stations from where the public could access fuel.

"In instances where alternative stations may not be available, that means
delivery will continue to be taken by the same stations that have been
receiving supplies since September 17 to today (yesterday).

On average, Noczim had been distributing at least 10 000 litres of fuel
(diesel and petrol) to each province per week although the figure varied
from province to province depending on demand.

In Harare three selected service stations were selling to the public at
least 5 000 litres of the two products per week.

Zimbabwe's fuel supply has, over the last few months, reasonably improved
courtesy of a US$50 million deal reached between the Reserve Bank and a
French bank.

The deal will see Zimbabwe accessing funds for importation of fuel for the
next year with the possibility of renewal depending on the country's ability
to service the debt.

However, supply bottlenecks have persisted due to high demand and lack of
sufficient foreign currency to import the product.

Fuel price distortions have also come in, particularly from the independent
fuel importers' side.

Private dealers, who are now selling a litre of petrol for anything beyond
$1 200, have protested the Government's reduced prices arguing they were not
viable.

Rising international oil prices have also come in with their own share of
problems, as global oil prices have risen steeply from US$12 at the
beginning of 1999 to over US$70 in recent months. The price has softened to
$54,85 per barrel, a figure still considered too steep.

Legality Of Hard-Currency Zimbabwe Passport Renewal Fees Questioned

VOA

By Carole Gombakomba
      Washington
      18 October 2006

Zimbabwe's registrar general has announced that nonresident Zimbabweans will
be obliged to pay passport renewal fees in U.S. dollars or other hard
currencies, but one legal expert says this will amount to a violation of
foreign exchange regulations.

An official at the registrar's office confirmed that starting in April, all
Zimbabweans not resident in the country who want their passports processed
in Harare must pay US$60 - US$100 in the case of an emergency passport
replacement. The equivalent in Zimbabwean dollars will not be accepted, the
official said.

More than 3 million Zimbabweans are living outside the country, so the
measure could bring in a substantial amount for of foreign exchange. But
some question its legality and others say it is likely to further fuel black
market currency dealings.

Finance lawyer Modhekai Mahlangu told reporter Carole Gombakomba of VOA's
Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that it is not legal for a government agency to
require the payment of fees in foreign currencies.

Harare Youth Development Fund Denounced As Vote-Buying Scheme

VOA

By Blessing Zulu
      Washington
      18 October 2006

Zimbabwe's Ministry of Youth and state-controlled Infrastructure Development
Bank have created a Z$250 billion (US$1 million) youth development fund to
provide seed capital to income-generating projects, but opposition critics
said the program is just a scheme to ionfluence voters in upcoming rural
district council elections.

The program's first beneficiary was Innocent Mupanduki of Manjengwa village
in the Chief Nenguwo area of Mashonaland East, who received Z$5.8 million
(US$23,200) for a hog-farming venture. Finance Minister Herbert Murerwa,
Youth Minister Ambrose Mutinhiri and Deputy Youth Minister Saviour
Kasukuwere, showed up for the launch.

From the local area only officials of the ruling ZANU-PF party showed up.

Deputy Youth Minister Kasukuwere told reporter Blessing Zulu of VOA's Studio
7 for Zimbabwe that the program is nonpartisan. But Mandivenga Mathuthu,
deputy youth secretary for Masvingo province with the Movement For
Democratic Change faction of Morgan Tsvangirai, said public funds were being
put to partisan political use.

Zimbabwe Trade Minister Snubs Parliament In 'Steelgate' Corruption Probe

VOA

By Blessing Zulu
      Washington
      18 October 2006

Trade Minister Obert Mpofu failed to appear at a parliamentary committee
hearing Wednesday looking into the alleged looting of the Zimbabwe Iron and
Steel Company, or ZISCO, leading legislators to say they will now pursue
their own investigation and draft an independent report on what is now being
called the "Steelgate" scandal.

Committee members have not been able to obtain a report on ZISCO abuses
drafted by the Economic Conduct Inspectorate, an agency staffed by officials
from the Central Intelligence Organization and the Finance Ministry. Trade
Minister Mpofu disclosed some of the contents of the report to parliament
last month, saying it implicated ZISCO managers, ministers and members of
parliament in corruption and asset-stripping.

But Mpofu backtracked in his next appearance before the committee, saying
that the abuses were committed not by officials but by companies connected
to them. He was supposed to provide clarification on Wednesday, but he
requested an indefinite postponement, telling the committee he was too busy
to appear.

The committee said it is now compiling the results of its own investigation
in a report to be presented to the full parliament. ZANU-PF committee
members said their efforts to obtain a copy of the Inspectorate report were
fruitless despite assurances by Mpofu and Deputy Finance Minister David
Chapfika that it would be forthcoming.

Security Minister Didymus Mutasa - to whom the Inspectorate reports - said
no such report exists. Anti-Corruption Minister Paul Mangwana declined to
comment, saying that the matter concerned national security.

For perspective on the ZISCO imbroglio, reporter Blessing Zulu of VOA's
Studio 7 for Zimbabwe spoke with Transparency International Zimbabwe
Chairman Goodwill Shana who said there is simply no political will to tackle
high-level corruption.

Facing Taxpayer Revolt, Harare City Authorities Call In Debt Collectors

VOA

By Jonga Kandemiiri
      Washington
      18 October 2006

In an effort to collect more than Z$4.6 billion (US$18.4 million) in back
taxes, or rates, as they are known locally, Harare authorities are stepping
up pressure on residents for payment, setting an Oct. 31 deadline and
threatening to interrupt water service, issue court summonses and refer
unpaid bills to collection agencies.

Many Harare taxpayers have been withholding payments for water and other
services because delivery has deteriorated so dramatically. But citizens are
also demanding new municipal elections to restore the city council that was
superseded in 2004 by a commission whose members are appointed by the
national government. But ruling party members of the city council continue
to function under the commission.

The cash-strapped city council said this week that its tax-collection effort
will include the issuance of summonses and water shutoffs. The council said
that severe cash flow problems have prevented it from providing services at
a normal level.

Combined Harare Residents Association spokesman Precious Shumba told
reporter Jonga Kandemiiri of VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that his
association will continue to urge a boycott of rates until the city has a
democratically elected council again.