October 01 2008 at 07:33AM
Zimbabwe's much-vaunted power-sharing deal seems to be on the rocks,
after Robert Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai again failed to break the deadlock
over the allocation of cabinet portfolios.
Tsvangirai and Mugabe met in Harare on Tuesday, after the latter's
return from New York and tried to unravel the stalemate, which their
negotiators had failed to resolve.
Mugabe, upon his arrival in Harare on Monday, had declared there was
no stalemate and that a new cabinet would be appointed by the end of the
Movement for Democratic Change spokesperson Nelson Chamisa confirmed
that Mugabe and Tsvangirai had met but had failed to resolve the stalemate
over the allocation of cabinet portfolios.
Chamisa told The Star that the MDC would now appeal to mediator Thabo
Mbeki and the guarantors of Mbeki's mediation, the Southern African
Development Community and the African Union, to intervene and try to break
Chamisa said Mugabe was demanding "to be at the centre and marrow of
the new government".
"We are still poles apart in terms of the allocation of ministries to
achieve legitimate power-sharing," Chamisa said.
Chamisa said Mugabe had demanded control of all key ministries
including Finance, Home Affairs, Defence, Foreign Affairs, Justice,
Information, Mines, Agriculture and Youth Affairs.
"This approach of claiming the marrow of the government while
peripherising the MDC is completely unacceptable," he said.
"The mistake that Zanu-PF is making is to imagine that we are
desperate to be in the government. We are not in a hurry to be
chauffeur-driven. We are a people-driven party."
Chamisa said the arrangement proposed by Mugabe would make the MDC "a
mere cosmetic accessory and mere lipstick" to a government effectively
controlled by Mugabe. "We have said no to his proposals," Chamisa said.
He said many of the social ministries being allocated to the MDC like
Correctional Services, Infrastructure Development and others would leave the
MDC unable to define a new course for Zimbabwe despite its winning the first
round of elections on March 29, which were hailed by the international
community as having been largely credible.
Chamisa said the matter was now in the hands of the mediator, SADC and
He emphasised that in view of the enormous suffering of the people of
Zimbabwe, their intervention was acutely urgent.
Tsvangirai earlier this week called for the urgent constitution of an
all-inclusive government to try to begin resolving Zimbabwe's sustained
This article was originally published on page 5 of The Star on October
September 30, 2008
HARARE (AFP) - President Robert Mugabe and opposition MDC leader Morgan
Tsvangirai met Tuesday but failed to agree on a share-out of ministries in a
power-sharing government, the opposition said.
MDC spokesman Nelson Chamisa told AFP that the deadlock had been referred
back to former South African president Thabo Mbeki who mediated the
agreement signed earlier this month.
"As MDC, we refuse to be junior partners in the inclusive government,"
Chamisa said. "Any power-sharing is supposed to be a partnership of equals.
As a result of this there has been a deadlock. The matter has been referred
to the mediator."
Arthur Mutambara, the leader of a faction of the MDC and a signatory to the
power sharing agreement did not attend the meeting after he was caught up in
floods and his flight was cancelled in China, a party official said.
He was in China for the World Young Leaders Forum and should have flown to
Zimbabwe on Sunday.
The standoff follows Mugabe's claim on Monday that a new government would be
formed by the end of the week.
"Unfortunately, there has not been any movement on the part of Zanu-PF who
are insisting on taking all the powerful ministries against the spirit of a
power-sharing agreement," said Chamisa.
A source close to the negotiations said the standoff was over the local
government, home affairs, foreign affairs and finance ministries.
"We are hoping that SADC (Southern African Development Community) who are
the guarantors of this deal and the AU (African Union) will help us resolve
this matter," said Chamisa.
The situation in the country was dire, he said.
On Monday, Mugabe said four ministries remained to be allocated and denied
there was a deadlock.
"We will be setting up government by the end of the week," Mugabe said on
his return from the United Nations general assembly meeting in New York.
"We never said there was a deadlock."
Mugabe, Tsvangirai and Mutambara agreed on September 15 to a landmark
Under the agreement, Mugabe will remain as head of state after nearly three
decades in power while Tsvangirai is to take up a new post of prime
The deal brokered by Mbeki was heralded as a historic initiative to resolve
Zimbabwe's political deadlock and economic melt-down.
Once one of Africa's most prosperous countries, Zimbabwe now suffers the
world's highest rate of inflation, last estimated at 11.2 million percent,
leaving 80 percent of the population living in poverty.
September 30, 2008
By Owen Chikari
MASVINGO - Masvingo Mayor Alderman Femias Chakabuda and two councillors dace
the risk of being booted out of the Movement for Democratic Change after an
investigation commission found them guilty of misconduct at the conclusion
of the enquiry yesterday.
The MDV officials say in defence that they publicly announced they had
joined Zanu-PF in order to save their lives in the turbulent period back in
The four member MDC commission of enquiry set up to probe Alderman Chakabuda
and councillors Daniel Muchuchutu and Selina Maridza completed its probe on
Monday amid reports that the trio might be forced to relinquish their
positions or be booted out of the party.
Chakabuda who was elected as Mayor of Masvingo following the March 29
elections is accused of defecting to join Zanu-PF during the violence-ridden
campaign for the June 27 presidential election.
Muchuchuti is accused of undermining the authority of the party by
exchanging harsh words with MDC president Morgan Tsvangirai while councillor
Maridza is also accused of defecting to join Zanu-PF.
Lawson Mapfaira, the chairman of the commission probing the trio said
yesterday that they had completed their investigation and found the trio
guilty of misconduct.
"For the past week we called all the three to give evidence", said Mapfaira.
"Our findings were shocking since we discovered that even some sitting MDC
MPs had also secretly defected to Zanu-PF for fear of being killed or
harassed during the run-up to the June 27 presidential election.
"Although our findings are not yet public we found the trio guilty of
misconduct and it is up to the party to take appropriate action.
"According to our terms of reference if they are found guilty, as in this
case, they will either be fired from the party or they will just relinquish
their posts in council".
In terms of the agreement signed between Zanu-PF and the two MDC parties on
September 25, in the case of a vacancy arising within a local authority or
in Parliament the party currently holding the seat will just nominate a
replacement without any challenge from the other two parties which are
signatories to the agreement.
The mayor and the two councillors ruffled feathers in the MDC after they
publicly announced their defection at a Zanu-PF rally held in Mucheke
Stadium Masvingo, during the run-up to the June 27 presidential election.
However in their defence outline during the hearings conducted by the
commission the mayor and councillor Maridza maintained that their
announcement to have defected to Zanu-PF was made for the sake of protecting
their lives during that period of political violence.
By Jonga Kandemiiri
30 September 2008
As Zimbabwe's national political leaders wrangle for control of key
ministries in a unity government that is having trouble coming together,
local officials of the Movement for Democratic Change are accusing the
incumbent minister of local government, Ignatius Chombo, of meddling in
municipal affairs in Harare, the capital, Mutare.
The Harare and Mutare city councils are controlled by the former opposition
MDC, whose combined formations have a majority in the lower house of
parliament and whose founder, Morgan Tsvangirai, has been designated prime
minister but has yet to be sworn in.
Chombo is a stalwart of the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front,
or ZANU-PF, of President Robert Mugabe.
MDC sources said Chombo called Mutare Mayor Brian James on Tuesday and
ordered him to seat representatives of special interest groups - all of whom
are ZANU-PF politicians who were defeated in March general elections. Chombo
is said to have warned James he would be removed if he refused to seat the
so-called special interest representatives.
Neither James nor Deputy Mayor Admire Mukorera could be reached by VOA.
Mutare City Council staff said they were both locked in a meeting.
Chombo is also said to have recently reversed a decision by Harare City
Council to reinstate city employees fired by the former Harare Commission
managed by Sekesai Makwavarara, a controversial ZANU-PF appointee. They
included housing director Numero Mubaiwa, city treasurer Misheck Mubvumbi
and engineering director Christopher Zvobgo.
Makwavarara's commission, put in place in 2004 after the MDC-controlled city
council was removed by the ZANU-PF central government, said the former
employees had performed poorly, but courts eventually ruled they had been
MDC-controlled councils across Zimbabwe have been besieged by supposed
representatives of special interests, particularly rural councils where they
exercise voting rights. They are appointed by district administrators who
are predominantly ZANU-PF loyalists.
Traditionally the special interest representatives seated on rural district
councils or city councils speak for disadvantaged groups such as the
Attempts to reach Chombo on his mobile phone for comment were unsuccessful.
Local Government Secretary Sesil Zvidzai of the Tsvangirai MDC formation
told reporter Jonga Kandemiiri of VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that the party
is now mobilizing urban residents to stand up against the alleged
interference by Chombo.
Elsewhere, the newly elected mayor of Marondera, Mashonaland East province,
said Tuesday that he was in fear for his life following a second abduction
attempt by suspected state security agents.
Mayor Farai Nyandoro said Marondera lawmaker Ian Kay and MDC security agents
thwarted the latest abduction attempt on Saturday following the Marondera
Nyandoro, a member of the Tsvangirai MDC formation, told reporter Carole
Gombakomba that he is disappointed at continued threats against his party
members who assumed they would no longer face political violence with a
power-sharing pact in place.
September 30, 2008
By Eddie Cross
IN A recent meeting with diplomats, faced with serious concerns about the
workability of the arrangements negotiated with Zanu PF, Morgan Tsvangirai
laughingly said "this new government is like a union between a donkey and a
horse, it could produce a mule - not very pretty, but functional".
One of the diplomats responded that mules are sterile - they cannot
reproduce themselves. That is probably just as well!
Because the deal has not yet been even consummated, we do not have the
beginnings, so no progress. I understand that Mr. Mugabe came back from his
trip to the UN General Assembly in New York this morning. It had been
rumored that he was not due in until next Friday; so that is progress. Now
we need to get things moving so that a new government can be sworn by next
weekend and we can finally start work.
The one thing that observers are generally failing to see in this situation
is that the swearing in of a new Cabinet and government will in fact signal
the end of the Zanu-PF Junta. Over the past ten years we have seen a gradual
shift from Cabinet government to rule by a civilian/military junta. This
Junta remains firmly in charge today and is working at fever pitch to sweep
their tracks and secure a last minute meal at the nation's expense. I think
they have now accepted that their time in control is nearly over and that
the SADC process has gone too far to be reversed.
Once a Cabinet is sworn in and Morgan Tsvangirai becomes Prime Minister with
responsibility for supervising and managing all government ministries, we
will again be governed by a more conventional government system - power and
control will shift from the Junta to the Cabinet where it actually belongs.
The effectiveness of the new arrangements will then depend on our ability to
mould the new team into a cohesive whole that will work together to put the
country back onto its feet. Given our recent history, that will not be
easy - but at the same time it's not impossible. We have many advantages
over other States that have had to try and bring their countries back into
the mainstream of development after conflict and decline. We have not been
swept by violence and armed insurrection. Our armed forces, remain generally
disciplined and professional, they will take orders. Our economy is in
tatters and dangerously close to complete collapse, but the fundamentals are
If we finally get this deal consummated, MDC will have very largely achieved
what it set out to achieve nine years ago - a peaceful, legal and democratic
transfer of power to a new government that can effect fundamental change in
the way our affairs are run. Sure we have had to compromise and share power
with Zanu-PF and the transfer has only come about because our neighbors have
helped us hammer out a deal that enables us to work together during the
transition, but once the new team is in place and starts work, we can say
that power is once more in democratic hands and has been wrested from a
military dominated Junta that was destroying our country.
This past week we have been trying to meet all stakeholders in an effort to
try and find out what are the fundamental problems and concerns of the
people who make things happen in Zimbabwe. A team led by the Prime Minister
designate has met the food industry, the bankers, the mining industry
leadership and the combined farmers unions. It is not a pretty picture.
The food people told us they have insufficient stocks to feed the country,
that the capacity to finance and physically import the quantities needed to
prevent starvation and hardship were just not available. Industrialists told
us they were working at 10 percent of their capacity and could not fund the
necessary recovery in their activity if the wider economy was stabilized and
returned to growth. The miners said that three quarters of all gold mines
were closed and overall the industry was operating at 20 per cent of
capacity. The bankers said they feared for their staff as crowds of people
gathered at all banking halls and ATM's in a desperate effort to gain access
to their funds as inflation, now at over a billion per cent per annum,
simply destroyed their savings and salaries while they stood in queues.
Farmers pleaded for security on their farms and the return of the rule of
law and said that with four weeks to go to the annual planting season, only
five percent of the necessary inputs for the new crop were in place. They
told us that if nothing was done about this, yet another year of shortages
and hunger would be inevitable in 2009 with no chance of relief until 2010.
A delegation from the cities told us that water shortages were now
critical - that public health and sanitation were in jeopardy throughout the
country. Teachers told us that virtually no real teaching was going on in
schools and that many students would simply have to repeat the year to get
back on track.
Despite the daunting and stark conditions confronting all sectors of our
economy and society we were encouraged as, sector by sector, leadership
pledged themselves to help us get out of this mess as quickly as possible.
Just yesterday I was with a team who were working on what to do in the first
100 days of the new administration - how to improve services and stabilize
the economy? How to get Zimbabwe working again?
Can we do it? Yes we can! Mules may not be pretty but they can work and work
effectively. But we have to demonstrate that before a skeptical and wary
world. We also have to try and meet the needs and aspirations of the
millions of our people who have patiently supported us and fought with us in
what has been a principled and non-violent democratic struggle to regain our
We are nearly there.
MASVINGO, October 1 2008 - The Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ)
governor, Gideon Gono, has revealed that he is ready to quit and that he is
just waiting for an excuse to do so.
Gono, who opened up for the first time ever to people who had gathered
for a field day at Zimbabwe Chief's Council president Fortune Charumbira's
Acton farm last Friday, said he does not need much pushing to leave the RBZ.
"I am even looking for an excuse, I do not need much effort to be
pushed out. If anyone wants to take my job, let them come forward," Gono
Gono, who had rumours flying after he allegedly tendered his
resignation following the talks deal between the country's two main
political parties, ZANU PF and the MD), said he too was also surprised by
the fact that Zimbabwe's decade-long political and economic crisis has not
brought the country's economy to its knees yet.
"Zimbabwe's ancestors are strong. It is surprising to see our economy
standing by now," said the central bank governor.
He vowed to keep the money printers running 'till kingdom come'. This
is despite the fact that his excessive printing of money has helped increase
the rate of inflation.
"Im not afraid to print money and i will continue doing so until those
who imposed sanctions on us (the West) have lifted them," Gono said, before
comparing Zimbabwe's troubled economy with the prevailing global trends.
"People accuse me of steering inflation by printing more money, but
the international financial sector is also facing such challenges," said
The central bank governor admitted that the country was facing a cash
shortage, following the pulling out of a German firm which used to supply
Zimbabwe with paper for printing money.
Giesecke and Devriet parted ways with the RBZ in protest of president
Mugabe's disputed one man ruoff election contest, which saw the MDC pulling
out, citing violence.
"We had run out of the paper to print money, that is why the maximum
withdrawal limits were so low. We were still looking for the paper," said
The RBZ on Monday increased the daily maximum withdrawal limit from a
paltry $1000 to Zd10 000 and Zd20 000 for individuals and corporates
September 30, 2008
By Our Correspondent
HARARE - Monday and Tuesday saw queues of unprecedented magnitude build up
outside all banks and building societies as the government announced an
increase in the cash withdrawal limit from $1000 to $20 000.
In an ongoing battle to keep pace with hyper-inflation, the Reserve Bank of
Zimbabwe also introduced new Z$10,000 and Z$20 000 banknotes.
The new notes were introduced on Monday as part of sweeping currency reforms
designed to reduce the burden of carrying large sums of cash amid galactic
Reserve Bank governor Gideon Gono widened the family of banknotes with the
two new higher denomination bills.
But the new Z$20 000 bill is vulnerable to counterfeit because of the
mediocre security features on the note.
While cash queues clogged the city center Monday especially the Samora
Machel Avenue/First Street banking area, the RBZ carted the new currency
into the black market where it mopped up the foreign currency available in
the market. By Tuesday the Zimbabwe dollar was plunging to new depths, with
US$1 trading at Z$1 000.
Few Automated Teller Machines (ATMs) were dispensing the new banknotes on
It remained unclear how much money was in circulation but central bank
sources said the banknote shortage was a result of a scarcity of Treasury
Bills at the central bank.
The RBZ has long complained that it was failing to account for almost half
of the money in circulation; implying hoarding of currency or that money was
outside the official market. Supermarkets are struggling to handle the vast
stacks of cash that are required to purchase precious little. Most shops
have introduced banknote counting machines to speed up the queues that form
while money is manually counted.
The new bills are intended to further reduce the time spent in queues. But
so far that has not happened. The new Z$20 000 withdrawal limit remains
woefully inadequate. There are also widespread complaints that holders of
Foreign Currency Accounts (FCAs) are allowed to access US$1 000 daily while
everyone else is scrambling for a paltry Z$20 000.
Prime Minister-designate Morgan Tsvangirai heard harrowing tales of the
desperation cash situation when he toured banks last weekend.
At least four depositors have dragged Gono to court in a legal challenge
over the withdrawal limits. Rodgers Chigwededza, Tinashe Gotora, Jackson
Mabota and Precious Mwateyeni of human rights pressure group, Restoration of
Human Rights have lodged papers in the High Court seeking a declaratory
order that the cash withdrawal limits are illegal because they violate their
constitutional rights and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights to which
Zimbabwe is a signatory.
"The limit is not based on any rational basis and its imposition is
capricious," they say in court papers lodged by their lawyer, Alec
Muchadehama. "Respondents cannot just impose withdrawal limits which are not
based on any sound or rational economic considerations. I submit therefore
that the imposing of such withdrawal limits by the respondents be declared
unlawful. I further submit that the limits are a blatant infringement of
applicants' various constitutional rights."
The two new bills introduced this week join a family of banknotes that was
introduced two months ago when the country ran out of banknotes. The new
banknotes, introduced after slashing ten zeroes from the currency, are
rapidly devaluing as a result of hyperinflation. Coins introduced together
with the new banknotes are fast ceasing to be instruments of trade because
of weakening value.
The central bank was forced to introduce the new currency after widespread
complaints that computer systems were failing to cope with the number of
digits arising from large transaction values. Right now there are serious
pricing distortions in the economy, with widespread dual pricing of
There are two distinct sets of prices for consumers using cheques and swipe
cards on the one hand and the other for those using scarce cash. For
example, a bottle of a brand of cough syrup costs Z$13 000 if paid for in
cash. The same bottle costs Z$60 000 when one uses a swipe card or cheque.
The central bank has also licensed 1 000 retailers to sell goods in foreign
currency under the so-called FOLIWARS scheme.
By Gilbert Muponda
Last updated: 09/30/2008 15:09:28
SUB-SAHARAN African states urgently need expanded and more dynamic private
sectors, more efficient and effective infrastructure/utility provision, and
increased investment from both domestic and foreign sources.
Privatisation is one way to address these problems. But African states have
generally been slow and reluctant privatisers; a good percentage of
industrial/manufacturing and most infrastructure still remains in state
Given prevailing public hostility towards privatisation, and widespread
institutional weaknesses, such caution is defensible, but nonetheless very
costly. The long-run and difficult solution is the creation and
reinforcement of the institutions that underpin and guide proper market
Clear benefits from privatisation have been recorded in terms of the
contribution to government financial flows and at the enterprise level where
there is a definite trend for privatised enterprises to improve performance,
largely as a result of new investment, which has a delayed positive effect
Ten countries account for most of the privatisation in Africa so far:
Mozambique, Angola, Ghana, Zambia, Kenya, Tanzania, Guinea, Madagascar,
Nigeria (federal government only) and Uganda.
A study points to the surprising difficulty of obtaining transaction data in
many countries and the failure of most governments to establish monitoring
procedures so as to be able to track and evaluate enterprises'
The trend of the privatisation process in Africa reflects some of the
problems: lack of political commitment, poor design, insufficient resources,
weak management, and corruption. The trend is a cause of concern because
privatisation is a one-off opportunity not only to reduce the fiscal and
administrative burdens of a large public enterprise sector but also to
stimulate private sector development, to instil greater government
accountability, and to contribute to the fight against poverty; and that
opportunity has been grasped by few governments.
Zimbabwe has had several stop-start-stop attempts at privatization
programmes. A few entities have been successfully privatised such as Cotton
Company and Dairibord. The current economic situation will require tough
choices to be made and allow privatisation and commercialisation of several
so-called "strategic" entities.
Parastatals such as Zisco, ZESA, CSC, NRZ and Air Zimbabwe are leading
candidates for privatization from which the State can raise a substantial
amount of capital to finance infrastructure and other social services.
Given the attractiveness of some of these assets, the State can include
requirements to dispose of these assets in the much needed foreign currency
provided local and indigenous partners are somehow accommodated. Foreign
partners normally help to strengthen the talent base and access to foreign
markets and a stable financial base.
African governments' commitment to the process has generally been
half-hearted. The controversy starts with why African governments have
privatised. The study says that most governments have privatised reluctantly
and not for the reasons set out in policy statements. Rather, it is other,
non-stated factors that have motivated the process; and this is particularly
relevant now that major enterprises are being privatised and corruption is
surfacing as an issue.
Governments have not made efforts to sell the process to the people. So,
programs have tended to stagger along, prompted by the Breton Woods
institutions and other donors. Zimbabwe may be faced with a similar
situation very soon.
Case studies indicate that the following have been the principal incentives
for African countries to divest: political change; need for World Bank, IMF
and donor financial assistance; need to generate proceeds; precarious state
of some public enterprises; need to maintain employment levels; and at times
the need to satisfy vested interests.
An important claim is that, despite an expressed desire to broaden
ownership, in practice little has been done to accomplish this objective.
Privatisation is not an end in itself, but it is a key tool for improving
the efficient allocation of resources, for mobilising investment, and for
stimulating private sector development. It does this because it brings into
the open the inefficiency of state run businesses; makes investment
opportunities available; highlights the need and becomes the catalyst for
capital market development; and contributes towards openness by forcing
government dialogue with the public.
There is a growing pattern of flawed classification of enterprises as
strategic and non-strategic (monopoly utilities have invariably been left
out of the privatisation program), non-establishment of important operating
policies, non-transparent use of proceeds, weak mobilisation of potential
investors, weak privatisation agencies and the lack of appropriate legal
The lessons of experience are being applied center on the following:
demonstrate commitment; pay greater attention to securing consensus; ensure
transparency; invest more in design and preparation; put institutional
building blocks in place before launching a program; and do more to broaden
Now that most countries have gained experience of the process and have
developed their capacity to manage it, privatisation has entered its main
phase. This phase has four noteworthy features which have important
implications for the privatisation process: emphasis on large enterprises;
increasing demand for public information and accountability; creation and
growth of capital markets; and much greater efforts are underway to
stimulate private investment.
Indeed, with new investment in many of the privatised enterprises, we are
seeing improved performance, expansion and new jobs being created. And that
is the message that we must get across to labour leaders and politicians.
They know that privatisation will focus attention on poor resource
allocation, inefficiencies, and weak corporate governance. But they must
also understand that it is bringing in: the investment that is needed in new
technology, people and marketing; better value products and services which
benefit local consumers; better working conditions and pay; and, in the
longer term more sustainable employment.
Many of the Asian economies had characteristics similar to African economies
today. Foreign investment and investment in developing human capital were
crucial elements to success. Local participation and skills transfer were
Africa can now do likewise with the added advantage of being able to use
much cheaper and advanced information technology to skip a generation in
development. An economic recovery strategy for Zimbabwe should be centred on
the private sector playing a leading role in mobilising capital, skills and
It's expecting too much from any government to be able to lift the country
after years of deep recession. The key is therefore for the state to create
a conducive environment in addition to divesting from state enterprises and
create more room and opportunities for private sector participation.
Gilbert Muponda is a Zimbabwe-born entrepreneur. This article appears
courtesy of GMRI Capital. He can be contacted at email@example.com.
More articles at www.gmricapital.com
Forwarded message from Esther Baylis follows ....
From: Esther Baylis [firstname.lastname@example.org]
Sent: Wednesday, 1 October 2008 3:41 AM
Ron and Margaret have been using my laptop since Courtney's accident and I
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have asked for anytime soon. The Netcare Milpark Hospital has opened a bank
account from which all Courtney's medical expenses will be paid:
Account Holder: MILPARK HOSPITAL
Branch Name: FOX STREET (82 Simmonds Street, between Fox and Main
Sts, Johannesburg, South Africa)
Account Number: 1908466545
Branch Code: 190805
Swift Code: NEDSZAJJ
PLEASE MAKE SURE THAT YOU USE THE REFERENCE THAT WILL MAKE SURE THAT THEY
ALLOCATE FUNDS: SPARROW CJ MS
If you would like to speak to someone at the hospital, please call their
Marketing Manager Amelda Swartz on 011 480 5686 or 082 783 8492 or email
082 881 8826
Forwarded message from Dawn Holtzhausen follows ....
From: Dawn Holtzhausen [email@example.com]
Sent: Wednesday, 1 October 2008 5:49 AM
Subject: Bank Details for Courtney Sparrow (mauled by lion)
Thank you so much for your prayers and support, words are not enough to
express our sincere gratitude on behalf of the Sparrow family.
Courtney has been moved to a neurological ward and had a lumber puncture
over the weekend in order to drain the fluid build-up on her brain. The eye
specialist came to see her - she has a constant flow of fluid running from
her eye and the neurosurgeon was concerned that it was spinal fluid but the
eye specialist says her tear duct has been destroyed along with other issues
relating to her lower eye lid - she will need surgery to correct this, but
he is not in a hurry and will try and schedule it when the neurosurgeon
replaces the bone in her scull. Still no news of when this could happen -
her brain is still swollen, but is coming down little by little every day.
For your interest, Many of the South African News Papers are now running
this story and YOU magazine will be featuring it shortly. I think anything
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Thanks and Regards
+263 9 289666/+263 23 751170
HARARE, October 1 2008 - The Financial Gazette, one of Zimbabwe's few
remaining independent newspapers - has been plunged into turmoil following
the resignation of several of its experienced journalists.
The pink paper, as it is popularly known, this week lost its Business
Editor Dumisani Ndlela, who resigned after serving the paper for one and a
Ndlela, an experienced financial and business reporter as well as Hama
Saburi's confidante, the paper's Acting Editor in Chief, joined the paper in
April 2007 from the Zimbabwe Independent.
Ndlela's departure followed that of Clemence Manyukwe, the paper's
senior political reporter, who called it quits mid-September.
Since April this year, The Financial Gazette has lost a total of five
experienced reporters including News Editor Rangarirai Mberi, Senior
Reporter Kumbirai Mafunda, together with Hama Saburi and Arts Reporter
Stanley Kwenda, who also doubled up as a Features and News reporter.
Mberi left in April to head Econet Wireless' corporate communications
department, while Mafunda, a versatile political and business reporter,
resigned from the paper in May after he was denied permission by Saburi to
further studies in Germany. Mafunda has since joined the Zimbabwe Lawyers
for Human Rights as the organisation's spokesperson.
Kwenda too quit the paper in May after attending a training course in
German and is now working at Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition.
The crisis at the newspaper reportedly reached a peak this week
following the departure of Ndlela, forcing Saburi to recall the paper's
Political Editor and veteran journalist Njabulo Ncube, from his annual
leave. Ncube who returned from a training course in Sweden last week, was
supposed to report for duty in a fortnight's time.
Pattison Matsikidze, who once worked for the collapsed Daily Mirror
and Nelson Chenga, who used to work for The Herald, are some of the paper's
Shame Makoshori, the senior business reporter, who is reportedly
frustrated by events at the paper, is now the sole business reporter while
Synodia Bhasera is responsible for the Property Gazette and coordinates
It is feared that the paper could lose its News Editor, Ray Matikinye,
anytime, as he is disgruntled by management's decision not to allocate him a
vehicle as agreed when he joined the paper in April.
Ncube too, sources said, could also be recruited into the Prime
Minister designate Morgan Tsvangirai's office, owing to his vast experience.