The ZIMBABWE Situation | Our
thoughts and prayers are with Zimbabwe - may peace, truth and justice prevail. |
No refuge Desperate people, endangered
animals
HWANGE NATIONAL PARK, Zimbabwe Once this 14,800-square-kilometer
expanse of
wilderness, Zimbabwe’s largest, was one of Africa’s grandest
showcases of
wild animals. These days, it is Exhibit A in the unfolding story
of their
destruction.
.
On a recent steamy morning, perhaps 60
elephants staged a scrum at the
Nyamandlovu watering hole here, jockeying
frantically for a drink of water —
not in the watering hole, a porridge of
mud and flopping, dying fish, but a
trickle from a pipe at the hole’s
edge.
.
During Hwange’s long, bone-dry winter, more than two dozen pumps
supply
almost all the water to thousands of animals. But Zimbabwe’s
government had
neither enough fuel to run them nor spare parts to repair the
many that were
broken.
.
The scene was but a small element in what
Colin Gillies, a wildlife expert
with a private group here, calls ‘‘an unholy
slaughter’’ of one of southern
Africa’s most varied stocks of wildlife. It is
the product of three years of
economic collapse, corruption and decaying
civil order in a nation where the
government is encouraging squatters and
political allies to seize commercial
farms and game
preserves.
.
Hunting and tourism once pumped millions of dollars into
Zimbabwe’s economy
each year, sustaining wildlife management programs on
millions of acres of
private scrubland too arid or rocky for commercial
farming but ideal for
photographic safaris and big-game
hunts.
.
Zimbabwe’s decision to confiscate most of that land from its
white owners,
and then to redistribute it to peasants and political
supporters, has had an
unexpected result: thousands of hungry families on
land too poor to support
crops have turned to poaching as their prime source
of food and income.
Private wildlife programs have been all but
destroyed.
.
Precise figures do not exist. But by estimates from
several
conservationists, former landowners and opposition politicians, as
many as
two-thirds of the animals on Zimbabwe’s game farms and
wildlife
conservancies have been wiped out.
.
The situation in parks is
less dire, according to some wildlife advocates.
Some say that in a few
parks, as many as 40 percent of the big-game animals
have been poached or
illegally hunted down, but other local conservationists
say the damage has
been mostly confined to scattered species like impala
trapped for their
meat.
.
No one disputes the fact that thousands of animals have been lost,
including
significant numbers of species like rhinos and wild dogs that were
already
severely endangered. No one disagrees that the losses are
continuing,
despite the first belated efforts by Zimbabwe’s government this
month to
rein in profiteering in wildlife by some of its own
officials.
.
‘‘There were 4,000, 5,000 buffalo as of three months ago,
when we got run
off,’’ H.A. de Vries, 69, known as Buck, said of the
160,000-hectare, or
400,000-acre, wildlife conservancy he partly owned in
eastern Zimbabwe,
bordering Hwange National Park.
.
‘‘I’d be surprised
if there are 20 percent of the animals left,’’ he said.
.
De Vries said he
had been told that antelope in the preserve, the Gwayi
Valley Conservancy,
were being slaughtered to feed thousands of members of
the Green Bombers, a
much-feared government paramilitary force, at a camp at
an abandoned tin mine
in central Zimbabwe.
.
There is no easy way to verify such reports. Former
farmers and owners of
conservancies like de Vries are largely barred from
their old lands, and the
settlers who replaced them are hostile to
outsiders.
.
But a Zimbabwean representative of the Washington-based World
Wildlife
Federation and a top official of Wildlife and Environment Zimbabwe,
a
private conservation group here, both said reports of wildlife losses
on
conservancies like Gwayi Valley were credible.
.
Harrison Kojwang,
the World Wildlife Federation representative in Zimbabwe,
said that estimates
of a 60 to 70 percent loss of wildlife on farms and game
conservancies were
common but that the death rates in parks like Hwange were
so far considerably
lower.
.
Hwange park and its neighbor, Gwayi Valley, are, however, prime
examples of
the collapse of the nation’s parks program. In testimony to
Zimbabwe’s
Parliament this summer, the minister for environment and tourism,
Francis
Nhema, confirmed that a senior ranger and warden at Hwange National
Park had
each been awarded land seized in the Gwayi Valley Conservancy and
had been
accused of allowing illegal hunting there. Other major parcels of
Gwayi
Valley property have gone to Zimbabwe’s information minister, Jonathan
Moyo,
and to senior officials of ZANU-PF, the governing political
party.
.
Former landowners in the region, most of whom spoke on the
condition of
anonymity, said in interviews that unscrupulous safari operators
from South
Africa and Botswana had moved into Gwayi Valley and other
large
conservancies, bribing settlers and officials to take big animals far
in
excess of previous government quotas, which limited kills of animals
each
year.
.
The destruction of wildlife in Gwayi and other lands next
to national parks
raises another ominous prospect: that valuable game in the
parks will
migrate to the newly empty lands and become prime targets for
future
hunters. Many fences on the conservancies have been torn apart to
make
snares.
.
Kojwang and Gillies depicted the situation as not
entirely hopeless. Within
the parks bureaucracy, they said, some officials
are battling corruption and
political influence. In the last two weeks, the
government has banned
hunting on land next to Hwange park.
.
But as the
elephants’ battle at Hwange showed, the government is
ill-equipped to deal
with even basic issues like fuel for water pumps, much
less enforcing hunting
bans. During an animal census in Hwange this month,
Gillies said, members of
his organization encountered a half-dozen dead
elephants, victims not of
poachers, but of dehydration and stress. That, he
said, is
new.
.
‘‘Zimbabwe was probably the best hunting land in Africa — in
southern
Africa, for sure,’’ said another former conservancy operator, who
refused to
be identified. ‘‘I suppose it’s improved in some respects,’’ he
added with
irony, ‘‘because there’s nothing left to kill.’’
The Herald
Urban farmers start planting most crops
Municipal
Reporter
HARARE was last week a hive of activity as urban farmers took
advantage of
the rains to plant crops such as maize, groundnuts and
roundnuts.
A survey by The Herald around the various suburbs showed that
Harare
residents were ploughing and planting their pieces of land.
The
fields are on open spaces in the various residential suburbs.
Mrs Norah
Masango of Warren Park said she used untreated maize seed this
year because
she could not find the proper seed in the shops. Last year, she
got eight
bags of maize and this year she hopes to double her yield.
"There were
poor rains last year. My maize crop was adversely affected,"
she
said.
Mrs Masango also owns a plot in Nyabira, where she has
already planted some
maize.
Another urban farmer, Mrs Maria Chitemere
of the same suburb, said she
practised urban agriculture to supplement what
she got in her rural home in
Mhondoro.
"Very soon I would be going to
Mhondoro to attend to my other fields. What I
plant here is for my children
who stay in town," she said.
Other urban farmers said they planted maize
in town to avoid going to their
rural homes to collect maize meal.
"A
farmer should not put his eggs in one basket. If there is a drought in
Harare
I may be able to salvage something from Rusape," said Mrs
Anatolia
Machibaya.
Mr Jeffrey Chifamba of Kambuzuma said he planted 5
kgs of maize seed. He
bought the seed from Mbare Musika.
He said he
could not afford to buy from reputable seed dealers because of
the
prohibitive cost of the seed.
Another urban farmer of note is Dr Jameson
Kurasha of Avondale West, whose
maize crop is already tussling.
He
said his father encouraged him to plant food crops on his yard.
"I used
to put all this land under flowers but after my father encouraged me
to plant
maize, I have been doing so," said Dr Kurasha.
Last year, he got eight
bags and hopes to increase the yield this year.
Studies by a local
non-governmental organisation, ENDA-Zimbabwe, in 1994
show that the total
land area under cultivation in Harare increased
dramatically when the
economic hardships worsened in the 1990s.
Urban households save money by
consuming their own produce.
Trudy’s Parliamentary Diary – September 03
The official opening of
this Fourth Session of the Fifth Parliament on 22
July caused a stir all
round as the MDC caucus made a last-minute decision
to grit our teeth and sit
through Mugabe’s speech, in an effort to break the
deadlock on negotiations
to find a solution to the national crisis. We were
not recognising his
legitimacy, but showing our willingness to make the
first step out of the
deadlock. Reaction was good from all quarters –
despite someone’s
mischievous idea of seating Chinotimba next to Tsvangirai
in the Speaker’s
Gallery and repeatedly focussing ZTV’s cameras on the pair
of
them.
Regrettably, after two weeks of relative thaw in relations between
the two
parties as a result, Mugabe took it upon himself to use Heroes’ Day
to call
on us to repent and learn to walk and talk like ZanuPF! That
revealed his
own understanding of negotiations and solution, whatever others
in his party
may be thinking – and was doubtless a warning to those factions
of their
master’s wish.
Supplementary Budget
As usual, after the
official opening, we recessed again until 19 August,
when we sat for 4 weeks
to recess on 11 September. The main government
business was the
Supplementary Budget: Z$ 672 billion, i.e. nearly as much
again as the $784
bn already passed in the Main Budget last November, making
a total of $1,4
TRILLION! It was a foregone conclusion that the Budget
would be passed, in
view of ZanuPF’s superior numbers, but once more it gave
us an opportunity to
expose the serious shortcomings of government’s
attempts to address the
economic crisis – which they continue to blame on
sanctions!
We
highlighted the fact that Minister Murerwa had promised to bring
inflation
down to double figures by the end of this year, whereas it was now
officially
400% and rising, there was a serious cash crisis largely as a
result and his
proposed measures of printing new $500 and $1000 notes and
issuing travellers
cheques would be laughable if it weren’t impacting so
badly on people’s
lives. The fuel crisis continued unabated, nothing had
been done about the
exchange rate and the much-vaunted land reform programme
(“land is the
economy”) faced total collapse, since provisions made for the
necessary
inputs and infrastructure development were far too little too
late. In
defense, Chinamasa (Leader of the House & Minister of Justice,
Legal and
Parliamentary Affairs) complained that CIA and MI6 are funding the
MDC and
its publicity overseas! Our Chief Whip Innocent Gonese (Mutare
Central) later
advised the other side that “Sometimes it is better to keep
quiet than open
your mouth and remove all doubt” while Paul Themba Nyathi
(Gwanda North)
summed it up: “The Minister is the Treasurer of a burial
society called
Zimbabwe.”
Motions
We do not contribute to the debate on Mugabe’s
address (not recognising his
legitimacy) but moved our own motions on the
political crisis and the
economy, as well as a tribute to our late Kadoma
Central MP Austin
Mupandawana, who died a few months after being detained for
10 days in
police custody following the March stay-away.
Gonese moved
the motion on the political crisis and need for a new
constitution, showing
clearly the link between the two, and between that and
all the other problems
now experienced in the country. A number of others
also contributed to this
motion, which is still being debated. When Tendai
Biti (Harare East) spoke
the next day, the other side listened attentively,
for once – usually he is a
favourite target for heckling! He pointed out
that Zimbabwe is a failed
state, that it is necessary to accept failure and
the inevitability of
change, and that the ZanuPF succession debate needs to
be opened up into
national debate. He showed how other African
states –Somalia, Liberia, DRC,
Sierra Leone and Sudan - had disintegrated,
mainly after the demise of
powerful leaders who had come to be synonymous
with the state itself, so that
when they departed, there was chaos in the
absence of a strong constitution.
Mungofa (Highfield) and Nelson Chamisa
(Kuwadzana and MDC Youth Chairman)
made fine maiden speeches on this motion,
showing their mettle and the
promise of more to come.
Subsequently Biti (party secretary for economy)
and Tapiwa Mashakada
(Hatfield & Shadow Minister of Economic Affairs)
moved a motion decrying the
economic crisis and calling for a National
Executive Economic Council to put
things right. Again this elicited vigorous
contributions from our side.
Both Welshman Ncube and I made the point that
Zimbabwe was the first country
ever to run out of cash. Several of us showed
the real effects of this
economic situation on ordinary people, for example a
pensioner who earns
$4000 per month and can therefore only buy 4 loaves of
bread per month, or
perhaps travel to and from Chitungwiza 3 times and buy no
food at all or pay
for their electricity or water.
These unpalatable
facts simply elicited belittling responses from the other
side, such as
Chapfika’s (Mutoko North, Chairman Budget & Finance Committee)
that they
thought “a few immigrants from Europe…a few white species
(referring to me)
... would add a bit of value … but they were wrong”!
Minister of State for
State Enterprises and Parastatals in the President’s
Office (!) Paul Mangwana
weighed in with a vitriolic attack in the usual
verbiage –
“counter-revolutionaries…derailing the land reform programme and
stopping
ZanuPF from taking land and distributing it amongst
its
people….sell-out…neo-colonialist…Whites…sanctions…assassinating
the
President…march to State House” rather as if it’s all a set speech
which
they learn by rote and recite at every possible
opportunity.
Lovemore Moyo (Matobo), supported by many, moved a motion to
come up with a
national housing policy to address the housing issue and to
make housing a
constitutional right. Arguments in favour of this are
irrefutable. A
staggering 4 million people – i.e. 1/3 of the total
population - are
currently in need of housing, and settlements virtually
unfit for human
habitation like Hatcliffe and Dzivarasekwa Extensions are
expanding rather
than decreasing. Hon Munyanyi (Mbare East) brought the
house down when he
reminded members that they were no longer in the
liberation struggle where
they could just take chickens from
villagers.
Chinamasa brought the SADC Protocol against Corruption for
ratification (as
required by our constitution). MDC was of course in full
support, with P
Misihairabwi-Mushonga (Glen Norah), T Biti and PT Nyathi
highlighting the
extent of corruption in Zimbabwe and its effect on the
economy. Biti
reminded members of Standing Order 18 of Parliament requiring
all members to
register their assets, which we have not done, and the fact
that AIPPA
actually prevents disclosure of such facts to the general
public.
The record of this debate, as of many, in Hansard is full of
errors, making
it incomprehensible at times. The general public must believe
that members
are either illiterate or drunk to say some of the nonsense they
are reported
to have said, yet it is simply misrepresentation by the
recorders unchecked
by the editor. This particular contribution by Biti,
however, would win a
prize for inaccuracy, if there were such a thing. I
quote: “Their
over-aching obsession is to amass personal wealth goldly
displayed in flashy
automobiles, fabulous mansions and a bed of phoning
women.” (4 Sept 2003,
640)
Questions
In addition to questions
on individual constituency issues, Ministers were
bombarded with questions on
the cash crisis, crop inputs (esp the seed and
fertiliser crisis) and land
allocation-destruction. Both Nhema and Made
were grilled on land allocated
in conservancies, and the illegal
hunting/poaching and general destruction
taking place. To give him credit,
Nhema took the trouble to research his
question on Gwaai and gave a
respectable response (apart from the issue of
permits being given to ZanuPF
youth to hunt game for relish!). Made, on the
other hand, decided to avoid
my Gwaai question (i.e. of ZanuPF VIPs getting
the farms and abusing the
wildlife and resources) and spin his answer to make
it purely political – “I
am fully aware of the prosperity (sic) by the
so-called independent press
and member of the Movement for Democratic Change
to malign public figures…”
He had earlier used the same tactic on Roy Bennett
(Chimanimani) who had
asked if it was government policy to destroy all the
buffalo or relocate
them (1st part of the question not even reported in
Hansard, and 2nd
reported as “relocate the Buffalo range in Save
Conservancy’). He virtually
implied that Bennett was himself removing fences
and moving cattle to spread
foot-and-mouth!
The prize question so far
this session, in my view, was that put by Dr
Eddison Zvobgo (Masvingo South)
who asked whether the Minister of Finance &
Economic Development was
aware that the Reserve Bank had issued a directive
that no company should
withdraw cash. Chinamasa (for Murerwa who was
absent) responded that, in
view of the cash shortage, government expected
companies to be able to use
cheques, direct transfers etc, to allow ordinary
people to access the
cash.
Zvobgo then put a supplementary question:
“Could the Minister advise
what we should tell our farm workers? They do not
have bank accounts, and if
we give them the cheques, they will have to spend
two weeks sleeping on
pavements hoping to get payment.
Chinamasa: “The hon. member and all members
should tell their clients that
the matter is being attended to - ”
The
entire House, including the Speaker, burst into laughter!
*****
Reuters
Zimbabwe steps up media clampdown
Mon
27 October, 2003 18:06 BST
By Stella
Mapenzauswa
HARARE (Reuters) - Zimbabwe police have arrested more
directors of the
country's sole privately owned daily on charges of
publishing without a
licence, an act its owner says is part of a government
plan to shut down the
newspaper.
"The arrest of Daily News
representatives is further clear,
irrefutable evidence that the Zimbabwean
Government does not want an
independent newspaper in the country," said Daily
News owner Strive Masiyiwa
in a statement from his base in South
Africa.
"This government will stop at nothing in its shameful and
illegal
quest to stop the Daily News from publishing," added Masiyiwa, who is
also
board chairman of Associated Newspapers of Zimbabwe (ANZ) which
publishes
the paper.
ANZ legal adviser Gugulethu Moyo said
police were holding the firm's
chief executive Sipepa Nkomo and directors
Rachel Kupara, Stuart Mattinson
and Brian Mutsau under the Access to
Information and Protection of Privacy
Act on charges they published the Daily
News illegally. All four deny the
charge.
Police spokesman
Assistant Commissioner Wayne Bvudzijena confirmed the
arrests and said police
were still investigating.
"The police clearly intend to detain the
four directors overnight. We
have filed an urgent court application for their
release and are waiting for
a hearing date to be set. We are hoping it will
be today," Moyo said from
Harare's central police station.
The
High Court had ordered the release of another newspaper director,
Washington
Sansole, following his arrest on Monday, Moyo said, adding police
would
proceed by way of summons.
The Daily News began publishing in 1999
and has been critical of
President Robert Mugabe's government as the country
grapples with an
economic and political crisis widely blamed on official
mismanagement since
independence from Britain in 1980.
Mugabe,
79, denies mismanaging the country and in turn accuses local
and foreign
opponents of sabotaging Zimbabwe's economy to punish his
government for
seizure of white-owned commercial farms for landless blacks.
Police
closed ANZ's offices after the Supreme Court ruled on September
11 that the
paper was illegal because it was published without the licence
required by
media laws. The state media commission then turned down its
application for a
license.
But the Administrative Court on Friday said the
government-appointed
commission was wrong to deny the licence and ordered the
panel to grant the
newspaper a licence by November 30.
Masiyiwa
said the ANZ believed Friday's court ruling gave the Daily
News authority to
resume publication, which it did until police moved
against it on
Saturday.
He called on South Africa and what he called other
democratic
governments in Africa to put pressure on Mugabe to accept press
freedom.
Sunday Times (SA)
Mugabe ill, receiving treatment in SA -
report
Monday October 27, 2003 19:09 - (SA)
The Johannesburg-based station Radio 702 is reporting that
embattled
Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe is in South Africa for medical
treatment.
It is rumoured that he either had a stroke or a bad
fall.
While it is understood that Mugabe is in Johannesburg, no details
could be
confirmed by Foreign Affairs Ministry spokespersons Ronnie Mamoepa
or
Nomfanelo Kota, both of whom were unavailable for comment.
I-Net
Bridge
News24
Mugabe: FA has 'no knowledge'
27/10/2003 21:03 -
(SA)
Johannesburg - The Department of Foreign Affairs was unable to
confirm a
radio report on Monday that Zimbabwean president Robert Mugabe was
receiving
medical treatment in a South African hospital.
702 Talk
Radio reported on Monday that Mugabe was in South Africa for
treatment. The
report followed rumours that Mugabe had either suffered a
stroke or had a bad
fall.
Department spokesperson Ronnie Mamoepa told Sapa on Monday night:
"At this
stage we have no knowledge of this development. In our interaction
with the
Zimbabwean authorities, they denied any knowledge thereof."
A
reporter at 702 said that the story originated from a source, and that it
was
not known at which hospital Mugabe was supposed to be.
More Zimbabwean Farmers Settle in Mkushi
The Times of Zambia
(Ndola)
October 27, 2003
Posted to the web October 27,
2003
TEN more Zimbabwean white farmers have settled in the Mkushi
farming bloc in
Central Province as investors in
agriculture.
Immigration department public relations officer Jones Mwewa
confirmed this
in an interview in Lusaka.
Mr Mwewa said there had been
an increase in the number of white farmers
coming into Zambia from Zimbabwe.
The latest arrivals brings to 18 the
number of Zimbabweans now in
Mkushi.
He said the department had issued the farmers with self
employment permits
valid for two years and subject to renewal once the
farmers proved to be
genuine investors.
"The number of Zimbabwean
farmers coming into the country is increasing. So
far 18 farmers have settled
in Mkushi with self employment permits of
investment in agriculture
specifically in maize and tobacco growing," he
said.
He said the
farmers would be allowed to bring in their farming equipment
from Zimbabwe or
buy it within Zambia to prove that they had the capital
base for
investment.
Mr Mwewa said Government had not given out any land to the
Zimbabwean
farmers but they bought land from fellow farmers in
Mkushi.
He said the immigration department wanted to attract investors
into the
country but investors had to have documents allowing them to be in
the
country.
"We are not harassing any investors but we are only doing
our job of
cleaning the country of illegal immigrants," he said.
He
said the department was not there to disturb investors but wanted them
to
follow immigration laws and other laws of the country.
Mr Mwewa
added that those investors that contravened immigration laws risked
being
deported.
Playing the 'Imperialist' Card Has Cast a Spell On Mugabe's
Critics
Sunday Times (Johannesburg)
October 26,
2003
Posted to the web October 27, 2003
Devan
Pillay
Johannesburg
Devan Pillay says the Left's silence on Zimbabwe
has been deafening
Surprisingly, the broad Left has been largely silent
amid the noise about
spies, divisions within the ANC and the alleged misuses
of public office.
Few have resorted to the political bogeys of racial
solidarity or
"imperialist" plots, which may lead some to think that the
Left's public
interventions have matured.
However, this silence
masks a bigger silence - interrupted occasionally by
the refrain of "quiet
diplomacy" - about the increasingly repressive regime
in Zimbabwe. Of late
only a few within the Left have spoken out.
About two years ago, while at
a Southern African Development Community
(SADC) meeting in Mauritius, I had
the dubious pleasure of supping with
Zimbabwe's Information Minister,
Jonathan Moyo.
I first met Moyo 10 years previously when he was a
vociferous
liberal-democratic critic of the Mugabe regime. I asked him what
made him
change.
"When the white imperialists came back a few years
ago," he said, "I decided
I had to make a stand. We cannot allow a return to
racist colonial rule."
Moyo was reinforcing the demonisation of the Movement
for Democratic Change
as a front for "white imperialists", and not a genuine
expression of
Zimbabwean opposition to years of Zanu-PF neglect, nepotism,
repression and
economic mismanagement.
In 1990, I interviewed
then-Zimbabwean Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU)
leader, Morgan Tsvangirai. He
was no imperialist lackey. Indeed, he revealed
that he was a loyal, but
critical, Zanu-PF member who wanted to "make Zanu
practise what it preaches".
He was referring to Zanu-PF's socialist
rhetoric, at a time when it began
drifting towards the IMF and World Bank's
policies of economic liberalisation
and structural adjustment.
The early 1990s saw Zanu-PF become more
authoritarian, leaving the ZCTU with
little option but to form an opposition
party, the MDC, with Tsvangirai as
leader. While the party has proceeded to
attract support across the spectrum
of Zimbabwean society, including white
farmers, its base remains the
Zimbabwean working class.
Nevertheless,
Moyo and his regime continue to portray the situation in
Zimbabwe as a battle
between a genuine liberation movement and "imperialist
counter-revolutionary
forces".
Of course, when trapped in a corner, unscrupulous thieves and
bullies - like
our own former heroes in the arms-deal saga - will resort to
whatever
tactics necessary to wriggle their way out. If it means pulling
down
honourable people and institutions, then so be it. The "imperialist"
card,
like the "racist" card, is inevitably played whenever corrupt officials
are
exposed.
The real tragedy is how many of us on the Left have
become spellbound by the
"anti-imperialist" rhetoric. In contrast to its loud
condemnation of the
US's invasion of Iraq, opposition to the rape of
democracy beyond our
borders has been subdued, if not equivocal.
While
Cosatu has for a long time criticised the repression of opposition
in
Zimbabwe, its voice has been somewhat muted of late. The ANC has
preferred
to maintain the fiction that, despite its shortcomings, Zanu-PF is
still a
"progressive" movement.
If members of the tripartite alliance
can be excused for not wanting to rock
the boat, and prefer "quiet diplomacy"
to resolve matters, what do we say
about others on the Left who are not
shackled by diplomacy?
A leading member of the Landless Peoples' Movement
told a gathering recently
that the Zimbabwean war veterans represent the true
"revolutionary vanguard"
in the region. Others believe that Zanu-PF is still
the "best hope for
socialism". Similar bizarre statements have emanated from
the ANC Youth
League, the PAC and black consciousness groupings - betraying
the utter
poverty of their commitment to democracy and social
justice.
Zanu-PF's "socialism" is more akin to the Stalinist dictatorship
of North
Korea than that of the democratic Left, which regards political,
human and
social rights of all people as sacrosanct.
The Left has
effectively abandoned the moral high ground to parties on the
Right,
including disgruntled former Rhodesians yearning for the past. Just
because
white farmers are the most visible victims of Mugabe's tyranny, we
should not
be blind to the fact that the overwhelming majority of his
victims are
ordinary workers and peasants.
Why is the invasion of Iraq more important
than the desecration of human
rights on our doorstep? While the unilateral US
invasion needs to be
condemned as an act of neo-imperialism, at least it got
rid of a brutal
regime. In the case of Zimbabwe there are few ambiguities:
Mugabe and his
regime are ruining the country and trampling on people before
our eyes.
We need to stop being dazzled by Mugabe's "anti-imperialist"
rhetoric and
mobilise support for those who are being silenced.
To
those who choose silence, let me adapt the Rev Martin Niemoller's
famous
words: First they came for the farmers, but I was not a farmer, so I
did not
speak out. Then they came for the farm workers and the trade
unionists, but
I was neither, so I did not speak out. Then they came for the
journalists,
but I was not a journalist so I did not speak out. And when they
came for
me, there was no one left to speak out for me.
Dr Pillay is a
senior lecturer in the sociology department at Wits
University
Bleak Prospects for New Farmers
Zimbabwe Standard
(Harare)
October 26, 2003
Posted to the web October 27,
2003
Henry Makiwa
Harare
ZIMBABWEAN black market traders,
notorious for making a quick dollar out of
people's miseries, have now
targeted newly resettled farmers who are
desperate for seed and
chemicals.
Already, many new farmers are complaining that they have been
sold fake seed
maize, sometimes just ordinary maize grains that are painted
over to make
them look like seeds.
But it is not only seed maize that
is in short supply. Growers are
complaining that they cannot access enough
chemicals and fertilisers for
this season's crop.
Thomas Hwande, a
small-scale farmer resettled under the government's chaotic
land reform
programme, said for him and many others in his situation, life
would be much
harder this farming season.
"It seems as if there is no end to the
crisis," a forlorn Hwande told The
Standard.
"Not only is the maize
seed unaffordable, but it is also unavailable. We are
still new in the
commercial agriculture industry and were hoping that the
government would go
a long way in assisting us as it had promised. But we
have not seen much of
that. The land reform has been yet another political
fallacy," he
added.
Investigations by The Standard show that a 25-kg bag of maize seed
now costs
between $70 000 and $89 000 in most retail outlets, while an
ox-drawn plough
is now priced in the region of $300 000, which is far beyond
the reach of
many of the so-called new farmers.
Said maize and tobacco
farmer, Derrick Slough: "Everything that is happening
questions the rationale
and wisdom of the land reforms." Traditionally,
Zimbabwe's earnings from
agricultural exports paid for the country's imports
of food, fuel and many
other national basics.
"Not so after Hondo ye Minda. One wonders why
production has fallen
calamitously under the fast track land reform which
government claims has
been a resounding success," said Slough.
The
disturbances in agriculture have had a ripple effect on the economy.
The
resultant crisis, blamed by many government critics on "mismanagement"
by
President Robert Mugabe's Zanu PF party - which has ruled Zimbabwe
since
independence in 1980 - has left the country with disastrous shortages
of
almost all basic commodities including fuel, cement, fertiliser and
basic
foodstuffs such as sugar, maize meal and cooking oil.
Phillip
Chingwaru, the spokesman for the Zimbabwe Farmers' Union (ZFU),
lamented the
unavailability of maize seed at most retail outlets as a
major
disaster.
"Our union produces between 80 and 90% of the
country's maize crop and yet
we are unable to access seed because the chief
manufacturers have flooded it
on the black market and to wholesalers who
charge exorbitant prices," said
Chingwaru.
"As a result we have no
choice but to balance between acquiring high
producing hybrid seeds and
open-pollinated ones," he said.
The hybrid seeds are the scientifically
tested seeds that are grown for
commercial purposes, while the
open-pollinated ones are made from the
subsistence farmer's traditional skill
of preserving the previous season's
grains by hanging them on granary
ceilings until the next ploughing season.
Chingwaru said because of the
high tillage costs, ZFU members had been
organised into co-operatives to
assist each other with tractors and draught
power.
In another show of
the general decay in the agriculture sector, the District
Development Fund,
which is tasked by government to till the land for the
"new farmers" and
communal peasants, will this season be charging $32 000 to
plough each
hectare of land. Farmers will also be required to pay for the
fuel
used.
Wynand Hart, an official with Justice for Agriculture (JAG), said
the
unavailability of inputs and the poor planning of the government's
land
reforms had clouded the prospects of a bumper harvest.
"Most
farmers were just put on vast tracks of land without any financial
or
material support mechanisms," said Hart.
"We are expecting lower
harvests by between 20% in most traditional communal
lands and up to 80% in
resettled commercial farm lands. This is primarily
because of the shortage of
seed, fertiliser and other mechanical inputs
right across the board has
affected the whole agriculture production
spectrum," Hart added.
Economic Calamity Befalls Pensioners
Zimbabwe Standard
(Harare)
COLUMN
October 26, 2003
Posted to the web October 27,
2003
Eddie Cross
Harare
WHEN an elderly pensioner in Harare
came home with his pension cheque
recently and realised that it would not
even cover their most basic needs.
He walked into his bedroom and shot
himself.
He left behind a widow who was now even worse off than before.
To survive
she will have to sell the house and their small car and try to
subsist in
500 per cent inflation on interest on her capital at 100 per cent.
It does
not add up and in no time at all she will again be up against an
unforgiving
wall of penury and hardship.
This is only one story
amongst many - I understand that pensioners who are
living outside the
country have not had their pensions paid externally for
many
months.
These are not people who have lived all their lives on the dole
or wasted
their earnings while they were able to work.
These are men
and women who have worked hard all their lives in anticipation
that the
contributory pension scheme to which they belonged would enable
them to
retire with dignity in a location of their choice.
President Robert
Mugabe's economics have destroyed this prospect for all of
us who live in
Zimbabwe. It's one of the worst examples of blatant disregard
for the needs
of others in this once prosperous country.
The pension funds and their
managers are strangely silent on this calamity.
They have sold us a
vision of long-term security and persuaded us to take
out insurance and
pension contracts of one kind or another with the claim
that this would
secure our long-term future.
The Registrar of Pension Funds is also
silent, as is the Reserve Bank who
has a statutory obligation to remit
pensions to retired persons who are
living outside the country in the
currency of their choice. They have the
foreign exchange but are instructed
to use this for other purposes rather
than face up to their obligations to
our retired community.
In my own case, I have contributed to various
schemes ever since I left
school - for 45 years I have faithfully paid each
month into these funds by
means of a stop order on my bank account.
I
have also worked for the State for over 20 years and at one time held
very
senior posts in this country.
During the whole of that time, my
employers took a large slice of my income
and paid it into a pension fund on
my behalf. They also contributed an equal
share to the fund to ensure an
adequate retirement package. All of these
schemes mature at the same time -
when I turn 65.
When that happens the combined value of these hopeless
investments will not
buy my wife and I one month's living expense at today's
prices.
It is not just a question of devaluation - for most of the years
that I
worked the value of the Zimbabwe dollar was well above that of the US
dollar
or the pound Sterling.
If I had simply purchased foreign
exchange with that money and held that in
a bank account abroad, I would be
better off than I will be when I "retire".
The reasons are many and they
affect all of us who live under this regime.
Remember it used to be that
it was compulsory for employers to have pension
funds for their employees and
to ensure that these were maintained in such a
state that they could meet
their obligations to their staff after
retirement.
By this means, huge
savings were built up and invested - you can see the
evidence of this all
over our country in the skylines of our cities.
The managers of these
funds were courted and wined and dined to persuade
them to invest in this
project or that - deals were struck. The State
legislated that a certain
portion had to be invested in government
securities at low interest rates and
by these means was able to fund its own
extravagant lifestyle at the expense
of the working population.
Accounts were never made available and only in
exceptional cases were the
actual owners of these funds ever given access to
the details of what was
going on.
Often the only statement would be a
once-a-year note in the post to say they
were going to pay out a 10 or 15 per
cent bonus.
The end result - when my father died, he had worked for the
railways for 32
years, retiring from a senior position in the administration.
His pension
was half the monthly salary of one of our domestic workers. He
lived with us
for 17 years - had he not been able to do so he would never
have survived.
This is just not good enough. People who have worked hard
and saved all
their lives should not have to worry about their security in
retirement.
Society has an obligation to see to this.
Mugabe and
his henchmen have failed in their responsibilities towards this
important
sector of our population and there are no safety nets.
So what do we do -
well, we keep our eyes open for the people who find
themselves in dire
straits - you can see them picking their way through
the
supermarket.
We have set up funds to provide some assistance where
it is required as a
stopgap measure until we get a decent government into
place. The main
problem is people are too proud to ask for help, they have
always been
self-sufficient and cannot understand what has gone
wrong.
If they have children abroad a small sum each month (as little as
US$25)
will make all the difference - but it must go through the informal
sector or
the State steals that as well!
What these folk need most of
all is recognition and understanding. Helping
someone at a crash site is an
obligation we all hold - Zimbabwe is a crash
site and we all need to help the
injured and casualties. It is certainly not
their fault in any
way.
.Eddie Cross is an adviser to the opposition Movement for Democratic
Change.
Government Ready to Devalue
Zimbabwe Standard
(Harare)
October 26, 2003
Posted to the web October 27,
2003
Rangarirai Mberi
Harare
THE government is reportedly close
to a decision to devalue the Zimbabwe
dollar despite President Robert
Mugabe's strong opposition to any fresh
shift on the beleaguered exchange
rate.
An official source in the Ministry of Finance last week
told
StandardBusiness that Minister Herbert Murerwa could soon announce a
new
policy on the dollar, perhaps as early as next month when he is expected
to
announce the 2004 National Budget.
Officials are reportedly
planning to fix the dollar at a blended rate of the
official $824 to the US
dollar, and a conservative parallel rate of $5 000
to the greenback.
Industrialists say they want the dollar to be devalued to
at least $4 500,
but the government is unlikely to bend that far backwards,
the source
said.
"The ministry has been under a lot of pressure from within
government itself
and industry. It will be a difficult decision for Murerwa.
He will want to
find a way between correctly pricing the dollar and keeping
the politicians
happy," the source said.
Contacted for comment late
last week, Murerwa declined saying he was on
holiday.
Exporters say
they need a fresh devaluation to soften the impact of
inflation on operations
and revenue. The exchange rate was last adjusted in
February, after
government grudgingly gave in to pressure from exporters,
but a 455,6% surge
in year-on-year inflation in September has eaten away any
temporary relief
the last devaluation might have given industry.
Experts say the $824 rate
is no longer realistic, as rising production costs
hit company profits. The
current exchange rate was made with February's
annual inflation rate of
220,9% in mind, but with the rate running fiercely
ahead with little
indication that the government is anywhere close to a
solution, economists
say a revision is well overdue.
"There definitely is pressure from
exporters, especially tobacco and mining,
to have the exchange rate in line
with the rising cost of production," said
David Mupamhadzi, group economist
at Trust.
"Just to break even, in August the mining industry needed an
exchange rate
of $2 800 to the US dollar. In September, also just to break
even and maybe
make a marginal profit, they needed $3 970. There is need for
government to
look at the plight of those sectors to give them a decent
rate," added
Mupamhadzi.
Economists however also said devaluation had
to be accompanied by policies
that would improve export quality and
production efficiency.
The Treasury source said there had been constant
contact between the
ministry and industry, although there has been a lot of
resistance from
senior government officials. Last month, Standard Business
reported that
Mugabe had - on eleven occasions this year - shot down any
suggestions to
push the dollar from its current official
rate.
Pressure for devaluation was dramatised earlier this year when
small-scale
tobacco farmers, many of them direct beneficiaries of the ruling
Zanu PF's
controversial land reforms, staged a sit-in at tobacco auction
floors, in an
attempt to force government's hand on the exchange rate.
Large-scale farmers
held on to their crop also in anticipation of the
devaluation, but official
resistance to devaluation remained
steadfast.
Under the National Economic Recovery Programme, ostensibly
designed by
government to help the Zimbabwe economy out of nearly four years
of
perpetual decline, the exchange rate was to be reviewed after each
quarter,
but government has again failed to keep the pledge.
Government Loses Economic War
Zimbabwe Standard
(Harare)
October 26, 2003
Posted to the web October 27,
2003
Kumbirai Mafunda
Harare
ZIMBABWEANS last week castigated
the ruling Zanu PF government for failing
the nation by not addressing the
current crisis of the economy that is now
into its seventh year of
recession.
In a street survey by Standard Business, many Zimbabweans said
President
Robert Mugabe's administration had, by approving astronomical bus
and
commuter fares last week, finally showed that it was not capable
of
addressing the issues affecting the sinking economy.
"The employed
and unemployed people of this country are suffering and
government is not
concerned. This government has abdicated its
responsibility of running the
country," said Tendai Marango of Chitungwiza.
The government last week
sanctioned fares ranging from $400 to $1 000
depending on distance travelled.
The last review was in May when fares of
$200 to $400 per city journey were
approved.
The new increase follows intense lobbying by transport
operators who are
reeling under high inflationary operating
costs.
"Zanu PF is no longer capable of turning this economy by itself.
It is not
possible. They have failed since 1998," said Tapera Makombe of
Mutare.
Responding to the fare hikes, the country's largest labour union,
the
Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU), has demanded the
immediate
resignation of Mugabe's "War Cabinet".
ZCTU secretary
general, Wellington Chibhebhe, said the government was now a
mere spectator
to the precipitating economic crisis, which has reached
melting point
level.
He said his union was perturbed at the failure by the so-called
"War
Cabinet" to proffer any solution to the country's deepening economic
crisis.
Mugabe coined the term "War Cabinet" last year - after winning
the
controversial presidential election - when he appointed his new team
of
advisers that he said would once and for all tackle Zimbabwe's
problems.
"We are disappointed that the so-called War Cabinet is dismally
losing the
war. Mugabe said the War Cabinet was put in specifically to
address the
economic crisis but the war has been lost. So they should leave
office
because the so-called declared war on the economy has been lost,"
said
Chibhebhe.
Economic consultant, Daniel Ndlela said Zimbabwe had
become "outstanding" in
the world for the wrong reason: having six
consecutive years of negative
Gross Domestic Product growth.
"Zimbabwe
is the only economy in the Third World that has GDP growth rates
going down
without the country being in a physical war," said Ndlela.
Chibhebhe also
warned that the ZCTU might be forced to "take action" against
the government
if Mugabe and his team failed to address the economic
problems.
He did
not specify the kind of action the labour movement would take, but
the ZCTU
has in the past confronted government by organising crippling
nationwide work
stoppages.
"The tendency of passing all costs to the suffering workers
cannot be
tolerated any more, especially at this moment in time when workers'
salaries
are eroded by high inflation and high levels of tax," Chibhebhe
said.
Zimbabwe's economic woes continue unabated. Last week business at
many
government departments and private enterprises came to a halt following
the
drying up of fuel supplies from the State's National Oil Company of
Zimbabwe
(Noczim).
Hyperinflation, characterised by astronomical costs
of basic foodstuffs, was
last month pegged at 455,6% - the highest since the
southern African country
attained independence from Britain in
1980.
Experts say it will hit 1000 % by Christmas.
News24
Zim paper: SA silence slammed
27/10/2003 13:40 -
(SA)
Cape Town - The South African government's silence on the
persecution of the
owners and staff of the Zimbabwean newspaper the Daily
News by the
authorities in that country, is scandalous, Democratic Alliance
spokesperson
Graham McIntosh said on Monday.
"The persecution of the
Daily News by President (Robert) Mugabe's
government, as well as its
intolerance of points of view in the media which
are not managed by Zanu-PF
commissars, is an international scandal.
"Equally scandalous is the South
African government's silence on the
matter," he said in a
statement.
"What further evidence does it need to convince it that the
Mugabe regime
has no interest in observing human rights or the rule of law in
Zimbabwe?"
he asked.
"Abused, threatened... victims of
sabotage'
Like the apartheid regime in South Africa, Mugabe's government
had replaced
the rule of law with rule-by-law, silencing dissent with
draconian
legislation and the use of the police force against the
opposition,
independent media, and civil society commentators.
The
owners of the Daily News, the editor, and his staff had been
abused,
threatened, and made victims of sabotage and legislative
terrorism.
"The latest act of intimidation, which must have shocked the
world, is the
use by the police of hostages to secure the arrest of the
directors of the
Associated Newspapers of Zimbabwe (ANZ) -- the owners of the
Daily News,"
McIntosh said.
The hostages included ANZ boss Sam Nkomo's
niece and former high court
judge, now a director of ANZ, Washington
Sansole.
"This lawless behaviour by the police is outrageous, and demands
the
strongest possible condemnation from democratic leaders in
Africa."
South Africa had one of the most respected and progressive
Constitutions in
the world.
However, President Thabo Mbeki's
government's credibility as a consistent
supporter of human rights and
democracy was withering in the face of the
outlaw regime of Mugabe and his
Zanu-PF.
Decent people all over Africa were not simply puzzled by Mbeki's
stance, but
that puzzlement was turning into disgust and
condemnation.
Mbeki should re-establish South Africa's reputation as a
champion of
democracy and human rights by leading Southern African
Development Community
and African Union heads of state in condemning the
escalating oppression of
dissenting voices in Zimbabwe, McIntosh said.
thisisexeter
MINISTER'S PROTEST
12:00 - 27 October
2003
An 83-year-old Methodist minister, who flew to Zimbabwe to
protest
against the regime earlier this year, stepped up his campaign with
a
dramatic street demonstration this weekend. Merfyn Temple, a minister
at
Honiton Methodist Church, travelled to London and painted himself
with
tomato sauce to protest against the bloodshed in Zimbabwe under
president
Robert Mugabe.
Mail and Guardian
'We will not be silenced'
Ryan Truscott |
Harare
27 October 2003 08:13
A director of Zimbabwe's
Daily News was arrested on Sunday, a day after
police again shut down the
troubled southern African country's only
independent daily newspaper, the
paper's legal adviser said.
The arrest of Washington Sansole in the
country's second city of Bulawayo
came after police occupied the paper's
offices in the capital Harare on
Saturday and briefly detained 18 other staff
members.
The best-selling Daily News, a staunch critic of President
Robert Mugabe,
reappeared on the streets on Saturday more than a month after
it was shut
down for operating without a licence.
But as Zimbabweans
rushed to get a copy, police swooped on its offices,
detaining staff and
shutting down its operations, and later went to the home
of Daily News
publisher Samuel Nkomo and arrested his niece.
The paper's legal adviser
Gugulethu Moyo said on Sunday the police wanted to
interview the other eight
company directors and had threatened to detain
Sansole "until the other guys
turn up."
"It's purely vindictive," said Moyo. "It's not about the law.
It's about
dealing with perceived political opponents."
The
France-based media lobby group Reporters Sans Frontieres (RSF,
Reporters
Without Borders) called for the immediate release of
Sansole.
RSF said the detentions showed that Zimbabwe's authorities "are
ready to do
anything to prevent publication of the only independent daily in
the
country."
Saturday's comeback edition -- touting the optimistic
front-page headline
"We're back!" -- appeared after a court ruled on Friday
that the Daily News
should be granted a licence before November 30.
No
stranger to clashes with the government, the Daily News was shut down
in
September after Zimbabwe's supreme court ruled it was operating
illegally
because it did not have a licence.
The paper then applied
for a licence but was turned down by the
state-appointed Media and
Information Commission (MIC). Tough new media laws
introduced soon after
President Mugabe was re-elected last year say that all
journalists and
publications must be registered.
Late on Sunday legal adviser Moyo said
the paper would be filing a number of
legal suits against Information
Minister Jonathan Moyo and MIC chairman
Tafataona Mahoso for "the damages we
have suffered from this unlawful
commission."
The newspaper plans to
sue for massive losses of revenue since its forced
closure in September,
among other things, she said. The challenges are
expected to be filed on
Monday.
Senior reporter Precious Shumba said on Sunday that the
government would not
be able to deny him and his colleagues their "right to
tell the Zimbabwean
story."
"I feel the government is being harsh with
us, and treating us like
criminals," he said. "But we will not be
silenced."
The Daily News, founded four years ago, was an alternative
voice to the two
state-run dailies, the Bulawayo-based Chronicle and The
Herald, which toe
the government line.
Its closure comes against a
background of political unrest, severe economic
crisis and one of the world's
highest rates of HIV/AIDS infection in
Zimbabwe.
The former British
colony's opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai is currently
on trial for
allegedly plotting the assassination of Mugabe.
His marathon trial, which
started in February, was supposed to resume
Monday. But his lawyers said over
the weekend it was being put off until
possibly next year because the judge
had other engagements that might
interrupt proceedings.
Police
spokesperson Wayne Bvudzijena on Sunday confirmed the arrest of Daily
News
director Sansole, a former high court judge, and said he was being
charged
with "carrying on the business of a media house without
a
certificate."
Bvudzijena said the other company directors would face
similar charges.
"They are supposed to get an operating licence before
they can produce,"
Bvudzijena said. "But they went on to produce yesterday
(Saturday)."
The Daily News has a history of clashes with the government,
which says it
is a front for Western interests. Several of its reporters and
photographers
have been arrested, including prominent former editor and
founder Geoff
Nyarota.
It has also suffered two unexplained explosions
-- one at the paper's
offices and one at its printing presses.
The
Daily News and the Daily News on Sunday employs around 300 full-time
staff,
and around 1 000 vendors sell the paper.
Cape Times
Window on Africa - Has the ANC shrugged off the
revolution, and is it
using an old Kenyan trick to hold power?
October 27, 2003
By Peter Fabricius
Last year SACP
deputy secretary-general Jeremy Cronin got himself into
trouble with his
allies in the ruling party for criticising "the
Zanufication of the
ANC".
What he meant was that in SA, as in Zimbabwe, the liberation
struggle
had been "bureaucratised".
In an interview with Helena
Sheehan, Cronin explained what he meant by
this.
In 1994, the
leadership had taken its seats in the Union Buildings and
had told the rest
of the tripartite alliance: "Thanks very much. It was
important that you were
mobilised then, but now we are in power, in power on
your behalf. Relax and
we'll deliver.
"The struggle now is counter-productive. Mass
mobilisation gets in the
way. Don't worry. We've got a plan. Yes, it'll be
slow, but be patient...".
What Cronin was describing did not seem
astonishingly reprehensible.
Stripped of its rhetoric, the message which the
new government delivered to
its allies seems perfectly logical. "We conducted
a revolution to get into
power and now we are in power, we no longer need the
revolution." QED.
But to a communist still dreaming perhaps of the
second, truly
socialist revolution - or perhaps of perpetual revolution -
this message was
poison. Hence the unflattering comparison with Zimbabwe's
ruling Zanu-PF.
It was probably more the label, Zanufication, than
the actual process
he was describing that so offended the ANC elite. The
process itself could
hardly have seemed offensive, even to them.
From a different ideological perspective to Cronin's, one might have
thought
he had something different in mind in describing the Zanufication of
the
ANC.
That he might have been referring to the way Robert Mugabe's
Zanu-PF
has done so little of substance for ordinary Zimbabweans for 23
years, but
has tried to mask this omission by putting out an ink cloud of
rhetoric
blaming the country's ills on whites, the MDC, the British
government,
anyone but Zanu-PF.
It seemed at first glance that
Cronin was saying something similar
about President Mbeki. That he was
criticising Mbeki for pursuing a policy
of neo-liberal economics which were
not (in Cronin's view) delivering
anything worthwhile to the
black
masses.
And that he was meanwhile keeping his
constituency at bay by blaming
others for this.
Through, for
example, his frequent critical references to SA being
"Two Nations - one rich
and white, the other black and poor"; a slogan which
suggested that whites
were to blame for the continuing poverty of blacks,
without actually
suggesting what they should be doing about it.
Maybe something of
that same point is buried somewhere inside Cronin's
revolutionary language
but it's hard to say.
If our leaders have indeed plagiarised a
useful idea from Zimbabwe,
are we also now seeing them borrowing another one
from Kenya?
In the extraordinary proliferation of the Zumagate
affair, are our
leaders deriving some inspiration from Kanu, the party which
led Kenya to
independence and for almost 40 years after that?
The last Kanu president, Daniel arap Moi, used corruption charges as
his
staple weapon for dealing with challenges to his power in the party and
the
government.
In a country so corrupt, that was always a plausible
pretext.
Every time the donor countries on which he was so
dependent demanded
some action against corruption, Moi would oblige by
weeding out a few more
rivals.
Here we have seen our president
appoint the Hefer Commission of
Inquiry to investigate whether the national
director of public prosecutions,
Bulelani Ngcuka, was a spy for the apartheid
government.
Even within the ANC it is being asked whether it is
appropriate to
mobilise judicial, state resources, to address a charge that
does not
constitute a crime and which appears to be a purely internal party
matter.
Are we seeing justice running its natural
course?
Or the beginning of the "Kanu-fication" of the ANC?