The ZIMBABWE Situation Our thoughts and prayers are with Zimbabwe
- may peace, truth and justice prevail.

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Cape Times

      Old Nats nodded wisely when Van der Mugabe banned the toyi-toyi
      October 27, 2004

      By John Scott

      When Robert Mugabe's government banned toyi-toying this week, old
die-hard Nats in South Africa nodded wisely and remarked: "He may be a
swarte, but he's not stupid. He realises that if you let people jump up and
down one day, the next day they want to run the country."

      The opposition MDC had applied in writing to hold a meeting in
Bulawayo. The police said yes, so long as there was no toyi-toying and the
the meeting was held indoors.

      That's just like the old days in South Africa. Many of the meetings
were banned outright, even if you weren't already a banned organisation. But
if permission was granted, the meeting had to be held inside a hall. The
government knew for a fact that the moment demonstrators were let out, they
would march and toyi-toyi, and destroy civilisation as we knew it.

      "Any fool knows that toyi-toying is subversive," a police captain once
told me. Now Van der Mugabe (an honorary title conferred by a friend from
England) has decided it is even too dangerous to be allowed indoors, let
alone outside on public streets.

      I asked Max Solinga, my usual informant on official Zimbabwean policy,
why toyi-toying was so feared.

      He explained: "Raising your feet high in an aggressive manner is a
threat to the state. You may be clasping all sorts of missiles in your toes,
ready to unleash them at the right moment. We could have allowed them to
toyi-toyi so long as they kept their shoes on, but not many Zimbabweans can
afford to buy shoes these days."

      "What about the singing?" I asked.

      "We don't mind them singing hymns," said Max, "but when they toyi-toyi
they sing other inflammatory words such as 'freedom to the people' when the
people are already free, and get confused when the MDC tells them they

      I told Max that toyi-toying really wasn't all that bad. I remembered
how, in the early 1990s, once toyi-toying was officially allowed in the
streets of Cape Town, everybody was doing it. One lot of toyi-toyiers would
come dancing up Adderley Street in protest against council rent increases,
only to be met by another group in Wale Street jumping from one foot to
another because of poor pay in the provincial hospitals.

      The city was alive with the sound of "Hou jou sossie", a sort of
general all-purpose chant that meant something else.

      A middle-class suburban association, Ratepayers in Rebellion, even
took lessons in toyi-toying to demonstrate their anger when the rates went
up. A man called Abdul "Baby" Babalanga showed little old ladies, retired
colonels and yuppies in cravats how to bob rhythmically up and down, punch
the air with their fists and sing "down with the council, down".

      They said it was better than going to the gym.

      One of these days, when Zimbabwe, too, is democratised, its citizens
may again have the right to dance down the streets, if only in celebration.


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Daily News online edition

      ZCTU urges Mbeki to deal with Mugabe

      Date:28-Oct, 2004

      JOHANNESBURG - The Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) has warned
the South African government to stop protecting President Mugabe and act to
end the crisis in Zimbabwe.

      ZCTU secretary-general Wellington Chibhebhe told journalists that
while his organisation could not commandeer the South African government, it
wants it to "deal with its friends and not to protect him."

      He said his organisation was appalled that some members of the
government had uttered statements in support of decision by the government
to deport the powerful Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU)

      Speaking at the COSATU headquarters in Johannesburg, following
yesterday's deportation of the South African labour body's fact-finding
mission to Zimbabwe, Chibhebhe said it was time the South African government
realised that South Africa's liberation was achieved through the assistance
of people and organisations in the region and the world.

      "When people are crying for assistance, we must assist. I don't know
whether people want another Rwanda in Zimbabwe before they can admit that we
have a problem in Zimbabwe," said Chibhebhe in apparent reference to
President Thabo Mbeki and his government who have promoted a policy of
"quiet diplomacy" towards Mugabe.

      Zimbabweans and the main opposition party, the Movement for Democratic
Change have appealed to Mbeki to "deal" with Mugabe and make him create an
environment that is conducive to free and fair elections in Zimbabwe in line
with SADC's principles and guidelines on polls.

      Chibhebhe said the ZCTU has been telling the world that there is no
rule of law in Zimbabwe and the deportation of the COSATU delegation
vindicated the union's position.

      A 13-member COSATU delegation flew into Zimbabwe on Monday evening
despite the declaration by Mugabe's government that the mission was not

      Their objective was to get first hand information on the situation on
Zimbabwe particularly the welfare of workers.

      Zimbabwe government authorities interrogated the delegation at the
airport for two hours before letting them in only to deport them before they
had even finished their first meeting their Zimbabwean counterparts.

      They were bundled into a bus and endured the long trip by road, only
to be dumped at Beitbridge border post, some 600 kilometres away.

      Chibhebhe said the SADC region was mourning the "way in which a rogue
state had treated the COSATU delegation."

      He condemned the deportation and said it was barbaric and unAfrican
for the Zimbabwe government to act in the manner it did.

      He apologised to COSATU over the mishap in Zimbabwe saying "it is an
embarrassment to the people and workers that a government could stoop so

      "The world now knows what type of a person Mugabe is. The ZCTU will
not leave the issue lying low," he said.

      Chibhebhe said although Zimbabwe attained independence in 1980, it was
not yet free and the ZCTU would continue to engage COSATU "until we free

      Zimbabwe's Information Minister Jonathan Moyo described the COSATU
delegation as working with Tony Blair and well-known anti-Zimbabwe,
pro-Western interests to effect regime change in Zimbabwe. Chibhebhe
dismissed Moyo's statement saying: "Dreaming is allowed although not all
dreams come true."

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Daily News online edition

      Bennet slapped with 15-month jail term

      Date:28-Oct, 2004

      ROY Bennet, the Chimanimani Member of Parliament (MP) was yesterday
slapped with a 15-month jail term for allegedly assaulting two Cabinet
ministers during a parliamentary debate in May this year.

      Three months of his 15-month sentence were unconditionally suspended.
That means the MP would serve an effective 12 months in jail if Parliament
approves the committees' recommendation.

      After the ruling, Bennet was given a day to prepare his response which
would be heard today by the Parliamentary Privileges Committee.

      Allegations against Bennet, a member of the opposition Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) are that while Parliament was debating an adverse
report on the Stocktheft Amendment Bill in May, Bennet attacked Patrick
Chinamasa, the Minister of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs and
Didymus Mutasa, the Minister of Anti-Corruption and Anti-Monopolies.

      Bennet on Tuesday submitted for consideration documents on his
Charleswood Estate in Chimanimani and Delport Farm in Ruwa which were seized
from the MDC MP by the government under its controversial land reform

      Bennet would have no recourse to appeal to the country's courts
because Parliament has independent judicial powers.

      Paul Mangwana, the Minister of Public Service, Labour and Social
Welfare, who chairs the committee had earlier said that during his
submissions, Bennett, who is one of only three white MPs in the House, said
he was being racially discriminated against.

      Mangwana said Bennet felt Mutasa and Chinamasa should also have been
summoned to defend their action, which he deemed contemptuous, before the
Committee. But the committee ruled that there was no breach of Bennet's
constitutional rights.

      Other members of the committee are Joyce Mujuru, the Minister of Water
Resources and Rural Development, Chief Jonathan Mangwende, Tendai Biti, the
MDC MP for Harare East and Bulawayo North-East MP Professor Welshman Ncube,
who is the opposition party's secretary general.

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Union members tell of 'ordeal' in Harare
          October 27 2004 at 05:09PM

      Members of the Congress of South African Trade Unions' delegation to
Zimbabwe, who were thrown out of the country on Tuesday night, have talked
of their seven-hour ordeal at Harare's airport.

      The 13-strong delegation, which went to Zimbabwe on a fact-finding
mission, arrived back in South Africa on Wednesday after being deported.

      Simon Boshielo, Cosatu's international affairs secretary and a member
of the delegation, said the Zimbabwean government kept them at the airport
for seven hours without food while they expected to be taken to their hotel
in Harare.

      "They (Zimbabwean police) attempted to beat us when we asked for food
and they told us that this is not South Africa. They told us that we are not
going to get food. They said in fact they want to take us back to our
country," Boshielo said.

      He added that when they arrived at Harare airport on Monday they were
shown a letter from the Zimbabwean government warning them not to talk to
"organisations like Zimbabwean Lawyers for Human Rights, the Crisis
Coalition and churches" if they wanted to remain in the country.

      "The problem started when we defied their rules and organised to talk
to those organisations. Then we were told that we will be taken back to our
country by force. And we refused to leave the country instead we demanded
that they better arrest us.

      "We demanded to meet with the government to explain to them but it was
fruitless. Later we were told that the cabinet has decided to take us back
to our country," Boshielo said.

      He said that when they were meeting the Zimbabwean Congress of Trade
Unions (ZCTU) that a large contingent of police arrived and escorted them
out of the building to a bus.

      "While were on the bus we were under the impression that we were being
taken to our hotel, only to find that we are being taken back to South
Africa. And we were dumped at the Beit Bridge border at 5am and it was then
that we took taxis to Pietersburg (Polokwane) Airport," Boshielo said. -

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England tour of Zimbabwe given green light by ECB
Wed 27 October, 2004 17:31

LONDON, Oct 27 (Reuters) - The England and Wales Cricket Board (ECB) has
given the green light to England's tour of Zimbabwe next month after
expressing satisfaction with safety and security measures in the troubled
African country.

ECB chairman David Morgan said in a statement the Foreign and Commonwealth
Office, and also the British Embassy in the Zimbabwe capital Harare, would
help monitor the on-going situation until the end of the tour.

"We have satisfied ourselves that appropriate safety and security measures
will be in place to protect the England touring party and officials," Morgan
said on Wednesday.

"We are also concerned about the safety and security of travelling
supporters and the media, and we concluded that Zimbabwe will provide a safe
environment provided that they adhere to the Government's specific travel

England are scheduled to play five one-day internationals against Zimbabwe
in November.

The ECB had been briefed on the security situation in Zimbabwe by ECB
director of operations John Carr and Richard Bevan, the chief executive of
the Professional Cricketers' Association, who have just returned from the

England, who forfeited their 2003 World Cup match against Zimbabwe in Harare
because of concerns over player safety, had come under pressure to withdraw
from the tour on moral grounds.

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Assessing impact of interventions on children

[ This report does not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations]

JOHANNESBURG, 27 Oct 2004 (IRIN) - Children receiving food aid are often
stigmatised and maltreated by guardians, according to the findings of a
pilot project in Zimbabwe to assess the impact of food interventions on

The project was prompted by a lack of "humanitarian accountability to
beneficiaries" and the fact that feedback from children had never been
considered in the significant number of interventions taking place in
Zimbabwe, said Chris McIvor of the UK-Based NGO, Save the Children, which
conducted the study.

"One of the recommendations of the Inter-Agency Standing Committee (IASC)
Task Force on Protection from Sexual Exploitation and Abuse in Humanitarian
Crises, established in March 2002, was that agencies must be more
accountable to beneficiary population, including children," he explained.
The IASC Task Force was created after allegations of sexual exploitation and
abuse of refugees in West Africa.

Save the Children set up seven children's feedback committees earlier this
year in Mutorashanga in the Zvimba district of Mashonaland West province,
where the NGO has been working for the last four years.

Fifty children were trained in information gathering to provide feedback,
complaints and suggestions from other children to an independent
ombudsperson, who provided the core point of contact between the committees
and the programme.

The ombudsperson in turn reported to a board comprising a representative
each from government, the organisation's principal donor, Save the Children
and another humanitarian agency, which responded to the feedback. The board
also had the mandate to redirect food aid operations in response to the
children's reports.

The project provided information of a "nature and quality that may not have
been possible through normal post-distribution monitoring visits conducted
by international NGOs," McIvor commented.

The board learnt that children often had to miss school to access food aid,
which led to food aid agencies visiting areas on public holidays or at times
convenient to the children, he said.

"Marginalisation of orphans by caregivers prioritising their own children at
mealtimes," has now prompted "organisations to monitor more closely what
happens to food after it is collected from distribution points," McIvor

Zimbabwe has a large number of child-headed households as a result of the
high prevalence of HIV/AIDS; such families are marginalised in community
structures, often leading to their exclusion as beneficiaries from
programmes, Save the Children learnt.

When child-headed households were included in programmes, they often did not
have access to information on their entitlements, roles and
responsibilities. "Children indicated that they were unwilling to make
complaints either within the community or to agency staff, for fear that
food aid might be terminated," McIvor said.

Cases of abuse, including sexual exploitation, physical punishment, refusal
to support orphans' attendance at school and excessive child labour were
also reported to the board. "These generally relate to the vulnerability of
children under the care of step-parents or other guardians," he added.

Following the success of the pilot project, Save the Children intends to
promote the formation of children feedback committees to cover a variety of
interventions, including water and sanitation programmes, health delivery
projects, and orphan care and support programmes.

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Sydney Morning Herald

Zimbabwe exiles find little joy in Australia
October 28, 2004

Zimbabwean exiles Sean Ervine and Andy Blignaut have quickly discovered that
international reputations count for little in Australian cricket.
They were considered the sport's future in the troubled African nation
before an ugly dispute this year with the Zimbabwe Cricket Union (ZCU)
resulted in them taking their cricketing careers offshore.

Now they can't make a state team in Australia.

Twelve months ago Ervine claimed the scalps of Justin Langer, Ricky Ponting,
Darren Lehmann and Steve Waugh and made a half century in a Test match at
the WACA Ground.

This week he is playing for the WA second XI at Perth's Fletcher Park and is
in a four-way battle with fellow WA all-rounders Peter Worthington, Darren
Wates and Kade Harvey for one spot.

"A lot of people are expecting a lot out of me, but I have to get used to
the conditions and competing against players I don't know," Ervine said.

"I have had to take a few steps back and start all over again and have gone
from playing international cricket to grade cricket but that is a step I
have to take.

"At least I will value my spot."
Part of the reason Ervine shifted to Perth was to live with partner Melissa
Marsh, daughter of former Australian vice-captain Geoff Marsh.

But WA coach Wayne Clark was blunt about his prospects.

"There are people in front of him," said Clark.

"He needs to make a statement, because he is not going to walk into the

Clark said matches in the domestic competition were stronger than some Test
cricket being played in the world.

"He is not going to come in and just dominate and Andy Flower found that out
last summer," Clark said.

The highly-rated Flower barely blossomed for South Australia last summer
scoring 342 runs at just 24.43 in seven Pura Cup matches.

It was a meagre return for the 2002 Wisden Cricketer of the Year who
averaged 51.54 during his 63-Test career. He left the Redbacks after one

Ervine, who last weekend signed a two-year deal with English county side
Hampshire, rated Zimbabwean first class cricket minus its international
players as the equivalent of second or third grade in Australia.

Paceman Andy Blignaut is also finding himself on the outer in Tasmania after
figures of 0-79 off 12 overs in his Pura Cup debut against WA in Perth
earlier this month.

The hard-hitting lower order batsman and former model is not yet at full
fitness and Tasmanian coach Brian McFadyen said Blignaut was a "project

McFadyen said it was unfair to pass judgment until he has at least had
another month of fitness work under his belt.

Blignaut, whose full christian names are Arnoldus Mauritius, picked up 51
wickets at 32.62 and scored 638 runs at 24.53 in 15 Tests for Zimbabwe.

But he is best known by Australian fans for his 54 off 28 balls against
Australia in the 2003 World Cup.

He can bowl at speeds in excess of 140kph and according to McFadyen "can hit
the ball as hard as anyone I have seen".

Blignaut said his new life in Hobart was pretty low key.

"It is a nice quiet place and I seem to be getting on with my new teammates.
It is always going to take time getting settled in a new place but so far it
has been pretty good."

Ervine, 21, and Blignaut, 26, were among the rebel players involved in a row
over racial selection quotas with the ZCU which resulted in a mass exodus of
the team.

Former teammate Travis Friend, 23, who played 13 Tests is the other
Zimbabwean player in exile in Australia. He is currently playing grade
cricket in Sydney.

Ervine said: "It was always going to be tough leaving Zimbabwe behind.

"It is a big difference but I am enjoying the challenge."

Blignaut had no regrets about the players' stand that ended in them being
sacked by the ZCU.

"It was very difficult but at the end of the day we stood up for what we
believed in and still believe in," he said.

"We all get fired for that and then you have to look at the next best
option. We had to move on.

"If you look back in life then you are going to be a sad man.


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A New Season of Hope for Harare?

Business Day (Johannesburg)

October 27, 2004
Posted to the web October 27, 2004

Kuseni Dlamini

PRESIDENT Thabo Mbeki's meeting with the leader of Zimbabwe's Movement for
Democratic Change , Morgan Tsvangirai, on Monday was a significant milestone
in Pretoria's efforts to facilitate a democratic and lasting solution to
Zimbabwe's problems. It follows a meeting held with President Robert Mugabe
on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly in New York

The meeting was preceded by Tsvangirai's acquittal on treason charges, a
move welcomed widely as a sign that there is commitment to the rule of law
and an independent judiciary in Zimbabwe. It also followed the releases on
humanitarian grounds of apartheid-era spy Reon Schutte, convicted 12 years
ago, and two prisoners, convicted recently for violating Zimbabwean
immigration laws while allegedly en route to Equatorial Guinea to stage a

These events indicate Pretoria's continued strategy of constructive
engagement to normalise the situation north of the Limpopo. This is vital.
Zimbabwe needs peace and prosperity. Pretoria and southern Africa as a whole
need a peaceful and prosperous Zimbabwe.

The geostrategic imperative of restoring Zimbabwe to its former economic and
social health is key to the region's future growth and development. This, as
we are beginning to see, can best be achieved by the softly-softly approach,
driven by the long-term interests of Zimbabwe and its people. The
holier-thanthou approach, usually preached by populist, headline-seeking
do-gooders, might seem attractive but is yet to prove as effective when the
stakes are high.

British Prime Minister Tony Blair's approach to Washington on the big
strategic and controversial issues is based on "quiet diplomacy". The west's
approach to China on human-rights issues is based on quiet diplomacy.

There are no direct and simplistic comparisons between all these cases. What
is clear is that careful thought is given to the manner in which they are
dealt with. That is exactly what is required of us if we are to find a
lasting and constructive solution to the problems of our region.

These events also tell us that Pretoria still enjoys the respect of the main
players in Zimbabwe's political theatre. This will accord SA the leverage to
play a role as an honest broker. To be trusted by both the opposition and
ruling party in a country with heightened political tension like Zimbabwe is
not easy. Washington and London lost their influence because their policy
approaches were misguided at best, arrogant at worst, as they sought to
impose preconceived solutions to Zimbabwe's political problems.

Prescribed solutions to complex political problems do not work as the war on
Iraq illustrates in a very cruel way.

What is required is a rules-based multilateral approach to global problems
based on shared norms and values.

Strengthening and democratising multilateral institutions of global and
regional governance, such as the United Nations, African Union (AU) and the
Southern African Development Community (SADC), is the best insurance policy
for peace and stability in an increasingly unstable world and region.

The AU and the SADC are best positioned to insist that all the parties in
Zimbabwe play according to the new rules of the game that the region has
embraced as part of the New Partnership for Africa's Development (Nepad).

So it is a positive sign that Tsvangirai is touring the region and meeting
with regional leaders. He should tell them how they can play a constructive
role to bring about lasting peace in Zimbabwe.

More importantly, his party has threatened to boycott next year's elections
if the government does not meet certain preconditions for free and fair
elections. It is thus vital that there should be an open and robust debate
and an objective assessment of the extent to which the conditions on the
ground are conducive to free and fair elections.

The SADC has a key role to play in that process. Government leaders should
advise Tsvangirai how best to work with his opponents in Zanu (PF) and
allies in civil society to entrench a durable, democratic culture in that

Both Mugabe and Tsvangirai must demonstrate their full commitment to
democracy and rule of law in their country. With peace and stability in
Zimbabwe, southern Africa has a huge strategic opportunity to position
itself as an attractive investment destination.

To take on China, India, Europe and the US, southern Africa must act in
concert and project a compelling regional value proposition as a location of
choice for foreign direct investment.

If we delay resolving the problems in Zimbabwe, we delay our development and
prosperity as a region, something which history and future generations may
judge us harshly on. Zimbabwe can and must be stabilised and normalised.

To the extent that the emerging momentum and goodwill is deepened and
followed by other signs of progress, Pretoria's strategy of quiet diplomacy
will be vindicated.

Dlamini works for AngloGold Ashanti and lectures on international relations
at Wits University

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      ZIMBABWE: ZCTU condemns deportation of COSATU delegation
      27 Oct 2004 17:26:10 GMT

HARARE, 27 October (IRIN) - The Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) on
Wednesday condemned the deportation of a 14-member South African labour
delegation that had arrived in the country on a fact-finding mission.

ZCTU president Lovemore Matombo told IRIN the labour movement's supreme
decision-making body, the General Council, had noted that the expulsion
violated international trade union statutes.

"This now suggest that the workers of Zimbabwe and the general population
are quarantined in all aspects of politics and social life," Matombo said.

The Zimbabwean authorities on Tuesday rounded up the Congress of South
African Trade Unions (COSATU) delegation and drove them to the Beitbridge
border post, despite a provisional High Court order allowing them to stay in
the country.

COSATU had defied a government warning that their visit would not be
welcome. On arrival in Zimbabwe on Monday, the delegation refused to provide
guarantees that they would not talk to civil society groups deemed to be

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Mugabe Targets German Timber Plantations

Business Day (Johannesburg)

October 27, 2004
Posted to the web October 27, 2004

Dumisani Muleya

Seizure of land violates bilateral agreement

THE Zimbabwean government has ignored a report by Special Affairs Minister
for Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement John Nkomo, urging the state to
avoid seizing land protected by international accords, and is now targeting
a big German-linked timber company as well as sugar and citrus estates.

After taking away most of the farm land in the country, the government
published in the Government Gazette on Friday its intention to expropriate
larger estates, some of which are protected by bilateral government

The Zimbabwe government will take five plantations owned by Border Timbers,
the country's largest timber producer. The Borders Timbers' land taken by
the state includes Tilbury, Cambridge, Imbeza, Mahugara and Walmer estates
more than 34-million hectares.

The company's sawmills process more than 350000m' of logs each year, and it
also runs a veneer factory.

An official land audit compiled by a committee led by Nkomo said early this
year that land protected by bilateral agreements should not be taken.

The committee's report said there was need to regulate acquisitions of farms
owned by foreigners whose governments had bilateral investment protection in

Vice-President Joseph Msika, who is chairman of a cabinet land-reform task
force, has said that the government would not acquire land protected by
investment agreements.

The seizure of the land is in violation of an agreement between Zimbabwe and
Germany. The Germany-Zimbabwe Investment Protection Agreement signed in 1995
by representatives of both governments was put in place to protect Border
Timbers' properties and assets from the Zimbabwean government.

In terms of the agreement, Zimbabwe gave assurances to Germany that Border
Timbers' land would not be targeted for seizure.

Other countries, including SA, which have citizens who own land in Zimbabwe,
have also been affected by the confiscation of land.

Other Zimbabwean officials, in particular Information Minister Jonathan
Moyo, have been pushing to have such assets seized.

A number of ministers, including Moyo, have been named in official reports
as new land barons because they have more than one farm.

Zimbabweans are being evicted from farms they had invaded, to make way for
ministers and other top government officials.

Moyo clashed a few months ago with Msika over the seizure of Kondozi farm in
Manicaland province.

The horticultural farm, which supplied its products to SA and European
markers, has been run down in a short time by the state-run Agricultural
Rural Development Authority.

In addition to the timber plantations, the government has also taken over
Aberfoyle Estates a major tea exporter and Eastern Highlands Plantations,
one of Zimbabwe's few producers of washed Arabic coffee.

The land seized from the two tea and coffee estates measure a combined
2,3million hectares.

More land has also been taken from the sugar-producing Hippo Valley.

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Mail and Guardian

Well done, Zim, says PAC about Cosatu

      Johannesburg, South Africa

      27 October 2004 16:46

advertisementThe Pan Africanist Congress has cheered the decision by Harare
to boot out a Congress of South African Trade Unions fact-finding mission to

"The PAC would like to congratulate the government of Zimbabwe for not
allowing Cosatu to become the barking dog of the reactionary forces that are
aimed at the destabilisation of the national sovereignty of the people of
Zimbabwe," the party's national organiser, Ntsie Mohloa, said in a

"The PAC is in no doubt that South Africa has been used by reactionary
forces as a springboard to destabilise the revolutionary gains of [the]
people's government of Zimbabwe. At the same time, Cosatu has been
consistent in presenting itself as an agent of reactionary force in South

The PAC has often expressed itself in favour of President Robert Mugabe's
often-violent land-redistribution campaign that has seen most white farms
confiscated and given to party cronies and pro-Mugabe war veterans -- many
too young to have experienced the conflict that ended in 1979.

Mosiuoa Lekota, chairperson of the African National Congress and Minister of
Defence, said his party was "a bit" embarrassed by the deportation.

"I know why the press feels very keen on this issue because clearly it is a
bit embarrassing to us as the ANC. We are part of the tripartite alliance,"
Lekota told reporters at Parliament.

The Democratic Alliance said it believes Cosatu was shockingly treated in
Zimbabwe, party chairperson Joe Seremane said.

Seremane said the incident shows tyrants have to be condemned, not

"The propaganda that Cosatu is working with 'Tony Blair's and well known
anti-Zimbabwe, pro-Western interests' merely highlights the fact that
similar charges levelled against the MDC [Movement for Democratic Change]
are vile propaganda by Zanu-PF against legitimate oppositions," Seremane
said in a statement.

"The incident emphasises the Mugabe regime's long-standing preference for
the use of strong-arm tactics to crush any possible threat to its rule."

The African Christian Democratic Party's Rudi du Plooy said free countries
welcome fact-finding missions, particularly from countries that are
favourably disposed to them.

"Zimbabwe has chosen to show its arrogance and underline its ignorance
pertaining to matters of state. This hostile act of a regime that has a
questionable human-rights record is not only directed at Cosatu but is an
act of hostility towards the entire South Africa."

The Inkatha Freedom Party said it was shocked by the brutal treatment meted
out to the Cosatu mission.

"If this is the way Zimbabwe treats a delegation from one of the South
African governing party's allies, one shudders to think how the Zimbabwean
trade unions are treated. It holds nothing good for next year's elections in
Zimbabwe and we call on the South African government to visibly engage in
talks with Zimbabwe, as quiet diplomacy has shown to be ineffective," said
the IFP's LK Joubert. -- Sapa
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Mail and Guardian

Cosatu member tells of Zim eviction

      Polokwane, South Africa

      27 October 2004 15:39

A member of the Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu) delegation
to Zimbabwe, which was thrown out of the country on Tuesday night, has
talked of the group's seven-hour ordeal at Harare International airport.

The 13-strong delegation, which went to Zimbabwe on a fact-finding mission,
arrived back in South Africa on Wednesday after being deported from

Simon Boshielo, Cosatu's international affairs secretary and a member of the
delegation, said the Zimbabwean government kept them at the airport for
seven hours without food while they expected to be taken to their hotel in

"They [Zimbabwean police] attempted to beat us when we asked for food and
they told us that this is not South Africa. They told us that we are not
going to get food. They said in fact they want to take us back to our
country," Boshielo said.

He added that when they arrived at the Harare airport on Monday, they were
shown a letter from the Zimbabwean government warning them not to talk to
"organisations like Zimbabwean Lawyers for Human Rights, the Crisis
Coalition and churches" if they wanted to remain in the country.

"The problem started when we defied their rules and organised to talk to
those organisations. Then we were told that we will be taken back to our
country by force. And we refused to leave the country, instead we demanded
that they'd better arrest us.

"We demanded to meet with the government to explain to them but it was
fruitless. Later, we were told that the Cabinet has decided to take us back
to our country," Boshielo said.

When they were meeting the Zimbabwean Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU), a
large contingent of police arrived and escorted them out of the building to
a bus.

"While were on the bus, we were under the impression that we were being
taken to our hotel, only to find that we are being taken back to South
Africa. And we were dumped at the Beitbridge border at 5am and it was then
that we took taxis to Pietersburg [Polokwane] airport," Boshielo said. -- 
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From BBC Focus on Africa, 16 September

How SA's unions fell out with the ANC

By Drew Forrest

In theory, the Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu) and the
ruling African National Congress (ANC) are allies in government. But two
years ago, relations had deteriorated to the extent that Cosatu president
Willie Madisha accused officials from the ANC of the government's National
Intelligence Agency of sending anonymous death threats to his mobile phone.
Cosatu was locked in an acrimonious struggle with the leadership of the ANC
over South Africa's economic direction. The reason was the government's
misleadingly named Growth, Employment and Redistribution (Gear) strategy,
under which successive ANC governments cut government spending and squeezed
the budget deficit to rein in inflation, part-privatised the state
telecommunications company, allowed parastatals to shed jobs in large
numbers, and insisted that it had no direct responsibility for rolling back
chronic unemployment, estimated at between 30 and 40% of the adult
population. Cosatu's response to Gear was a steadily escalating protest
campaign, culminating in a one-day "anti-privatisation strike" in late 2002.

A furious ANC leadership, with President Thabo Mbeki leading the charge,
circulated "briefing notes" to all ANC regions calling for the "ultra-left"
activists in Cosatu to be "isolated and defeated". Hostility was scaled down
by both sides after the ANC rank and file - in many cases also Cosatu
members - made it clear that they expected the two organisations to
co-operate. Black labour's close historical relationship with the governing
party has been a source of both strength and weakness. One of the ANC's
first legislative acts was to pass a series of statutes cementing worker
gains from the factory struggles of the 1980s - including the right to
strike and collective bargaining. But Cosatu mistakenly thought majority
rule would usher in a socialist, or at least a left-leaning economic regime.
It expected the ANC to retain and even extend state ownership of key sectors
of the economy, and to use its power for the benefit of black workers and
the unemployed. It reckoned without Mr Mbeki's fiscal conservatism -
essentially modelled on Tony Blair's "Third Way" - and his perspective of
African nationalism, which focuses on the creation of a black ruling class.

It would be wrong to accuse Mr Mbeki of callous neglect of South Africa's
poverty-stricken millions. National budgets have gradually become more
expansionary, welfare spending has risen and an expanded public works
programme has been launched to ease joblessness. In part, ANC officials say,
the relaxation of earlier fiscal stringencies has flowed from Mr Mbeki's
direct experience of township living conditions during the recent election
campaign. But it could be argued that the government's focus on building the
black political, professional and business classes, and to increase their
ownership of the economy, has been far more thoroughgoing. Its policy
towards the white business establishment has been cautious, aimed at
encouraging racial asset transfers under negotiated industry charters, and
the "greying" of corporate management. The foreign investment community and
multilateral bodies like the World Bank and International Monetary Fund
remain potent shapers of policy, making themselves felt particularly through
Mr Mbeki's International Investment Council.

Increasingly alarmed that the policy has simply given birth to a small band
of black multi-millionaires, Cosatu has campaigned for "broad-based" black
economic empowerment, under which companies improve working conditions while
ceding equity to black entrepreneurs. In this scheme of things, the
influence of the labour movement has declined. Though still important, its
voice has become one among many for a ruling party that sees itself as
representative of all social classes. The view of Mr Mbeki and his inner
circle, revealed by the 2002 "briefing notes", is that the ANC must provide
political leadership, while labour's role is primarily to defend workers'
interests on the shop floor. The post-1994 period has been a difficult one
for Cosatu in other ways. Its membership has declined from a peak of about
two million to 1.7 million, but this conceals a far more radical shift in
the character of its organised base. Worker numbers in traditional
manufacturing and mining strongholds have fallen sharply as companies, often
responding to global market conditions, have slimmed down, restructured and
mechanised. Cosatu's recruiting arm has replaced them with members from
service industries and a ragbag of new affiliates representing bank workers,
musicians and sportsmen, among others.

In theory, South Africa has a highly regulated labour market. Conservative
critics, like the official opposition, the Democratic Alliance, make much of
the sweeping labour reforms of the ANC's first term in office, complaining
that they have served to scare off foreign investors. But with massive
unemployment and a relatively weak state, the reality on the ground is very
different. In line with world trends, there is a marked growth in informal
and casual labour in South Africa, which by its nature presents the unions
with an organising nightmare. Government statistics suggest that of an
economically active population of 15 million, about seven million people are
formally employed, five million are jobless and three million are in the
informal economy, barely subsisting in such trades as hawking, pavement
shoe-mending and pirate taxi-driving. Sympathetic observers say the labour
movement's survival may depend, in the first instance, on its ability to
render better services to a working population now more preoccupied with
living standards than political rights. Currently an uneasy truce, Cosatu's
alliance with the ruling party is likely to become more fraught in the years
ahead. At some point - particularly if economic conditions worsen - the
federation may decide it has more to gain by striking off alone than relying
on the ANC to fight its political battles.
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Business in Africa

Zim government plans resources grab

Published: 27-OCT-04

Tensions are simmering in Zimbabwe's mining industry over government plans
to redistribute ownership to local players - and the Chinese. By Thabo

Trouble is brewing in Zimbabwe's mining industry over a proposed new bill
that seeks to give 50% control of the country's mines to indigenous players,
with South African mining houses set to suffer the most.

The proposed Mines and Minerals Amendment Act (2004), dubbed the
indigenisation bill, ostensibly aims to increase the participation of local
players. But the bill, first made public in April, has raised alarm in the
mining sector with its radical proposals, which local economists say could
lead to a flight of foreign investors.

Noting that foreigners still dominate Zimbabwe's mining sector, Chamber of
Mines president Ian Saunders says propos-als for 50% ownership are "way over
the top", and is proposing 25% over a 10-year period.

Adding to the rumblings is the fact that South African mining giants Impala
Platinum (Implats) and Anglo Platinum are facing new competition from China.
Officials who attended a bilateral trade meeting between Zimbabwe and China
in Beijing last month said the former had made an undertaking to ensure
China gets a share of the platinum pie.

Implats, the world's second largest platinum producer, owns 83% of Zimplats,
a company that holds around 165 million oz of platinum in the Great Dyke. It
also has a direct and indirect stake of about 80% in Makwiro Platinum that,
in turn, owns the Selous metallurgical plant, Hartley Platinum and its
infrastructure, and the Ngezi platinum mine. Implats also has a 50% stake in
Zimbabwe's Mimosa mine.

Anglo Platinum has approved capital expenditure of $84 million for its Unki
Mine project near Shurugwi. Unki is expected to add total additional
production of some 58,000 oz per year to Anglo Platinum's total output by

A minister said the government will "find a way to accommodate the Chinese"
and hinted that the new legislation could be used to create a platform for
their participation in partnership with locals.

"It is difficult for Zimbabwe to ignore China's needs because it has a
growing motor industry and therefore needs platinum. Zimbabwe needs the
Chinese, but because earlier loans are still outstanding, they have put
forward their demands which we will consider in due course," said the

Zimplats says it supports the government's endeavors to encourage
Zimbabweans to acquire meaningful investments in major companies operating
in key sectors of the economy and has already agreed to place 15% to
Nkululeko Rusununguko Mining Company of Zimbabwe, which was nominated by the

AngloPlat has also undertaken to offer 20% of its Unki project to local

The mining sector, like all sectors of Zimbabwe's economy, has been in
free-fall - largely through government mismanagement. The mining sector's
contribution to Gross Domestic Product (GDP), which stood at 8,8% in 1980,
has declined to an all-time low of 1.4% in 2003, but South African capital,
coupled with deliberate expansionist policies by the Reserve Bank of
Zimbabwe, has seen a significant recovery in the sector.

The RBZ has dropped the 3% royalty on gold mining and is considering cutting
the corporate tax rate to 15% from its current 25%. In July, the gold price
also increased to Z$85 000 per gram (US$472/oz).

With the mining companies receiving 75% of their earnings in foreign
currency, Zimbabwe's mining sector has actually prospered in the past two
years while the rest of the economy has slumped.

The Chamber of Mines' Saunders has expressed fears that the proposed
legislation will scare away foreign investors, saying "there are a number of
ongoing projects from the international community, of which six are at an
advanced stage."

Metallon Resources has proposed to invest close to US$15 million in the
acquisition and expansion of its Zimbabwean mines. Implats, for its part,
has pledged about US$700 million to develop its platinum mines in Zimbabwe
over a five-year period, according to Chief Executive Keith Rumble.

Anglo Platinum has said it will inject US$10 million into its Unki platinum
project in Zimbabwe before year-end, while emerging resource group, SA-based
Mwana Africa Holdings, will pour US$10 million into recently acquired Freda
Rebecca Mine. Mwana's other recently acquired mine, Bindura Nickel
Corporation (BNC), is evaluating a huge but low-grade nickel deposit in
Zimbabwe's Midlands province, where it envisages injecting US$90 million in
the development of an open cast mine at its Hunters' Road deposit. BNC is
already spending about US$15 million at its mainstay Trojan mine, where it
is deepening the shaft to prolong the mine's life.

London-based Rio Tinto recently received an export licence for its Murowa
Diamond mine near Zvishavane, enabling fullscale mining activities to
commence. According to reports, the mine has a 14,5 million-carat reserve,
equal to one year's South African production.

About 13% of the mine is owned by Rio Tinto's former Zimbabwe subsidiary,
now called RioZim.

Saunders has met government officials to seek clarification and has been
told that 50% ownership is not a definite number, but the government and
President Mugabe want to see the industry moving towards that target.

Mines and Mining Development minister Amos Midzi said the proposed new bill,
which is scheduled to be enacted before the end of the year, is going to
take longer because it has "generated a lot of interest, necessitating wider
consultations with all the major players."

Officials said the Chinese equation was likely to delay the bill even
further. Until then, the only thing Zimbabwe's mining sector seems assured
of is further uncertainty.
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