By Lance Guma
01
October 2008
The fear of prosecution for human rights abuses and looting
of state coffers
by ZANU PF officials and security chiefs is at the root of
the current
deadlock over allocation of cabinet ministries. According to a
senior
official in the MDC, several ZANU PF bigwigs who were responsible for
this
year's election violence which claimed the lives of over 131 opposition
activists are reluctant to have their party concede ministries which have a
direct bearing on their prosecution or immunity. In a series of meetings
held before and after Mugabe's trip to the United Nations summit, the ZANU
PF leader has been warned against conceding the Home Affairs, Justice,
Defence and Prison ministries.
Although speculation has often cited
other ministries like Foreign Affairs,
Finance, Information and Local
Government, ZANU PF's desire to cling on to
portfolios linked to justice and
security remains the critical stumbling
block. Other officials implicated in
illegal financial, mining and other
scandals have also thrown their spanners
into the works trying to stifle the
deal. Newsreel has been told Gideon Gono
who heads the Reserve Bank fears a
forensic audit into his tenure as this
could expose a lot of irregular
dealings. Speculation that Mugabe wants to
appoint Gono as Finance Minister
has added to suspicions of an elaborate
cover-up.
'Not only are we battling thieves who stole money from state
coffers, there
are those who killed people in the Matabeleland and Midlands
provinces in
the eighties. Some of these people were at it again in the
run-up to the
March and June elections this year,' the official told
Newsreel. 'Should the
MDC take over Home Affairs or even the Justice
Ministry, you can see why
they are uncomfortable.' While the MDC are
prepared to concede the Defence
ministry this they say should be
reciprocated by their control of the Home
Affairs ministry which controls
the police. 'In South Africa's first post
apartheid government, bitter ANC
rival Mangosuthu Buthelezi was appointed
Home Affairs minister as a sign of
goodwill, why can't Mugabe do the same
here?' the official
asked.
Meanwhile Newsreel has it on good authority the MDC are insisting
on control
of the Information, Local Government, Home Affairs and Finance
Ministries as
the pre-requisites for their involvement in any new cabinet.
Under their
proposals ZANU PF can retain control of Defence, Foreign
Affairs,
Agriculture, Mining and Justice ministries among
others.
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=5066#more-5066
October 1, 2008
By Our
Correspondent
HARARE - The Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) is
seriously mulling a
withdrawal from the current negotiations on the
formation of a power-sharing
government until Zanu-PF agrees to conditions
that ensure a fair sharing of
Cabinet posts in terms of the political
agreement signed on September 15.
Following a meeting held by MDC leader
Morgan Tsvangirai and his six top
advisors there are strong indications that
a pull-out from the talks on
establishing a coalition cabinet is under
serious consideration until
President Mugabe's party commits itself to
sharing power equally in the
proposed new government.
"It is apparent
that Zanu-PF is unwilling to honor the agreement in the
first place," said
our source, a senior MDC official. "There is an element
of contempt for and
reluctance to form a coalition government as the
agreement demands and the
people of Zimbabwe expect President Mugabe to do."
Tsvangirai, who will
take up the newly created position of Prime Minister,
has accused the
president's party of backtracking on commitments regarding
the extent of
power-sharing in the new government.
Despite spirited assurances by
Mugabe at the airport on Monday that there
was no deadlock over the
allocation of cabinet posts, our source insisted
that there was, indeed, a
stalemate over two cabinet posts - Home Affairs
and Finance.
A
meeting held between negotiators representing Zanu-PF and Tsvangirai's
party
late on Monday had failed to resolve the deadlock. The breakaway MDC
faction
led by Arthur Mutambara was not represented at the meeting.
Mutambara
himself is said to be attending a forum of young leaders in
China.
Zanu-PF is said to have offered the Foreign Affairs and Local
Government
ministries to the MDC on condition that they retain control of
the Home
Affairs and Finance ministries. Our source says Zanu-PF had
indicated it
could not shift from this position.
Following a similar
meeting of top members of Zanu-PF, legal affairs
secretary Patrick Chinamasa
said the president remained committed to
reaching an agreement as soon as
possible, and was open to further
negotiation on the division of the Cabinet
posts. There are reports of
simmering division within the Zanu-PF camp over
the power-sharing deal. A
clique of powerful security chiefs is said to be
critical of the
power-sharing agreement. So is the so-called Mnangagwa
faction of the party.
Mugabe told supporters, many of whom were
force-marched to Harare
International Airport on Monday to welcome him on
his arrival from New York,
that he expected talks on the establishment of a
new Cabinet to be concluded
by the close of this week. But the MDC official
said there were still
monumental obstacles to be overcome before any deal
could be reached. Both
MDC secretary general Tendai Biti and information
secretary Nelson Chamisa
said separately on Tuesday that any talk of a
cabinet comprising Zanu-PF and
MDC ministers being formed by Friday was
premature.
There were signs of simmering antagonism between the MDC and
Zanu PF, Mugabe
fired a broadside at US ambassador James McGee for
"interference in our
domestic affairs," and urged foreign diplomats not to
take sides in the
negotiations. He usually accuses Tsvangirai of being a
puppet of the British
and United States governments.
The Zimbabwe
Times was informed that Tsvangirai had earlier met with
European diplomats.
Mugabe also demanded that the MDC immediately call for
the lifting of
sanctions. He has accused the party of calling for their
imposition in the
first place.
Former South African President Thabo Mbeki, who mediated the
power-sharing
agreement between President Mugabe and Tsvangirai, is now said
to have taken
a leading role in trying to break the latest impasse. He is
said to be
constantly in touch with both Mugabe and Tsvangirai by telephone
and to have
demanded position papers to be sent to him.
The current
deadlock over the appointment of ministers to the coalition
government has
prompted both Zanu-PF and MDC to trade accusations of
unwillingness to
compromise on a fair allocation of powerful ministries.
While both sides
claim to be still committed to reaching agreement on the
cabinet, the gap
between their positions appears to be widening. The whole
episode has raised
serious concerns about the prospect of a coalition
government functioning
smoothly, given the distrust that persists between
the two sides.
MDC
spokesman Nelson Chamisa could neither confirm of deny reports that his
party was planning to pull out of the power-sharing agreement.
He
merely said, "It's our cake, we must share it equally."
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=5084
October 1, 2008
Harare (AFP)
- Zimbabwe's ruling party Wednesday rejected an opposition call
for ex-South
African president Thabo Mbeki to intervene to salvage a
power-sharing deal
after the two sides failed to agree on a cabinet.
Mbeki, whose party last
week forced him to resign in a separate power
struggle, mediated the deal
between President Robert Mugabe and opposition
leader Morgan Tsvangirai to
form a unity government.
The agreement signed on September 15 had been
hailed as a breakthrough in
Zimbabwe's political crisis, sparked after
Mugabe lost a first round of
elections in March.
Negotiations have
bogged down on forming a cabinet, with Tsvangirai's
Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) claiming that Mugabe wants to retain
key posts - believed to be
the defence, home affairs, state security and
finance
ministries.
After Mugabe and Tsvangirai failed to resolve their
differences during a
meeting Tuesday, the MDC called on Mbeki and the
regional bloc SADC to
resume their mediation to break through the
logjam.
But the chief negotiator for Mugabe's ruling ZANU-PF party denied
any
deadlock, saying no outside mediation was needed.
"Anyone who
says there is a deadlock is being mischievous. There is
commitment on all of
us to make things work," Patrick Chinamasa told AFP.
"If there was a
disagreement as is being suggested, I don't think it's one
that would
justify calling in the facilitator," Chinamasa said.
"If there are any
issues, I believe they can resolve them among themselves,"
he
added.
MDC spokesman Nelson Chamisa said the party had already contacted
the
15-nation Southern African Development Community (SADC), which has
appointed
Mbeki as its mediator.
"This is an urgent matter,
communication lines to SADC have been activated,"
Chamisa told
AFP.
Mbeki's forced resignation as South Africa's president last week
raised
concerns about the fragile pact he had brokered to divide powers
between
Mugabe as president and Tsvangirai in the new post of prime
minister.
Mugabe said Monday that a new government would be formed by the
end of the
week, but that now appears a dim prospect.
SADC spokesman
Charles Mubita on Wednesday said the group had not been
contacted about the
stand-off but said Mbeki was the "only channel" for
handling Zimbabwe's
crisis.
"If there is anything that needs to be discussed with Zimbabwe,
there are
channels, and the only channel is through the facilitator," he
told AFP.
"They will then have to get in touch with the SADC mediator,
which is former
president Thabo Mbeki."
Mbeki's spokesman Mukoni
Ratshitanga said SADC would have to "formally
pronounce" whether the former
president would continue as mediator.
However he added: "President Mbeki
will participate in any process that is
aimed at taking the African
continent a step forward."
Mugabe, Tsvangirai and MDC splinter group
leader Arthur Mutambara agreed on
September 15 to a landmark power-sharing
agreement.
The deal brokered by Mbeki was heralded as a historic
initiative to resolve
Zimbabwe's political deadlock and economic
melt-down.
Once one of Africa's most prosperous countries, Zimbabwe now
suffers the
world's highest rate of inflation, last estimated at 11.2
million percent,
leaving 80 percent of the population living in poverty.
http://www.telegraph.co.uk
Zimbabwe's opposition Movement for
Democratic Change today appealed for the
region to help break the deadlock
over the country's new power-sharing
government.
By Sebastien Berger,
Southern Africa Correspondent
Last Updated: 9:30PM BST 01 Oct 2008
An
agreement to create a unity government was signed with Robert Mugabe amid
a
huge fanfare last month, but the process has stalled over the allocation
of
ministries, despite a growing humanitarian crisis.
The deal was
guaranteed by the facilitator, the then South African president
Thabo Mbeki,
the regional Southern African Development Community (SADC) and
the African
Union.
With Zanu-PF demanding all key ministries, including home affairs
- which
brings with it control of the police - and finance, the MDC's
spokesman
Nelson Chamisa said it was time to call in the guarantors to
re-invigorate
the process.
"This is an urgent matter, communication
lines to SADC have been activated,"
he said.
But the chief negotiator
for Mr Mugabe's Zanu-PF party, Patrick Chinamasa,
rejected the call. "Anyone
who says there is a deadlock is being
mischievous," he said. "There is
commitment on all of us to make things
work.
"If there was a
disagreement as is being suggested, I don't think it's one
that would
justify calling in the facilitator." The situation is a key test
of Mr
Mbeki's much-touted concept of 'African solutions for African
problems'.
Augustine Chihuri, the police commissioner and a key
Mugabe ally, was quoted
in the state-owned Herald newspaper saying "We need
to work together and
forego our minor political differences," but in the
Zanu- PF mindset such a
comment could be interpreted as 'the MDC needs to
drop all its demands'.
A source close to the process in Harare said:
"Zanu PF is grossly
unreasonable and silly to think they can get away with
this.
"If there is no resolution then SADC will intervene and we can then
expect
Mbeki will come to Harare. He knows exactly what is going
on.
"Tsvangirai is quite right to insist on the outstanding
ministries."
But Western diplomats have warned that the guarantees in the
power- sharing
agreement were 'paper-thin', and there is little or nothing
the regional
groups can do to ensure compliance, even assuming that they
want to.
Mr Mbeki's own impact as a facilitator will inevitably be
weakened by his
ouster as South Africa's president last week, and he was
long criticised for
failing to act to end Zimbabwe's turmoil over many
years.
Reuters
Wed 1 Oct 2008,
11:14 GMT
By Cris Chinaka
HARARE (Reuters) - Former South African
President Thabo Mbeki has not yet
agreed to continue mediating power-sharing
talks between Zimbabwe President
Robert Mugabe and the opposition, a South
African official said on
Wednesday.
Mbeki's role in the process, now
deadlocked over cabinet appointments, has
been in doubt since he was ousted
earlier this month by his ruling African
National Congress after accusations
of meddling in the graft case against
ANC leader Jacob Zuma.
The
15-nation Southern African Development Community, which mandated Mbeki
in
2007 to mediate in Zimbabwe, said the resignation would have no impact on
his role as a mediator. The ANC also indicated support for Mbeki to
continue.
"He hasn't made that pronouncement," Thabang Chiloane, a
spokesman for
Mbeki's successor, President Kgalema Motlanthe, said when
asked if the
deposed leader had agreed to keep mediating in Zimbabwe's
political crisis.
Frank Chikane, the director general in the Presidency,
was speaking with
Mbeki about carrying on as head of the mediation team, the
spokesman said.
It is unclear who would fill Mbeki's shoes if he dropped
out.
The former South African ruler helped end conflicts in Ivory Coast
and other
parts of the continent.
Mbeki faced criticism for not
taking a tougher stand on Mugabe. But he
scored a coup by mediating a
power-sharing deal.
"His appointment as the main facilitator in the
political situation in
Zimbabwe had nothing to do with his position as
President of the Republic of
South Africa," said SADC spokesman Charles
Mubita.
IMPASSE
The talks between Mugabe's ruling ZANU-PF and the
opposition Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) have reached an impasse over
who will control key
ministries in the unity government to be established
under the September 15
power-sharing deal
A meeting between Mugabe
and MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai on Tuesday failed
to lead to a
breakthrough.
"I don't think the whole deal is in danger over this, but
Mbeki may need to
get involved again especially if the deadlock continues
for another week or
so," said Lovemore Madhuku, chairman of the National
Constitutional Assembly
(NCA), a political pressure group.
The
opposition won a majority of the seats in the March parliamentary
election,
ending ZANU-PF's 28-year control of the assembly. Tsvangirai and
his
officials, however, say ZANU-PF is trying to assign the opposition a
junior
role in government.
Mugabe's party has taken a more optimistic view of
the talks, saying a deal
is imminent and the impasse not serious.
"We
need to work together and forego our minor political differences,"
Augustine
Chihuri, the police commissioner-general and a close Mugabe ally,
was quoted
as saying in the state-run Herald newspaper on Wednesday.
By Tichaona
Sibanda
1 October 2008
Hardliners from the MDC, frustrated by lack of
progress in the sharing of
key cabinet portfolios are reportedly urging the
party leadership to walk
away from the unity deal if there are no
concessions from ZANU PF.
While the majority of the party's big hitters
have so far backed Morgan
Tsvangirai for not caving in to Robert Mugabe's
demands to control key
ministries in a new government, hawks within the
party are becoming
increasingly frustrated by the lack of progress.
A
source in Harare told Newsreel the majority of MDC MPs are from urban
constituencies that have borne the brunt of the country's economic crisis.
The MDC controls almost all urban constituencies where supply of electricity
is now down to four hours a day. Water shortages and sewage flowing through
the streets of most towns and cities have become part of daily life. The
living conditions for most Zimbabweans are becoming more and more
intolerable.
Following the collapse of the latest round of talks
between Mugabe and
Tsvangirai on Tuesday, reports said the MDC was seriously
mulling a
withdrawal from the negotiations. Talks will only resume once
Zanu-PF agrees
to conditions that ensure a fair sharing of cabinet posts in
terms of the
political agreement signed on September 15.
'There is
intense debate among the party leadership on what to do next after
yesterday's (Tuesday) failure by the two leaders to agree on the sharing of
ministries. There are those who want out and whe have those who want to give
the deal a chance, so they're equally split on the next course of action,'
our source said.
Meanwhile Reuters reports that former South African
President Thabo Mbeki
has not yet agreed to continue mediating power-sharing
talks between Mugabe
and Tsvangirai.
A South African official told
the news agency on Wednesday that Mbeki has
not yet made his intensions
known since stepping down as president.
"He hasn't made that
pronouncement," Thabang Chiloane, a spokesman for Mbeki's
successor,
President Kgalema Motlanthe, said when asked if the deposed
leader had
agreed to keep mediating in the country's political crisis.
Chiloane said
Frank Chikane; the director general in the Presidency has been
speaking with
Mbeki about carrying on as head of the mediation team.
Lovemore Madhuku,
chairman of the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA),
said he believed the
whole deal was not in danger over the stalemate. He
said Mbeki may need to
get involved again especially if the deadlock
continues for another week or
so.
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Wednesday,
01 October 2008 13:52
PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe's loyalists within Zimbabwe's
security forces have
threatened to resign en masse if any of their
ministries are handed over to
the opposition Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC) formations, in what
further threatens the formation of a unity
government, CAJ News has learnt.
Mugabe and opposition leaders,
Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara, both
of the splintered MDC, on
September 15 signed an agreement to share power,
which saw the 84-year-old
leader shedding a fraction of his powers to the
opposition for the first
time since independence from Britain in 1980.
More than two weeks after
that historic deal was signed, the parties are
still haggling over the
sharing of cabinet posts, from which Mugabe's ZANU
(PF) is entitled to 15
posts. The bigger MDC formation, led by Prime
Minister-designate Tsvangirai,
should get 13 while the remaining three posts
will go to his deputy,
Mutambara.
Sources within the country's security forces revealed to CAJ
News Wednesday
that their commanders met Mugabe at his State House in Harare
early this
week and told him in no uncertain terms that they cannot directly
work under
the opposition leaders, especially Tsvangirai, saying that such
an
arrangement would render the country ungovernable.
The security
commanders, who included Zimbabwe Defence Forces (ZDF)
Commander, General
Constantine Chiwenga, Zimbabwe National Army (ZNA)
Commander, Lieutenant
General Philip Valerio Sibanda, his Aiforce
counterpart Air Marshal Perence
Shiri, Police Commissioner-General Augustine
Chihuri and Prisons Services
Commissioner, Paradzayi Zimondi, are said to
have accused the MDC leader of
having a clear vendetta against most of them.
All these have previously
vowed that they will not salute Tsvangirai even if
he were voted the
country's new leader and have been accused by the
opposition of having
dovetailed their subordinates into brutalizing its
supporters.
The
military falls under the Ministry of Defence, police under Home Affairs,
while the Prisons Services fall under the Ministry of Justice, all of which
are part of the key ministries that Mugabe wants to keep to himself in the
new government.
"They told the President that they will all leave
their jobs if he handed
over their ministries. They complained that, after
what happened in the past
eight years, it would be best for them to quit
their jobs. They said that
Tsvangirai is itching to try them for the alleged
brutalisation of him and
other members of his party during the past few
years," said a source within
Mugabe's party.
The MDC has in the past
published names of military personnel it says are
responsible for the death
and brutalization of its members on the
instigation of Mugabe, and has
previously vowed that it would deal with them
when it assumed
power.
Tsvangirai still maintains that human rights violators will have
to answer
to their actions, while human rights bodies in the country have
suggested
that government sets up a truth and reconciliation commission to
handle
cases of human rights violations in the country.
Against that
background, the commanders fear that Tsvangirai might use the
ministry that
he gets to pursue his "hidden agenda", in what they say will
turn the
security forces against one another and render the country
ungovernable.
Mugabe, who has previously relied on the military to
cling onto power, is
said to have promised the security chiefs that he will
not "betray" them and
will not hand over their ministries, in what has been
attributed to the
current deadlock.
Sources close to the negotiations
revealed this week that Mugabe, who is now
under pressure to appoint
cabinet, despite the deadlock, might do so with
the smaller part of the MDC,
which looks ready to assume power, as
Tsvangirai has vowed not to accept
terms put to him.
Nelson Chamisa, spokesman for Tsvangirai's formation,
has also rubbished
Mugabe's promise that the new government will be in place
before the end of
this week.
"We are still far from reaching an
agreement and as things stand, we might
not anytime soon. The issue is now
in the hands of SADC and the AU," said
Chamisa.
However, Zimbabwean
political analyst, Professor John Makumbe, who has
previously described the
power-sharing deal as "fragile", has decried the
deadlock, saying it is a
clear sign that the unity government cannot work on
its own.
"This
shows that the government will always need someone to babysit it all
the
time and that is not a way to work. No one will have faith in such a
government and investors will not be interested in coming to Zimbabwe," said
the university of Zimbabwe Political Science lecturer
By Alex Bell
01 October
2008
Robert Mugabe's ZANU PF party on Wednesday denied that the cabinet
talks
with the MDC had hit a brick wall, and rejected the MDC's call for
former
South African President Thabo Mbeki to intervene to break the
impasse.
Earlier on Wednesday, the MDC had announced it was asking Mbeki
to resume
his mediation efforts in Zimbabwe's political crisis, after Mugabe
and MDC
leader Morgan Tsvangirai failed to come to an agreement over the
distribution of cabinet posts on Tuesday.
ZANU PF's chief negotiator
Patrick Chinamasa told media on Wednesday that
"if there was a disagreement
as is being suggested, I don't think it's one
that would justify calling in
the facilitator". Chinamasa also snubbed the
MDC's announcement of a
deadlock, saying: "Anyone who says there is a
deadlock is being mischievous.
There is commitment on all of us to make
things work."
Meanwhile,
confusion still reigns over Mbeki's future as a major player in
the Southern
African Development Community. Not only was the ousted
president the SADC
appointed mediator in the Zimbabwe political crisis, but
he also took over
as chair of the regional body in August. Mbeki's forced
resignation last
week not only placed doubt on the strength of the
Zimbabwean power sharing
deal that he brokered, but also raised questions
over whether the former
South African leader would remain a key figure in
Zimbabwe's political
fight.
SADC officials have said Mbeki's resignation would have no effect
on his
role as mediator, while South Africa's ruling ANC party has also
indicated
its support for Mbeki to continue in the role. On Wednesday a
spokesperson
for the new interim South African President Kgalema Mothlanthe
said Mbeki
had not yet "agreed" to continue as mediator, saying Mbeki was in
his own
talks with officials in the Presidency about whether he should
continue in
the role.
Professor John Makumbe, a political analyst
from the University of Zimbabwe
told Newsreel on Wednesday that it is still
unclear if the ANC will allow
Mbeki to continue, but argued that Mbeki was
appointed as the mediator "in
his personal capacity and not as the South
African President". Makumbe
agreed that the confusion over Mbeki's role
"makes things very difficult for
Zimbabwe," and said the former leader will
not have the same influence over
Mugabe as he once had. "My fear is that
Mugabe is unlikely to treat Mbeki
with the same dignity as he used to when
Mbeki was still the head of state,"
Makumbe said.
.
SW
Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
http://www.iwpr.net
Analysts unconvinced by insistence that there's no deadlock over
unity
government.
By Mike Nyoni in Harare (ZCR No. 165,
1-Oct-08)
President Robert Mugabe returned from the United Nations
General Assembly
meeting in New York on Monday, September 29, promising an
inclusive
government in Zimbabwe, but commentators aren't counting on
it.
A number of analysts pointed out too many areas of conflict between
Mugabe
and Morgan Tsvangirai, leader of the Movement for Democratic Change,
MDC,
for the two to work closely together even after the formation of a
unity
government.
Mugabe was expected to announce a long-delayed
cabinet this week and denied
there was a deadlock in the negotiations over
the key ministries of finance,
home and foreign affairs and defence between
his ZANU-PF and Tsvangirai's
MDC.
The two parties, together with the
smaller MDC faction led by Arthur
Mutambara, signed an agreement on
September 15 to form a government in which
Mugabe remains president,
Tsvangirai is prime minister and Mutambara is one
of his two
deputies.
In a speech delivered at Harare International Airport on his
return from New
York, Mugabe talked of an inclusive government but also
launched a broadside
against the MDC's key policy positions.
He said
there would never be a reversal of his disastrous land reform
programme and
that no white commercial farmers who had left the country in
the past decade
would be allowed to return to farm again.
More fundamentally, he reiterated
his government's position that Britain, as
the former colonial power, should
pay compensation to white commercial
farmers who had lost their land through
expropriations starting in 2000.
In part blaming his partners in the
inclusive government, Mugabe said the
opposition should call for the removal
of sanctions.
"We want the same noise now from them (the MDC) for the
removal [of
sanctions] as there was when they blew trumpets for sanctions to
be
imposed," he said.
Analysts, who were reluctant to be identified
considering the delicate state
of the unity talks, said such reckless
rhetoric was likely to sour and
strain relations between the coalition
partners.
They said although the power-sharing agreement called for the
lifting of
targeted sanctions imposed by the United States, Australia,
Canada and the
European Union on Mugabe and his close associates, it was in
bad taste and
against the spirit of the talks for Mugabe to directly attack
those who
wanted pressure exerted on the government at the height of
political tension
in the country over violence and other forms of human
rights violations.
"Mugabe clearly has not changed his rhetoric and that
was very clear in his
speech to his supporters at the airport," said one of
the analysts.
"This was clearly a continuation of his attack on the
United States and
Britain in his address at the United Nations in which he
called for the
lifting of 'illegal sanctions' and said he did not want
foreign interference
in Zimbabwe's internal affairs."
The US,
Australia and the EU have expressed reservations about the agreement
between
ZANU-PF and the two MDC factions, saying that by leaving Mugabe as
president
it failed to respect the will of the people as expressed in the
March 29
elections in which Tsvangirai outpolled Mugabe.
Of the agreement, they
have said they will need to study it more closely and
observe its
implementation before they can decide on any financial
assistance to revive
Zimbabwe's stricken economy, where inflation is over 11
million per cent,
formal unemployment more than 80 per cent and there are
widespread shortages
of basic commodities and fuel.
At the airport, Mugabe denied speculation
that there were problems between
himself and Tsvangirai over key ministerial
portfolios, "We never said there
was a deadlock, so we will be setting up
government before the end of the
week."
There is also talk of Mugabe
facing resistance from senior officials and
ministers in his party who say
he has conceded Tsvangirai too much power.
The analysts said Mugabe's
statement on land also went against the spirit of
the unity agreement, in
which the parties determined to carry out a land
audit to stamp out multiple
farm ownership. That proposal was a direct
attack on security, military and
other senior ZANU-PF officials, most of
whom are rumoured to own up to five
farms each.
"It is clear," said one analyst, "that Mugabe will do
everything in his
power to protect his cronies. They will also not want to
have terms dictated
to them by those they still view with suspicion as
agents of the West."
Another analyst also noted as a point of difference
Mugabe's and Tsvangirai's
attitude towards the International Monetary Fund,
IMF.
While Tsvangirai and the MDC have called for close cooperation with
the IMF
and other multilateral lenders to kick-start economic recovery,
Mugabe's
focus has been on China and Russia, who recently repaid him by
blocking a UN
Security Council resolution by Britain and the US to impose
more universal
sanctions.
"That will also cause problems in terms of
international relations and how
Zimbabwe goes about seeking reintegration
into the international community,"
said the analyst. "That is why the MDC is
keen to control the foreign
affairs portfolio - so they can speak the
language investors will
understand.
"Closer to home, there will be
more squabbles between the two over Mugabe's
indigenisation policies which
will continue to scare away investors," he
said. "Remember the Empowerment
and Indigenisation Act which seeks to
expropriate foreign-owned mines is not
dead yet. It is a scary piece of
legislation from the point of view of
investor confidence and property
rights in the country.
"Then of
course there is the vexed issue of 'national healing', which is not
clearly
defined in the agreement."
Tsvangirai is going to have problems here
convincing victims of violence
that all is forgiven without a truth and
reconciliation commission. This
will certainly be seen as entrenching a
culture of impunity, which has
become the hallmark of Mugabe's rule. A
blanket amnesty is a hard-sell so
soon after the violence which accompanied
Mugabe's sham run-off election on
June 27.
Mike Nyoni is the
pseudonym of an IWPR journalist in Zimbabwe
September 2008
Download this document
- Acrobat PDF version (3.08KB)
If you do not
have the free Acrobat reader on your computer, download it from the Adobe
website by clicking here.
Executive summary
This discussion document contains an economic recovery framework for Zimbabwe, based on analytical work conducted by a team of senior Zimbabwean economists. It provides an overview of the post-independence performance of the economy at both macroeconomic as well as sectoral levels, identifying key constraints to past growth, and breaks these down into financial, legal, institutional and policy variables. This methodological approach is carried forward and applied to the last ten years in order to elucidate those factors underlying the economic regression that has taken place. On this basis a package of remedial actions is put forward, the adoption of which it is believed will trigger a sustainable, pro-poor growth dynamic.
One common thread which runs throughout the document is that of the imperative of restoring macroeconomic stability as a pre-condition for recovery. Specific measures that flow from this include profound changes to current patterns of both monetary and fiscal policy management in order to correct widespread distortions which have acted as impediments to savings, investment and production.
At the same time, with a view to sustaining in the longer-term the recovery that would flow from such stabilization, the team has advanced a package of reforms in areas ranging from trade policy, public enterprises, the financial sector, agriculture, manufacturing, mining, tourism, the informal and SME sectors, and the labour market. These are sequenced, prioritized, and broken down into short and medium to long term actions. Key considerations which have informed the analysis underpinning the proposed package include the need to ensure that growth is broad-based, inclusive and sustainable, and that it addresses longstanding problems rooted in the economic dualism inherited at Independence. Particular attention was based to the need to remove existing impediments to the participation of the poor in growth, and the necessary measures required to ensure this transformation takes place are detailed in the document.
The document also contains
proposals on how the country could best manage international assistance if
Zimbabwe’s traditional development partners, including the Bretton Woods
Institutions, were willing to reengage with and support its recovery and
longer-term development efforts. In addition, the role of the State in
supporting recovery is analysed.
The team advances a set of proposals
which it believes are necessary in terms of changes to the various ways the
State interacts with the economy and society.
http://www.zimbabwetoday.co.uk
Why the talks on a government of national unity are
failing
The Zimbabwe power-sharing deal between Zanu-PF and the Movement
for
Democratic Change (MDC) is hanging by a thread today, Wednesday, with
the
MDC for the first time considering pulling out of the negotiations
altogether.
The stumbling block continues to be the allocation of the
various Ministries
between the parties. I'm told that so far 27 have been
successfully
allocated, but four key ministries remain undecided. They are
Finance, Home
Affairs, Foreign Affairs and Local Government.
Mugabe's
Zanu-PF want Finance and Home Affairs, leaving the less pivotal
Foreign
Affairs and Local Government to the MDC. The MDC want the complete
opposite
arrangement. Result - deadlock.
MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai met with his
advisers today, and it was agreed
that if
Mugabe did not soften his
stance the MDC would opt out of any further
discussion.
Mugabe, now
84, is said to have been under increased pressure this week from
his
military commanders. They met with the President on Monday, when they
are
believed to have threatened a coup if they were told to work under the
direction of the MDC and Morgan Tsvangirai.
Many expect the familiar
figure of Thabo Mbeki, ex-President of South Africa
and the mediator of the
original talks, to appear at Harare Airport tomorrow
(Thursday). The MDC's
Tendai Biti confirmed that his party has asked Mbeki
to intervene once
again, and sources inside the South African government
confirmed that he is
on his way.
Mbeki will be armed with the backing of the Southern African
Development
Community and the African Union. But his influence may have been
weakened by
his recent resignation as South Africa's President.
Don't
expect miracles.
Posted on Wednesday, 01 October 2008 at 16:52
http://hararetribune.com/
Wednesday, 01 October 2008 05:51
The historic power
sharing deal in on the brink of collapse, barely three
weeks after it was
signed.
The sincerity of Zanu PF in as far as the fulfillment of the
agreed upon
objectives has always been questioned and it seems that the
chickens are
coming home to roost. Zanu PF is all about political power and
its
associated influence and ceased to stand for the people after it was
voted
it into office in 1980.
The fat cats in the party are not yet
prepared to cede power and authority
to their sworn enemies, the MDC and
were totally against the signing of the
power sharing agreement. The
deadlock over the sharing of key cabinet posts
has now been referred to the
principals, and talks are only to resume after
Mugabe returns from the UN
summit.
I am of the view that the old man had no business being at the
summit while
the country is in a state of limbo and there are no benefits
for Zimbabwe to
be derived from his attendance as long as the political
crisis he left
behind remains unsettled and unconcluded. But Mr. Mugabe's
ostrich approach
to dealing with problems in his home country it really
comes as no surprise.
As I have said, to him its all about power and
authority and wining and
dining amongst the worlds finest gives him that
satisfaction. Here is a
leader who was rejected outright by his own people
during the March 29
elections and resorted to violence and murder as a tool
to prolong his stay
in office, a man so inconsiderate about the suffering of
the masses, who
rushes to a summit whose deliberations are of no benefit to
the country as
long as the ongoing political stalemate is not
addressed.
The country burns as politicians squabble, there is no cash at
the banks,
electricity and water in homes, food in the supermarkets,
medicine in
hospitals and more than 90% of the populace unemployed. The
light of hope
brought about by the signing of the agreement slowly burns
itself out as it
slowly and painfully becomes clear that Zanu PF took
Zimbabweans and the
whole world for a ride.
SABC
October 01, 2008,
18:00
Richard Newton, Brussels
According to the President of the
African Union (AU) Commission, Jean Ping,
the world should give the stalled
Zimbabwe peace deal a chance to succeed
because the alternative will drag
the entire region down.
Speaking in Brussels, Ping said that he was
optimistic that the AU, South
Africa and Southern African Development
Community (SADC) would be able to
facilitate the correct implementation of
the deal. Meanwhile, his
counterpart European Commission President, Jose
Manuel Barroso, called on
the United States to adopt the amended financial
bail out plan.
Barroso, Ping and their commissions met in Brussels to
strengthen
co-operation between the continents. Uppermost in most people's
minds is
still the uncertainty in the global markets. Barroso called on
those at the
center of the storm to do the right thing.
Meanwhile,
back in the meeting rooms the two continents' commissioners
discussed
priority action needed on issues including migration, energy,
human rights
and trade.
http://article.nationalreview.com
Still no power-share in Zimbabwe.
By Roger
Bate
The heralded power-sharing agreement signed in Zimbabwe two
weeks ago
is likely to collapse today as President Mugabe's military backers
refuse to
give up any real power. The opposition Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC),
claims that President Robert Mugabe has failed to allow them
to have any key
cabinet posts - insiders tell me MDC will not get Home
Affairs and control
of the police; it was already expected Mugabe's cronies
would retain control
of the Army.
Death pervades Zimbabwe.
Political prisoners in jails are dying from
starvation as the one small meal
a day they receive, a cup of vegetables, is
not sufficient. Hospitals are
overflowing, the morgues continue to stack up
bodies - fuel is in such short
supply the bodies cannot be moved to be
buried. Aid groups say they are
still being harassed by security forces and
are unable to do their jobs,
even though the agreement allowed them back
into the
country.
Zimbabweans line up at banks for hours at a time day after day,
to draw out
as much as they can, but it is only enough to buy a single loaf
of bread,
and often no bread is available. Riot police with dogs stand guard
over the
bank lines, but do nothing to prevent black-market currency dealers
- and
inflation remains rampant.
The humanitarian disaster is the
reason that MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai
finally agreed to share power. With
no food aid getting into the country he
was desperate to end the suffering
of the Zimbabwean people. Former South
African President Thabo Mbeki
mediated the negotiations which produced the
power-sharing agreement, and
hopes were high at the signing in Harare in
mid-September. But while MDC was
supposed to get 16 of the 31 cabinet posts,
it was always uncertain whether
Mugabe would give up the ministries with
real power.
After a meeting
yesterday between Mugabe and Tsvangirai, MDC spokesman
Nelson Chamisa
accused Mugabe of demanding all the key ministries for his
ZANU-PF party in
the new unity government. "He wants to grab all the
resource ministries like
finance, home affairs, information, justice and
make the MDC a peripheral
player," Chamisa said. "We will end up in but out
of
government."
Earlier this week, Mugabe claimed a unity government would
be formed by the
end of this week and rejected suggestions that the talks
were deadlocked
over appointments to cabinet posts.
But deadlock is
the result. Chamisa wants action from the African Union as
soon as possible.
Some insiders I've spoken with suggest that President
Kharma of Botswana
take over mediation from Thabo Mbeki, to ensure that the
signed agreement
actually comes to fruition. Ian Kharma has been far more
outspoken in his
demands for action by the African Union against Mugabe than
has Mbeki.
Nevertheless, the agreement, for all its faults, is a decent
starting point,
and it is not Mbeki's fault that Mugabe is backsliding now.
The AU must
continue pressure on Mugabe to actually yield power - thousands
of lives are
being lost every week as a result of the inertia.
- Roger Bate is a
resident fellow at the American Enterprise Institute.
http://www.newspress.com
October 1, 2008 7:49
AM
WATERLOO, CANADA -- (MARKET WIRE) -- 10/01/08 -- The Centre for
International Governance Innovation (CIGI) released two papers today
outlining steps needed for Zimbabwe and the international community to get
the country back on the road to national recovery and sustainable
development.
Zimbabwe in Crisis: Mugabe's Policies and Failures
argues that despite
having become an economic and social trouble zone and a
political liability
to the rest of southern Africa, ''Zimbabwe remains among
the most hopeful
places on the continent'' given the inevitable future exit
of President
Robert Mugabe from political office.
The authors propose
five steps needed for the nation's recovery: (1) Rebuild
trust in
government, (2) Harness remittance and finance flows for
sustainable
development, (3) Resume relations with multilateral
institutions, (4)
Develop a land tenure and agriculture system to ensure
food security and (5)
Reform economic policies and institutions. The
international community
should in turn consider the following: improving the
United Nation's
assistance to displaced Zimbabweans, preparing economic
recovery programs,
providing adequate funding and encouraging and
facilitating the return of
the Zimbabwean diaspora.
Along with implementing and facilitating the
above measures, the paper
states that the key to recovery will be the
resolution of the long drawn-out
struggle for a successor to President
Robert Mugabe's regime.
''The country has one of the best-educated
populations on the continent,''
says CIGI Senior Researcher Hany Besada, one
of the co-authors of the paper.
''Its well-developed infrastructure is the
envy of its neighbours. Also, in
the recent elections Zimbabweans have
demonstrated their political courage
and commitment to democracy which
promises to pave the way for a post-Mugabe
transition towards a more
accountable and responsive government.''
In addition to this working
paper, CIGI is releasing a technical paper
entitled Picking Up the Pieces of
Zimbabwe's Economy. Both papers are
released as part of CIGI's Fragile
States program which is hosting a
workshop on Zimbabwe in Johannesburg,
South Africa on October 2-3.
Both publications were written by CIGI
Senior Researcher and Program Leader
Hany Besada and Nicky Moyo, Director of
Development Enterprise Africa Trust
(DEAT), a Zimbabwean-based policy
research organization.
To view or download a copy of these papers, please
visit
www.cigionline.org/publications
The
Centre for International Governance Innovation (CIGI) is an independent,
nonpartisan think tank that addresses international governance challenges.
Led by a group of experienced practitioners and distinguished academics,
CIGI supports research, forms networks, advances policy debate, builds
capacity, and generates ideas for multilateral governance improvements.
Conducting an active agenda of research, events and publications, CIGI's
interdisciplinary work includes collaboration with policy, business and
academic communities around the world. CIGI was founded in 2002 by Jim
Balsillie, co-CEO of RIM (Research In Motion), and collaborates with and
gratefully acknowledges support from a number of strategic partners, in
particular the Government of Canada and the Government of Ontario. For more
information, please visit www.cigionline.org.
allAfrica.com
GUEST
COLUMN
1 October 2008
Posted to the web 1 October 2008
Donald
Steinberg and Sydney Masamvu
The people of Zimbabwe have looked
desperately for months to the political
negotiations between the ZANU-PF
under Robert Mugabe and the Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) under
Morgan Tsvangirai to restore clarity and
normality to their tortured
country.
As welcome as it was, the agreement signed last week will only
satisfy this
modest goal if the political and civic leaders of Zimbabwe,
supported by the
international community, take bold steps to transform its
words into
actions.
In some ways, the agreement is painfully
vague. Its power-sharing
provisions, for example, seem to create two centers
of power, with Mugabe as
president and head of the cabinet, and Tsvangirai
as prime minister and head
of a new "council of ministers." While the
numbers of ministers for each
grouping was agreed to, key ministries such as
defence, home affairs,
finance, information, and foreign affairs are up for
grabs.
Further, the hope that Mugabe would see the agreement as a first
step toward
national reconciliation vanished even before the ink was dry.
His vicious
and paranoid harangue against perceived enemies foreign and
domestic at the
signing ceremony itself quashed any hopeful expectation. And
in case the
message wasn't clear, he then went on national television to
reaffirm that
ZANU-PF remains in the driver's seat and "will not tolerate
any nonsense
from our new partners," an overt threat of new violent
repression of the
parties that won the March elections.
But Mugabe's
authoritarian and divide-and-rule tactics cannot be allowed to
hijack the
accord and, more broadly, Zimbabwe's future. As Tsvangirai has
pointed out,
the agreement belongs to the people of Zimbabwe. Indeed, the
accord includes
much that can be welcomed and built upon, such as
commitments to an
inclusive process with civil society to draft a new
constitution, move to
new elections, and address dire concerns over the
disastrous humanitarian
situation, land distribution, political violence,
and the free-falling
economy.
The international community must show solidarity with this
process. Even as
the details of the agreement are being hammered out,
important steps can
already be taken.
In the first instance, the
international community must make clear that
targeted sanctions on ZANU-PF
obstructionists and others will remain in
place for the foreseeable future,
at least until there are clear actions -
not just signatures on paper or
conciliatory words - to shift executive
power to the MDC.
Planning
for large-scale development assistance should advance at break-neck
speed,
with the World Bank and UNDP playing key roles. But disbursement
should
depend on Tsvangirai getting full control over the economic
ministries, the
adoption of reasonable development strategies, overhauls
the fiscal and
replacing Mugabe's crony Gideon Gono as head of the reserve
bank. In any
case, Zimbabwe's economic and physical infrastructure is in
such disorder
that its capacity to absorb large immediate inflows of
capital.
It
will take considerable time and tough measures - including reducing
subsidies and cutting government positions - to squeeze multi-million
percent inflation out of Zimbabwe's economy. Meanwhile, the Zimbabwean
people will be expecting an immediate peace dividend.
To address
these expectations, there should be emergency projects to provide
food aid
and to help move the literally millions of people affected by
Mugabe's
displacement campaigns back to their homes, which will in turn
allow young
people to return to school, health programs to take root and
local economies
to revitalize. These programs should include assistance to
rebuild houses,
establish micro-enterprises and reconstruct basic
infrastructure.
At
the same time, the international community should help fund immediate
programs to create jobs - paid in hard currency - for the unemployed,
especially young people. While far from a long-term solution, it could prove
to be an essential investment just as it did last year when the UN gave $5
million to Sierra Leone to hire young kids to pick up garbage on the streets
of Freetown in advance of national elections.
Similarly, programs to
rebuild civil society groups should be launched
throughout the country.
Mugabe's divide-and-rule strategies have polarized
Zimbabwe over the past
years and destroyed the nation-wide character of
religious, press, labor,
academic, women's and youth groups. Strengthening
civil society will not
only help reconcile the country, but would also serve
as an important
antidote to the last years monopolization of power in the
hands of the
presidency. Similarly, program to assist the resurrection of
the judiciary
and legislature would also restore the balance of power lost
by virtue of
Mugabe's pernicious abuse of executive power.
The international community
cannot afford to stand back and either bemoan
the inadequacies of the
current power-sharing agreement or allow Mugabe to
victimize his compatriots
in his cynical pursuit of power. If we adopt a
"wait-and-see" attitude, what
we are likely to see is a return to the
politics of violence, division and
repression that have come to characterize
the last years of Mugabe's
rule.
Donald Steinberg, deputy president for policy at International
Crisis Group,
served as special assistant for African affairs to President
Clinton. Sydney
Musamvu is Crisis Group's senior analyst for South
Africa.
VOA
By Darren Taylor
Washington
30 September 2008
United States officials
have made it clear that Washington won't fund
economic recovery in Zimbabwe
unless there's genuine political power
sharing. A recent agreement between
President Robert Robert Mugabe and two
factions of the opposition Movement
for Democratic Change (MDC) has inspired
hope that Zimbabwe may soon be on
the road to recovery. The country's been
wracked with political violence and
economic chaos for almost a decade. Mr.
Mugabe has in large part blamed the
West, including the United States, for
his people's suffering. President
George W. Bush has dismissed Mr. Mugabe's
ZANU-PF government as
"illegitimate." Analysts say Harare will have to
repair its damaged
relationship with Washington if Zimbabwe's economy is to
improve
significantly.
US officials are watching political developments in
Zimbabwe with great
interest, but analysts say they're adopting a
"wait-and-see" approach.
"Everyone wants to see if Robert Mugabe is truly
going to share power with
Morgan Tsvangirai. That's the big question. If
there are concrete
indications that some power at least is shifting in
Zimbabwe, then I think
we are likely to see more pronouncements from
countries such as the US,"
says Professor Pieter Fourie, the head of the
University of Johannesburg's
political science department.
As the
euphoria has faded following the signing of the pact, Fourie says the
complexity of the situation has revealed itself in the "grim reality" of
negotiating for cabinet posts between the opposing camps.
Many in
Zimbabwe and in the international community are skeptical that Mr.
Mugabe
will be able to put aside his differences with MDC leader Morgan
Tsvangirai,
Zimbabwe's new prime minister under the terms of the
power-sharing accord,
whom the president accuses of being a "stooge" of
Britain and the United
States.
Fourie says it appears the deal is "unraveling" and that if this
is indeed
the case, Zimbabwe will continue to be deprived of Washington's
essential
financial support.
Anti-West diatribes
During his
speech at a function acknowledging the power-sharing pact, Mr.
Mugabe
continued his railing against Western "forces" he says are meddling
in his
country and cooperating with Tsvangirai in trying to exploit
Zimbabwe.
"The problem we have had is a problem that has been created
by former
colonial powers, who wanted to continue to interfere in our
domestic affairs
and continue to have a share of our natural resources," Mr.
Mugabe stated.
ZANU-PF bitterness towards the United States increased
during the first
round of elections, when Washington's ambassador in Harare,
James McGee,
clashed repeatedly with the authorities as a result of
political violence in
Zimbabwe. The diplomat accused Mr. Mugabe's forces of
brutality and repeated
the charges as ZANU-PF supporters attacked MDC
supporters before the June
run-off poll. After Mr. Mugabe had won the
run-off unopposed and once again
declared himself president, President Bush
made it clear that Washington did
not consider this to be a legitimate
expression of the will of the
Zimbabwean people.
"I think the Bush
administration has been right to tell it like it is, to be
honest about
repression in Zimbabwe," says Michelle Gavin, a member of the
US Council on
Foreign Relations and the author of her organization's Special
Report on
Zimbabwe.
She is, however, convinced that the US government's constant,
direct and
strong "condemnation of Robert Mugabe specifically - in sort of
an
individualized attack and letting that be the main message - maybe was a
bit
of a mistake."
Gavin says rather than attacking Mr. Mugabe, the
US could perhaps have
focused on providing more aid to the people of
Zimbabwe and mobilizing
international help for the country's
inhabitants.
She says President Mugabe has used the vehement criticism
against him by
Washington and others to his advantage. Gavin says he's been
"quite good at
spinning out this narrative in which all of the problems in
Zimbabwe - which
are really largely the result of gross economic
mismanagement and
corruption - are the result of some kind of Western
neo-colonial
conspiracy."
Gavin says Washington sometimes made it
sound as if US policy was just about
condemning Mr. Mugabe, rather than
wanting to protect the rights of
Zimbabweans, and this "inadvertently"
allowed the president to claim he was
a victim.
Throughout his
political campaigning, Mr. Mugabe alleged that the MDC was a
front for the
US and Britain. He continued this theme in his speech after
the agreement
had been signed, saying, "Why, why, why the hand of the
British? Why, why,
why the hand of the Americans here? Let us ask that. Let
us not ignore the
truth as we move forward.."
Analysts say Mr. Mugabe's paranoia about the
West is clearly evident in the
language used in the power-sharing accord
itself. Under an article entitled
"External Interference," the parties
commit themselves to "non-interference"
in internal matters and agree that
the responsibility for change in Zimbabwe
rests with its people and that "no
outsiders have a right to call for or
campaign for regime change in
Zimbabwe."
President Mugabe's hand is also seen in a clause that
implicates the US and
others in the suffering of Zimbabweans. For example,
it takes note of
Washington's enactment of the Zimbabwe Democracy and
Economic Recovery Act,
"which outlaws Zimbabwe's right to access credit from
international
financial institutions in which the United States Government
is represented
or has a stake."
The agreement says measures taken by
the US have "contributed to Zimbabwe's
economic decline."
Sanctions,
economy and human rights
Mr. Mugabe constantly blames sanctions,
especially those imposed by the
United States and the European Union, for
Zimbabwe's economic implosion, but
Gavin says the president is "totally
wrong" in this.
"Those sanctions really have nothing to do with the
economic crisis in
Zimbabwe. They are quite narrowly targeted to address
travel restrictions
and the assets of a very small group of elites in
Zimbabwe. I do think that
they were entirely appropriate. It makes sense to
isolate and try to put
pressure on actors who are repressing their own
people and sending Zimbabwe
into this downward spiral."
The
power-sharing agreement nevertheless calls for the lifting of all
sanctions
- something the US says it will not do unless it's convinced that
real
democratic reform is underway.
Washington denies that its policies and
sanctions have hurt Zimbabweans and
points out that it remains a leading
donor of humanitarian aid to the
southern African nation.
Gavin
acknowledges that the US sanctions against President Mugabe and
leading
members of his administration have had "limited effect. They're
probably
most powerful as a clear expression of condemnation more than
anything
else."
She's sure, though, that Washington will continue to press for
certain key
reforms in Zimbabwe, no matter which direction the talks on the
form and
shape of a new cabinet take.
"Basic respect for human
rights, and civil and political rights. No more
rounding up and beating
people for their political views. Accountability,
when incidents like this
do occur so that the perpetrators of these crimes
are held responsible in a
court of law. Freedom of the press. An end to the
manipulation of
humanitarian aid where one has to declare loyalty to ZANU-PF
in order to
access assistance, while others are denied."
Gavin says as far as the US
is concerned, "sweeping economic reform" has to
be one of Zimbabwe's top
priorities.
"The economy has to be wrested from the grip of the Joint
Operations
Command, this group of ruling party security elites who are
essentially
running the country. There will have to be transparent, sound
governance of
the economy for the international community to be interested
in providing
the support necessary to stabilize this catastrophic economic
situation,"
she explains.
US relations with Tsvangirai
Gavin
says Mr. Mugabe has made a lot of Tsvangirai's perceived friendly
relationship with the West, and especially Washington. But she's adamant
that "US policy isn't to be backing Morgan Tsvangirai because he's Morgan
Tsvangirai. There's certainly a desire to see the will of the Zimbabwean
people as expressed in the March election, respected, but then these basic
governance issues have to be addressed, no matter who is in
power."
She says the US will support Tsvangirai in the event of "real
reform" in
Zimbabwe, not because the MDC leader is a "darling" of the
West.
"It's really about governance issues rather than the specific
individual
ruling the country," Gavin maintains. She says if Zimbabwe begins
to change
for the better, Washington will be willing to provide "significant
financial
and technical assistance" for a recovery plan.
"That plan
would have to be multifaceted, it would have to multilateral. No
one country
is going to help Zimbabwe get back on its feet. It's going to
take an
international effort," she insists.
But Gavin says the US would be a
"robust player" in this international
effort, "with resources.technical
assistance and political backing to
address a range of problems, like the
stabilization of the currency, the
need for better economic governance.and
the critical issue of land reform."
VOA
By Darren Taylor
Washington
01
October 2008
Zimbabwe's recent power-sharing
agreement identifies fighting crime as one
of the country's top priorities
in the near future. President Robert Mugabe
and the leaders of two factions
of the opposition Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) apparently agree that
Zimbabweans are in danger from a growing
criminal class. Analysts say crime
has increased in the southern African
nation as economic degradation has
intensified. Zimbabwe has the highest
inflation rate in the world, and
millions of people are unemployed. In the
midst of this depression, a
leading crime researcher is warning of the rise
of "mafia-like" syndicates
in southern Africa as a result of the economic
and political crisis in
Zimbabwe.
"There's an increased likelihood of criminals, be they individuals,
syndicates or networks, using the country as a safe haven, probably
launching their activities into the region, using Zimbabwe as a platform,"
says Jackson Madzima, organized crime researcher at South Africa's Institute
for Security Studies (ISS).
He's convinced that Zimbabwe has become
"very attractive" to criminals in
southern Africa - precisely because of the
social, political and economic
instability that reigns
there.
"Criminals exploit chaotic situations," Madzima, who's originally
from
Botswana, states. "They know that there is a lesser risk of being
arrested
or being prosecuted so it becomes attractive that they base
themselves in a
place like Zimbabwe."
He describes the present
situation in Zimbabwe as a "cocktail of
circumstances" that's likely to fuel
a "surge in organized criminal
activity."
Madzima says Zimbabwe's
security forces, which should have been safeguarding
the country from crime,
have in recent years been "sidetracked" into
supporting President Mugabe
politically.
"Instead of fighting crime, the police especially have been
used to crush
(ruling party) ZANU-PF's opponents," he
says.
Ingredients for rampant criminality
The researcher says
"desperation" is the fertile ground from which a new
criminal class is
growing in Zimbabwe.
"A lot of people in Zimbabwe are desperate. They
don't even know how they
are going to get out of that desperation, so
criminal activity presents
itself as an opportunity for those who are
desperate to make a living."
Madzima says the violent conflict that has
been evident in Zimbabwe in
recent years has created the "impetus" for
future criminal behavior in the
country and in the wider
region.
"What has happened in Zimbabwe is that resources have been
diverted towards
resolution of political conflict. Resources may also have
been used to
sustain the conflict by those who benefit from it. But the
bottom line is
that such resources have become scarce for law enforcement.
This allows
criminals to thrive."
He says the "vacuum" of crime
fighting resources in Zimbabwe is just one of
many factors that could allow
for a massive expansion in crime.
The "high circulation" of illegal
firearms in Zimbabwe, according to
Madzima, is also a source of great
concern, as is the fact that many young
men and women have been trained by
government forces to use such weapons for
political reasons and have been
"ordered to kill their opponents."
In recent years, says Madzima, these
young people were "repeatedly
instructed" that they were "entitled to
exterminate those who hold different
views as enemies. They have been
trained to expect in a way to reap where
they did not sow."
In this
regard, Madzima warns of rising discontent and disaffection among
various
pro-Mugabe groups, such as youth militia and war veterans.
He draws
parallels with the situation in post-apartheid South Africa, where
many
people who'd previously been part of various violent anti-government
resistance groups suddenly found themselves "purposeless" in a rapidly
transforming society and were thus encouraged to join criminal
networks.
"Over a period of time, those people who participate in violent
activities,
whether they are political or otherwise, will in future be
inclined to use
such skills in criminal activities," Madzima
explains.
In a recent report for the ISS, the researcher writes: "South
Africa's
violent past set the tone for current criminal behavioral patterns.
The
blurring of political and criminal behavior during apartheid entrenched
a
culture of invincibility on the one hand and impunity on the other. It is
clear that the disruption of family units through forced removals and
political violence during South Africa's past provides one explanation for
the high incidence of violent crime. It is argued that the distrust for
authority and a lack of respect for the rule of law during apartheid fed
into the culture of violence."
Madzima says a "similar scenario" is
emerging in Zimbabwe, where the rule of
law is being ignored because people
essentially don't respect the police.
"The political meltdown has
resulted in state resources being diverted to
ensuring the survival of the
incumbent government. The widespread conditions
of poverty and unemployment
characterizing Zimbabwe now create a breeding
ground for criminal
behavior."
He says "probably the most daunting challenge" facing the
country at the
moment is the "rehabilitation of an entire generation that
has suffered the
impact of economic implosion and political violence (and
brutalization) by
security forces."
From a criminological
perspective, adds Madzima, "the challenge will involve
a concerted effort to
change the mindsets of a people who have lost all hope
and trust in
government and in its law enforcement and security
institutions."
Black market
These days in Zimbabwe, Madzima
argues, almost everyone's a criminal "by
necessity."
"It is becoming
increasingly impossible for people to make a living on their
salaries. To
that extent, almost everybody is participating in dealing in
the black
market to make a living. People begin to trade more (in) illegal
activities,
or illegitimate trade."
Madzima says even if there's sweeping reform in
Zimbabwe in the near future,
it's going to be "very difficult" to wean
people off the "habit of
criminality" and to persuade them to conduct their
day-to-day dealings
legally.
"Quite a number of Zimbabweans have
learned to hustle over the years and
such hustling is either criminal or
borders on criminality," Madzima
comments. "A large number of civil servants
and ordinary citizens have had
to learn to survive on resources that are
beyond their meager salaries, by
demanding bribes and being active in the
cut-throat parallel market. This
situation inevitably sets the stage for
future criminal behavior."
Madzima's research in Zimbabwe has revealed
that big business there has
developed strategies that are "blatantly
criminal" in order to survive the
country's economic crisis.
"I refer
to the manufacturing industry, for example, businesses that supply
goods in
Zimbabwe that are consumed by ordinary people. The economic
situation, with
the very high inflation rate, does not permit businesses to
profit by
trading legitimately. So they supply a black market."
Many goods in
Zimbabwe, says Madzima, are available "underground."
"Such goods are not
being channeled to the formal market, because it's
unprofitable. So to that
extent, business is participating in or at least
sustaining the black
market."
He says smuggling goods in and out of Zimbabwe has become an
"accepted way
of life."
"There is little business sense in trading
ethically and exclusively in the
formal market because as it stands, profit
is only possible when dealing
with contraband. Once the situation reverts to
normal, it is unlikely that
individuals and businesses that have been
hustling for a decade will
suddenly begin to do things properly. It is
conceivable that the smuggling
networks that are growing now will evolve
with the advent of a new
dispensation," Madzima says.
'Mafia'
threat
He says the security of the entire southern African region could
be
threatened by the emergence of "mafia-like figures" as a direct result of
the instability in Zimbabwe.
"These sorts of figures like chaotic
situations, or conflict, because they
are assured that law enforcement is
not as vigilant as in other more stable
societies. They use corruption to
infiltrate markets," Madzima explains.
"Mafia guys, or at least big
criminals, will find friendship with people who
are highly placed within
government so that their activities are not
targeted, or if they are, then
they have a reasonable way out. The
authorities turn a blind eye to their
activities, in return for bribes."
He points out that there are
precedents of this throughout history,
including in the United States, where
the mafia rose to notoriety in the
wake of the Great Depression in the
1930s.
"With the international isolation of Zimbabwe, the government has
had no
option but to look at alternative sources of funds in order to ensure
its
survival. Association with shadowy figures and other rogue governments
become the only viable option. Mafia figures thrive in these conditions
where they can sponsor a government so that its eyes are turned away from
their activities. The notorious Chinese and Russian mafia are known to like
using this strategy to establish new markets or consolidate existing ones.
Therefore, it is hardly alarmist to suggest that the region should expect to
contend with a surge in organized crime centered on
Zimbabwe."
Madzima insists though that authorities in southern Africa can
take action
to ensure that the situation isn't as dire as he's
forecasting.
"Regional organizations and civic organizations should
collaborate to design
solutions. What is fundamental is that the quick
economic recovery of
Zimbabwe would be a good base for any other
interventions. In terms of law
enforcement, resources must be pumped into
law enforcement infrastructure so
that rule of law is emphasized."
He
says it's "absolutely essential" that the Zimbabwean government halts "as
soon as possible" its use of the police as a "political tool.. The police
must be used primarily as an instrument to fight crime. That's the only way
to fight organized crime networks."
Madzima advises southern African
police chiefs to meet as a matter of
urgency to recognize the threat the
region's facing as a result of the chaos
in Zimbabwe and to come up with
strategies to prevent the rise of a
Zimbabwe-based mafia. Otherwise, he
warns, it'll be too late, and organized
crime will have established a grip
in Zimbabwe that will be difficult to pry
loose, with harmful consequences
for the whole region.
http://www.ekklesia.co.uk/node/7768
By Ecumenical News
International
1 Oct 2008
Christian students in Zimbabwe have urged the
country's new government
expected to be forged out of a power-sharing
agreement to ensure that
perpetrators of violence that marred a presidential
runoff election in June
face the law.
"Following a period of
violence, hate speech and polarisation of the
Zimbabwean community, the
country badly needs a healing process and to this
extent the new government
arrangement is a welcome development," the Student
Christian Movement of
Zimbabwe said in a statement.
It added that the new government should
"face the issue of transitional
justice, and the rule of law should be
allowed to take its course on those
who were behind the
violence".
Zimbabwe's presidential, parliamentary and local elections in
March were
generally seen as free from the violence that had characterised
previous
votes, but violence broke out in the lead-up to a presidential
runoff
election in June.
Robert Mugabe, who has led Zimbabwe since
its independence from Britain in
1980, was the sole candidate in the runoff
after Morgan Tsvangirai of the
Movement for Democratic Change party
withdrew, citing violence against his
supporters.
The MDC claimed at
least 100 of its supporters were killed, thousands
injured and tens of
thousands displaced in a campaign of violence. Mugabe's
Zanu-PF party in
turn accused MDC activists of torching houses belonging to
its
supporters.
The students' group said it deplored "the post-March 29
violence instigated,
organized and sponsored by the state against its
opponents".
Talks mediated by the South African leader Thabo Mbeki,
following Mugabe's
re-election in the disputed runoff vote, led to a
power-sharing agreement on
25 September between Mugabe, Tsvangirai and
Arthur Mutambara, leader of a
smaller MDC faction.
Under the
agreement, Mugabe is immune from prosecution for political crimes
during his
nearly three-decade rule, although members of Zanu-PF could face
the law for
such offences.
[With acknowledgements to ENI. Ecumenical News
International is jointly
sponsored by the World Council of Churches, the
Lutheran World Federation,
the World Alliance of Reformed Churches, and the
Conference of European
Churches.]
http://www.inthenews.co.uk
Wednesday, 01 Oct 2008 16:34
Zimbabwe's frail
currency plunged to record lows on Wednesday, a day after
Robert Mugabe and
Morgan Tsvangirai failed to break a deadlock over the
allocation of
ministries.
The Zimbabwe dollar depreciated by over 50 per cent as the
political
stalemate took its toll on the comatose economy, driving the cost
of basic
goods and services beyond reach of inflation weary
Zimbabweans.
Traders on Wednesday were quoting the Zimbabwe dollar at
between Z$700,000
to Z$800,000 against the US dollar under the bank transfer
rate from Tuesday
of Z$500,000.
On the streets, $1 was trading at
Z$3,000, up from Tuesday's figure of
Z$2,000.
Analysts said the
weakening of the local dollar is driven by inflation
expectations,
speculation and uncertainty over the power-sharing deal that
is teetering on
the brink of collapse because of a stalemate over the
sharing of cabinet
portfolios.
"The weakening of the currency will continue to be driven by
speculation and
uncertainty since the market continues to wander in the
wilderness in the
absence of a government to formulate economic policies to
reign in
inflation," said John Robertson, an economic analyst.
A
stalemate between president Mr Mugabe and prime minister designate Mr
Tsvangirai over the allocation of cabinet portfolios has been referred back
to former South African President Thabo Mbeki, the mediator of the
power-sharing deal.
The deal, signed by Mr Mugabe, Mr Tsvangirai and
Arthur Mutambara, a faction
leader of the opposition Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) party, is seen
as the first real step in ending a decade long
economic and political crisis
of the Southern African
country.
Zimbabwe battles a decade long economic recession of
unprecedented
proportions outside a war situation.
The crisis is
characterised by high inflation that is running at over 11
million per cent,
grinding poverty because of shortages of cash, food, basic
goods,
electricity among other basic necessities and high unemployment.
Critics
blame Mr Mugabe, in power since 1980, for running down the once
breadbasket
of Africa with ruinous policies, a charge the 84-year-old leader
denies.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Wednesday, 01
October 2008 11:47
Mystery still surrounds the whereabouts of two well
known MDC
activist's in Marondera Central Constituency who were abducted
towards the
27 June presidential one man run off. The two are Kainos Botera
{29}then the
MDC District Youth Chairman , and Portiphar Bakaimani {40}then
main wing
District Chairman, the Zimbabwean heard.
The
abduction's were carried out broad daylight and the witnesses
distinctively
identified a central intelligence operative identified as
Sydney Shonai who
was accompanied by five unknown others.Shonai is believed
to have been
leading the team as he is said to have gave instructions.The
operative team
was using a Nissan Hardbody twin cab.With the recently
discovered 18 bodies
in Wenimbi dam ,just about 10km outside Marondera , the
witnesses are widely
believing that the two could have been killed and
dumped into the
dam.
Resident's in Marondera , MDC supporter's and activists feel
the
police should have made an open approach to the discovery of these
bodies to
put to rest public speculation as to what had been discovered and
where the
bodies were taken to..Although the bodies could have been
decomposed there
is a growing feeling that although expensive, DNA tests
would have been the
last option to enable close relatives to give their
beloved ones a decent
burial if once DNA identified.It is a taboo to bury a
human being in our
Zimbabwean traditional culture without the involvement of
close family
relations.
Sydney Shonai , the centrai
intelligence operative has since been
transferred from Marondera to conceal
his clandestine operations and
whereabouts.Efforts by TheZimbabwean to
establish his new base are currently
futile sa it has been kept a close
guarded internal transfer.Under the new
political pact settlement between
ZANU PF and the two MDC formations , the
state security ministry has been
disbanded .Most of the remnants from this
notorious ministry are widely
believed to being rewardedly and laterally
being transferred to other line
ministries to suit the new government
intended outlook .Shonai can resurface
in any of the line ministries.
In the MDC circles, Marondera is
well known of its politically
motivated abductions.It is the provincial town
of well known Mugabe's
undisputable and loyal henchmen come from, Dr sydney
Sekeramayi, then
sometime Minister of State Securityand currently the
illegal incumbent
cabinet minister of Defence, Army General Constatine
Chiwenga and Air
Marshall Perence Shiri both grabbed farms.
Still fresh in the minds of MDC activists and supporters is the
bduction and
subsequent brutal murder of Jabulani Chiyoka {25} abducted in
2006 in the
Wenimbi resettlement area. Chiyoka was an opposition MDC ward
activist and
the abduction of another ward activist in the same area same
day with
Chiyoka was one only identified as Tafirenyika {30] who still
nurses
permanent life injuries.
THe unaccountable abductions and
subsequent discovery of the 18 bodies
in Wenimbi dam has sent shocking
chilling waves in the MDC rank and file
.The MDC rank and file believe it is
very difficult to trust ZANU PF under
the new political settlement deal .
They believe ZANU PF will remain glued
to its culture tf exterminating its
opponents for the purpose of political
expediency.
Addressing
traditional chiefs in Bulawayo before the signing off
ceremony , Mugabe
hinted that ZANU PF and the MDC were like water and fire
which would never
mix. THe guerilla leader has not condemned violence which
still hangs
gripping the nation.PUt to blame also is the RBZ chief Gono who
has been
printing money and bankrolling most of ZANU PF and government's
major
projects on high prioratisation level
By Violet
Gonda
1 October 2008
There is no new 'government' at present due to
the stalemate between the
main political parties, and it seems nothing has
changed as far as ZANU PF
officials are concerned. Admire Mukovera, the
deputy mayor of Mutare told SW
Radio Africa that Ignatius Chombo the MP for
Zvimba North, threatened Mutare
mayor Brian James and his MDC councillors
with dismissal if they did not
install some losing ZANU PF members in the
new council.
Councils can appoint unelected people to represent special
groups like the
disabled group but the deputy mayor said Chombo turned down
a list of
selected people that had been nominated by the Residents
Association. Chombo
is said to have instead appointed three ZANU PF bigwigs;
Esau Mupfumi,
Hlanganiso Matangaidze and Misheck Mugadza.
Mugadza is
the former chairman of the illegal Mutare Council Commission,
Mupfumi is a
member of Zanu PF's central committee, while Matangaidze is
said to be a
business mogul in Mutare.
The three appointed councillors turned up late
Tuesday afternoon when the
council was in chamber. It's reported Brian James
refused to 'entertain'
them saying they would need to prove which 'special
interests groups' they
represent. The deputy mayor said Mupfumi went and
called Chombo from the
mayor's office, "and Chombo intimidated and shouted
at our mayor saying that
if you don't want to install those people I will
jump in and fire your
council."
The Mutare Mayor refused to swear in
the three saying Chombo was imposing
them as special interest councillors
when they did not bring in any special
expertise or add value to the elected
MDC-dominated council.
However, the Mutare town clerk Obert Muzawazi from
Zanu PF is said to have
gone ahead and performed the swearing in ceremony
without the MDC mayor and
councillors, who walked out.
The MDC won
almost all the council elections in March but Chombo, who was
the Minister
of Local Government before the power sharing deal was signed,
has been
trying to impose unelected officials in some of the councils won by
the
MDC.
Just last month Chombo unilaterally appointed eight non-elected
councillors
at a swearing-in ceremony in Makoni district, also in Manicaland
province.
Chombo claimed the unelected councillors represented 'special
groups' but
the MDC said those appointed in Makoni where ZANU PF supporters
like
'Justice Minister' Patrick Chinamasa's wife Monica.
The MDC said
in a statement: "By appointing these Zanu PF losing candidates
as special
councillors, Chombo, is declaring war on democracy, on the people
of
Zimbabwe, on the spirit of togetherness and on the MoU signed by the
three
parties. He cannot be allowed to do that."
The party said it controls all
urban local authorities and Chombo is making
sure that the day-to-day
operations of the MDC councils are disrupted. "Zanu
PF is using a dubious
quota system to bring in 'special' councillors,
especially Zanu PF losing
candidates, which in several cases have enabled
them to reverse the MDC's
majority in the council chambers."
SW Radio
Africa Zimbabwe news
VOA
By Jonga Kandemiiri
Washington
01
October 2008
Open conflict has broken out between the
city council in Mutare, Zimbabwe,
and Local Government Minister Ignatius
Chombo over his appointment of three
representatives to the council - all of
them affiliated with his former
ruling ZANU-PF party whereas all 19 elected
members are from the majority
Movement for Democratic Change.
All
19 MDC councilors walked out in protest on Tuesday as Town Clerk Obert
Muzavazi was about to seat the representatives, Mutare political sources
said.
Chombo called Mutare Mayor Brian James earlier this week and
ordered him to
seat the so-called special representatives, threatening to
remove him if he
refused.
Typically such special representatives are
drawn from groups like the
handicapped to reflect their concerns, but these
appointments, like many
made by the central government these days, are seen
as an attempt to
maintain ZANU-PF influence following the MDC sweep of
nearly all local
government bodies in the March 29 round of
elections.
After the MDC councilors walked out, the clerk confirmed
Isau Mupfumi, a
businessman and ZANU-PF central committee member, Misheck
Mugadza, former
chairman of the Mutare Commission (which ran the city after
the government
dissolved the city council) and ZANU-PF supporter Tapiwa
Matangaidze. But
none of the three has a vote.
The MDC has accused
Chombo of meddling in local government in a number of
locations. He is said
to have reversed a decision by Harare City Council to
reinstate city
employees fired by the former Harare Commission headed by
Sekesai
Makwavarara.
VOA was unable to reach Chombo for comment despite repeated
calls to his
mobile.
Mutare Deputy Mayor Admire Mukorera told
reporter Jonga Kandemiiri that the
council will not take up any measures put
on the table by the ZANU-PF
representatives.
VOA
By Patience Rusere
Washington
01 October
2008
Humanitarian organizations in Zimbabwe are finding
it difficult to meet
surging demand for food assistance, says the National
Association of
Non-Governmental Organizations, adding that people displaced
by April-June
political violence have swollen lines for food
aid.
NANGO spokesman Fambai Ngirande said organizations such as the NGO
Consortium for the Southern Africa Food Security Emergency, or C-SAFE, are
gearing up operations. But many NGOs are finding themselves overwhelmed by
the scale of the need, he said.
One problem is that there is simply
not enough food in the country. The
Famine Early Warning Systems Network or
FEWSNET said in a recent alert that
C-SAFE, the World Food Program and the
government had planned to import some
1,164,000 tonnes of food to meet needs
through early 2009, but by August 31
had only imported 193,281
tonnes.
Not only are foodstuffs like the staple maize meal in short
supply, but
hyperinflation is driving prices many essentials out of reach of
ordinary
Zimbabweans. Some commodities are only available on parallel or
black
markets, and then only for hard currency.
Ngirande told
reporter Patience Rusere that food appeals have not generated
the hoped-for
response and rural communities stand in urgent need of seed
and other
agricultural inputs over the next six weeks if they are to get
crops in the
ground for the 2009 harvest.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Wednesday, 01 October 2008
11:49
MISA-Zimbabwe notes current efforts by the Attorney-General's
Office
to develop an Information Communication Technologies (ICT) Bill
through the
circulation of a questionnaire which among other considerations
seeks to
identify shortfalls in ICT related legislation in
Zimbabwe.
The Posts and Telecommunications Act, Access to
Information and
Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA) and the Broadcasting
Services Act (BSA)
are identified as some of the laws that will be taken
into consideration
towards the development of a national ICT Bill. The
questionnaire therefore
seeks to establish whether the three laws in
question have overlapping
functions and whether it is possible to
consolidate them into one Act.
It is MISA-Zimbabwe's strong
submission that in their present state
the laws in question and BSA and
AIPPA in particular, do not even meet the
benchmarks for the enactment of a
progressive and democratic national ICT
legislation more so as it relates to
the establishment of an independent
converged broadcasting, ICT, cellular
and telecommunications regulatory
authority.
The long term
viability of the broadcasting, telecommunications and
ICT sectors lies in
securing the independence of their regulatory
frameworks. The argument for
the independence of regulators in the field of
telecoms, broadcasting and
technological convergence is guided by several
regional and continental
covenants such as the African Charter on
Broadcasting (ACB), African Union
(AU) Declaration on Principles of Freedom
of Expression in Africa and the
SADC Protocol on Culture, Information and
Sport.
The
Independent Communications Authority of South Africa (ICASA) is
hailed as a
model independent regulator on the continent. It is
MISA-Zimbabwe's argument
that the manner in which the Zimbabwean regulators
namely the Broadcasting
Authority of Zimbabwe (BAZ) under the BSA, the Posts
and Telecommunications
Regulatory Authority of Zimbabwe, and Media and
Information Commission under
AIPPA, are constituted makes them susceptible
to direct political
interference. AIPPA through the MIC imposes statutory
regulation in breach
of the Banjul Declaration on the Principles of Freedom
of Expression in
Africa while BAZ is hostage to the whims and dictates of
the Executive in
violation of the African Charter on Broadcasting.
These bodies need to
be replaced by a truly independent communications
regulator that will
oversee these sectors. This new regulator's independence
must be guaranteed
by the law and must have financial, structural and
functional independence
in order to regulate the sector effectively and
impartially for the
development of the ICT sector to be guaranteed.
It is
MISA-Zimbabwe's submission that regulation should be undertaken
for purposes
of promoting freedom of speech and access to information. The
extent to
which a country is said to be democratic is the extent to which it
is seen
to actively promote free expression and communication between the
people and
their leaders through such institutions as the media.
We posit that
one of the ways of promoting free expression and
communication is through
the creation of an enabling environment for media
freedom through, among
other considerations, establishing a truly
independent regulator to regulate
the country's communications sector in the
public interest, free of any
political, commercial or individual
self-interest.
It is
therefore, MISA- Zimbabwe's humble submissions that the Attorney
General
Office and the government in general in its quest to come up with a
national
ICT Bill should be guided by the following principles that govern
the
operations of independent regulatory bodies:
there should be clear
separation of powers, with the government being
responsible for policy
development, an independent body being responsible
for the implementation of
policies and regulating the sector whilst
privately owned media concentrates
on service provision.
regulation should be done in the public interest,
with the aim of:
creating and maintaining order in the sector, establishing
fair competition
and quality service, promoting free speech, access to
information as well as
consumer protection.
providing distinct
legal mandate of the regulator's duties and
responsibilities, free of
ministerial, commercial or private control.
Involving every one, that
is, the executive, legislature, civic
society, business and the general
public in the appointment process of the
regulator's board.
01 0ctober
2008
The Combined Harare Residents Association
(
The conference made the following resolutions on the issues debated;
The Associations reaffirmed their commitment to enhanced civic participation and demanding quality service delivery across the country. The conference agreed on the necessity of regular meetings of this kind and the need to create synergies among Residents Associations and partnerships with other stakeholders across the country as well as the need for the Residents Associations to speak with one voice.
At the end of the conference, the
Associations agreed on a national action plan meant to operationalise the agreed
resolutions.
Chief Executive
Officer
Combined
Exploration House, Third Floor
Landline: 00263- 4-
705114
Contacts: