http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 01 October 2009 22:10
CABINET is deeply divided over the debt and arrears clearance strategy
proposal currently under government consideration, as Zimbabwe battles to
extricate itself from a huge debt trap.
The division between
Zanu PF and MDC ministers has left Finance
minister Tendai Biti's ambitious
debt-relief proposal facing stiff
resistance from his hostile colleagues who
claim it is "ill-advised",
informed sources said this week.
Biti has produced a comprehensive document on debt and arrears
clearance
which is under government discussion.
The proposal has sparked a
fierce row among cabinet ministers. The
situation is fuelled by clashes in
cabinet over the International Monetary
Fund (IMF)'s US$500 million
liquidity bailout for the country. Biti and
Reserve Bank governor Gideon
Gono as well as ministers are fighting over the
control and utilisation of
the money.
Sources said the political battle over Biti's latest
hotly contested
proposal has deepened infighting within the shaky inclusive
government.
Zimbabwe's total debt including domestic and
external arrears is
US$5,7 billion, of which US$5,2 billion is external and
US$413 million
domestic liabilities. The external debt of US$5,2 billion
includes total
arrears of US$3,6 billion.
Zimbabwe
currently needs up to US$10 billion for economic recovery. It
is officially
estimated the country needs US$45 billion for the next 10
years to recover
to 1997 Gross Domestic Product (GDP) levels.
In his document,
Biti proposes four debt and arrears clearance
options - which entail using
internal revenue inflows, resource-based debt
restructuring, Paris Club
debt-rescheduling, and the Heavily Indebted Poor
Country Initiative (HIPC) -
for consideration by cabinet. He however
suggested that HIPC was a better
alternative because the other options did
not offer Zimbabwe a "holistic and
viable approach to its debt and arrears
problem".
Biti is
proposing that Zimbabwe should adopt HIPC because it has some
advantages
which could reduce the country's debt burden by 90% after full
delivery of
debt relief. He says this is based on experiences of 35
countries for which
packages have already been approved and debt servicing
declined by 2,5% of
GDP between 1999 and 2007.
Biti argues debt relief would reduce
constraints on economic growth
and poverty reduction imposed by the
debt-servicing burden. He says before
adopting HIPC, eligible countries were
on average spending slightly more on
debt than on health, education and
other social services. Biti further says
the huge debt overhang is
increasing Zimbabwe's credit risk profile while
undermining investment and
growth.
"Once the debt is forgiven, the sovereign risk profile
is reduced and
the country becomes creditworthy thereby attracting serious
investors into
the economy," his proposal says.
Biti
yesterday defended his suggestion and challenged those opposed to
it to
produce a viable alternative. "It's a very simple issue. We have a
debt of
over US$5 billion largely caused by mismanagement, corruption and
theft.
Zimbabwe can't pay this debt. It would be immoral to use our little
resources to pay debts when our schools, hospitals and roads are in a bad
state," Biti said. "Those opposed to the debt relief strategy must come up
with an alternative. I need a viable alternative solution, not their
neo-fascist nationalism."
However, Zanu PF ministers said
they were determined to oppose the
proposal. Their resistance is apparently
informed by advice they have
received from senior Reserve Bank officials who
were uncomfortable with the
issue. The central bank officials' advice note
has found purchase among Zanu
PF ministers now mobilising to shoot down the
proposal.
Zanu ministers interviewed this week said they were
opposed to the
plan because it would turn Zimbabwe into "a desperate basket
case". They
said HIPC would worsen the current situation in the long term
and should be
blocked in cabinet.
"The problem is that HIPC
would open the floodgates to foreign
interference, not just in our economic
affairs but also politics," a senior
Zanu PF minister said. "It's likely to
be used by Western countries as an
instrument of regime
change."
Another minister said he was opposed to the initiative
because it
would "humiliate us beyond measure".
The document by top
central bank officials, circulated among
ministers, says Zimbabwe could
ill-afford to declare itself a highly
indebted poor country and publicly
announce this because that would increase
its "vulnerability" and credit
profile risk.
Zanu PF ministers said the other problem was that
HIPC depended on
multilateral creditors (international financial
institutions such as the IMF
and World Bank), bilateral creditors (Paris
Club) and commercial creditors
(London Club) which are controlled by
countries that have "imposed
sanctions" on Zimbabwe.
"To
the extent that predominantly the same countries who have imposed
sanctions
on Zimbabwe are the ones that have a say on whether or not the
country would
get help after the self-declaration of HIPC, there is no logic
in expecting
them to show mercy and debt forgiveness," the advice note to
stakeholders
says.
"To the contrary, the mere announcement by Zimbabwe that
it deems
itself as a HIPC country would most likely energise those countries
to even
intensify their sanctions in a bid to finally collapse the
economy."
Zanu PF ministers and monetary authorities claim
"Zimbabwe is too rich
to be poor". They argue the country has "abundant
natural resources" and a
"world-class" workforce to declare itself as a
highly indebted poor country
and go around the world carrying a "begging
bowl".
But Biti said their claims were "fiction". "This is
fiction, it's a
myth. The reality is we are a poor little struggling failed
state," Biti
said. "Poverty is there, even in leading oil-producing
countries in Africa
such as Nigeria and Angola, it's there in South Africa
and China, which has
been the fastest growing economy in the world for many
years."
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 01 October 2009
22:00
ZANU PF is in turmoil ahead of the party's congress in December
as
rival factions fight to control the central committee, the party's
supreme
decision-making body, and other critical
structures.
The escalating power struggles in Zanu PF have left
the party further
divided and weakened.
As the infighting
intensifies, the battle for power has shifted to
Mashonaland West, the
latest theatre of political warfare in the party.
The
Mashonaland West provincial executive has now threatened to resign
if
politburo members Ignatius Chombo and Webster Shamu succeed in imposing
their candidates in the Women's League, particularly for the powerful
position of secretary of finance. This has raised the stakes in the
jostling for control.
According to minutes of a meeting
held by the provincial executive on
September 28, the executive agreed to
resign if the politburo members
continue to interfere and bulldoze their way
through.
"Instead of our politburo members discussing the fate
of the party in
the province, they are suspending the workhorse of the party
like (Sarah)
Mahoka (Hurungwe East MP)," the minutes say.
"If
they want to rule this province alone, we are prepared to
surrender all our
party provincial positions and go back to the cells. Who
is the leader of
the province? Is it the chairman or politburo members who
were appointed by
the president or the chairman who was elected by the
masses?"
The meeting reversed a decision by the party's
coordinating committee
in the province to suspend central committee member
Jimayi Muduvuri and
Mahoka.
The suspensions were announced
at a meeting attended by senior
officials who included Chombo and Shamu. The
meeting was attended by only
two of the six top provincial members. The
minutes say Mashonaland West
provincial chairman John Mafa did not call for
the coordinating committee
meeting and thus it was null and
void.
The power struggle in the province has become vicious
ahead of
congress in December and is becoming increasingly explosive due to
rising
tribal tensions. Politburo members such as Nathan Shamuyarira, Shamu
and
Chombo were accused by rivals of trying to flush out Karangas from the
provincial executive and district levels to replace them with Mugabe's
Zezuru cronies.
A legislator in that province, who
preferred not to be named, told the
Zimbabwe Independent this week that at a
recent meeting held in the
province, Shamuyarira and Chombo allegedly told
them to remove all the
Karangas from top positions in the
executive.
The main targets, he said, were Mafa, Mahoka and
Muduvuri, as well
other influential Karangas.
"Shamuyarira
and Chombo told us to remove the Karangas - Mafa, Mahoka,
Muduvuri and
others in the districts. They said that they did not want the
Karangas there
and provinces like Mashonaland Central had already removed
them, while
Mashonaland East was in the process of doing so."
The MP
claimed politburo members Saviour Kasukuwere and Nicholas Goche
were leading
the campaign for ethnic purges in the region. Paul Mangwana was
hounded out
of Mashonaland West because he is Karanga and was forced to
retreat back to
Masvingo.
The September 28 minutes quote Mashonaland West
provincial secretary
for lands Themba Mliswa as saying Goche and Kasukuwere
had confirmed "they
dislike the Karangas and the Ndebeles". He said for
example in Hurungwe
District Council a Karanga was elected chairman but
Chombo kicked him out.
The legislator said there was a plot to
replace Mafa, who is linked to
Karangas, with Patrick Zhuwawo, a Zezuru, to
ensure Mugabe's nephew becomes
a member of the central
committee.
The Chombo camp is accused of trying to block
Mahoka, a Karanga, from
becoming the Women's League finance secretary to
pave way for Zezurus,
senator Ratidzo Gava, Zhuwawo's wife Barbara or
Virginia Muchenje. Sources
said Chombo has approached Mugabe to seek support
for their candidates.
Tensions between the Karangas and the
Zezurus trace back to the
liberation war where ethnic purges were
common.
Chombo and Shamu are said to belong to retired army
commander General
Solomon Mujuru's camp, while most of the current
Mashonaland West executive
members are aligned to the Emmerson Mnangagwa
(pictured) faction. Mujuru,
who is behind his wife Vice- President Joice
Mujuru's ascendancy to the
presidium, is seen as a Zanu PF
kingmaker.
The two Zanu PF main camps mirror the political
divide between Mugabe's
Zezuru sub-Shona group, which occupies Mashonaland
Central, East and West
provinces in north and northern-eastern Zimbabwe and
the Karanga ethnic
group, the biggest Shona sub-group, which occupies mainly
Masvingo and
Midlands provinces in the south.
For many in
the Zezuru faction, the Karangas headed by Mnangagwa are
seen as political
rivals.
Since power fell into the hands of Mugabe and Zezurus, the
Karangas
have been complaining of political
marginalisation.
After the 2004 congress, none of the top five
party posts were
occupied by Karangas, despite the fact they make up 35% of
the population,
with Zezurus accounting for 25%. Mugabe has also been
accused of loading
cabinet and other state institutions with Zezurus. This
has all combined to
create serious ethnic tensions in Zanu PF which are now
playing out in
Mashonaland West province.
Faith
Zaba
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 01 October 2009 21:58
MEDIA and
Information deputy minister Jameson Timba yesterday slammed
his boss Webster
Shamu for appointing new board members to various state-run
media
institutions without consulting him. Some of the new appointees failed
their
interviews for the Zimbabwe Media Commission dismally. Timba only saw
the
full list of new board members for six parastatals under his ministry in
the
Herald yesterday morning.
Sources who watched the main ZTV news
bulletin with the deputy
minister on Wednesday told the Zimbabwe Independent
that he was visibly
shocked when some of the names were
announced.
"The minister was totally shocked that new board
members had been
appointed to such important parastatals without his
knowledge and without
his input," a source said.
"Minister
Shamu did not see the benefit of my wise counsel in this
matter," Timba
said.
"Ordinarily, any minister benefits from having a deputy
to consult and
advise him or her. It is, however, the prerogative of that
minister to seek
advice (or not) from his deputy."
MDC-T
spokesman Nelson Chamisa criticised the appointments saying they
were
partisan.
"The people were fished from Zanu PF rivers and ponds
when there are
other rivers. These characters have been appointed on a Zanu
PF card," he
said.
Zimbabwe Union of Journalists
secretary-general Foster Dongozi said
there was no consultation within the
inclusive government.
Meanwhile, Chamisa and media analysts
have lambasted the
militarisation of Zimbabwe Newspapers, the Broadcasting
Authority of
Zimbabwe (BAZ), Zimbabwe Broadcasting Holdings (ZBH),
Transmedia, Kingstons
and New Ziana boards, which they described as
sinister.
In addition to the appointment of several retired
military personnel
to the six state-run media institutions, the most
shocking appointment, the
analysts said, was that of former chairperson of
the disbanded Media and
Information Commission, Tafataona Mahoso, to chair
BAZ which is responsible
for issuing broadcasting licences.
"This portrays a sinister motive.The way Mahoso has behaved
disqualifies him
from any institution, more so BAZ. He does not even qualify
to be chairman
of a burial society," Chamisa said.
Mahoso is responsible for
the closure of four publications, The Daily
News, The Tribune, Daily News on
Sunday and Weekly Times.
He came near the bottom of the list of
candidates in his interview for
the Zimbabwe Media Commission in
August.
The director of the Zimbabwe chapter of the Media
Institute of
Southern Africa (MISA-Zimbabwe), Takura Zhangazha said the
appointments were
arbitrary, more political than professional, undemocratic
and unnecessary.
"The army has no business in civil bodies.
Because of the negative
perception of the army, it would have been
preferable not to appoint them to
those boards. Militarising the media does
not help anyone," he said.
National coordinator of the National
Constitutional Assembly Ernest
Mudzengi said it was clear that Zanu PF
opposed media reforms.
"These appointments turn the clock back
in terms of reforms. I am
concerned about the militarisation of civil
institutions. What is the point
of having so many military people?" Mudzengi
asked.
"Is it not a confirmation that Zanu PF is still holding
the reins of
power? As far as the military is concerned, it is for its own
benefit?"
Dongozi said the military had no business in the
media.
"Journalists don't want gun-toters, serving or not, in
their
newsrooms," he said.
Faith Zaba
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 01 October 2009
21:23
THE Morgan Tsvangirai-led MDC has proposed that a new
constitution
should introduce proportional representation in parliament,
limit terms of
office of the president and prime minister, abolish capital
punishment and
reintroduce dual citizenship, among other human rights and
governance
issues. Zimbabwe has embarked on a constitution-making process in
line with
the global political agreement signed last September between
President
Robert Mugabe and MDC leaders Tsvangirai and Arthur
Mutambara.
The process has been dogged by financial constraints
and disagreements
on whether or not the Kariba Draft, crafted by Zanu PF and
the two MDC
formations, should be used as the major reference
document.
Zanu PF wants the draft to be the sole reference document
while the
MDC formations oppose that. It was against this background that
the MDC-T
came up with a position paper which the Zimbabwe Independent
obtained this
week.
In the paper circulated to the party's
MPs, the MDC said it had
developed key positions on what will
"self-evidently be contested issues" in
the ongoing constitution-making
process.
"These positions are internal MDC positions which it
does not intend
to impose on anyone, but as a significant political player,
it hopes will be
respected and taken into consideration in the
constitution-making process,"
the paper said.
The MDC
proposed that the new constitution should guarantee the right
to citizenship
of everyone born in Zimbabwe and to everyone who has acquired
citizenship
through secondary vehicles such as residence or marriage.
"The
Constitution of Zimbabwe should allow for dual citizenship at the
very
minimum," the paper said. "The Constitution of Zimbabwe should
guarantee
that once citizenship is granted, it cannot be taken away."
Dual citizenship was outlawed in 1980.
The party said it wanted
a constitution with a "strong and expanded"
Bill of Rights that provides for
both primary and secondary rights.
"The MDC believes that the
right to freedom of life should be absolute
and therefore rejects capital
punishment," the paper said. "In addition, the
right to freedom from
discrimination, given our history of discrimination
and intolerance, must be
broad to include the protection of personal
preferences. The MDC also feels
very strongly about gender equality. Gender
equality must not be a slogan,
but respected. Above this, a woman must have
preferences over her
body."
The Bill of Rights, the party proposed, should be
entrenched in the
constitution and no parliament should enact laws that
dilute the bill.
"More importantly, all provisions of the Bill
of Rights cannot be
amended or altered save through a referendum," the MDC
proposed.
On the emotive land issue, the MDC said the 2000 land
reform had
failed to produce a perfect outcome and, therefore, there must be
a
rationalisation done through an act of parliament that provides an audit,
a
maximum number of farms and a cogent form of redistribution based on the
principles of need and ability.
"The MDC believes that
issues of rationalisation of land must be done
through a land commission
established through an act of parliament," said
the position paper. "Having
established the need for land reform, the
constitution should recognise the
right of individuals to own land and
indeed the existence of private
property rights."
The party said under the new constitution,
executive power should
reside in the cabinet, the president and the prime
minister.
The president, the MDC proposed, should be elected
directly by the
people and should in turn appoint a prime minister from a
party that
commands a majority in parliament.
"No person
holding the office of the president and prime minister
should do so for more
than two terms," says the position paper. "Parliament
must have oversight on
executive powers."
The MDC has proposed the retaining of a
bicameral parliament with the
powers to impeach the president. It said 50%
of MPs in both the House of
Assembly and Senate should be
women.
"Election to the lower House of Assembly shall be done
on a hybrid
system of first-past-the-post and proportional representation
electoral
systems provided that the principle of gender must guide the
selection and
appointment of candidates," the party said. "The election of
the upper house
(Senate) shall be done on a proportional representation
based on provinces."
The party wants the constitution to
guarantee the electorate's right
of recall for MPs.
The MDC
proposes the establishment -- through acts of parliament -- of
independent
commissions such as Human and Peoples' Rights; Gender; the
Auditor-General;
Independent Electoral, Anti-Corruption; Land; Development;
Labour;
Children's Rights; and the Office of the Public Prosecutor.
The
party said the institutions should be independent and subject only
to the
constitution and the law.
"No person or organ of state may
interfere with the functioning of
these institutions," the position paper
says. "These institutions are
accountable to parliament, and must report on
their activities and the
performance of their functions to parliament at
least once a year."
On elections, the party said the new
constitution should guarantee
that they are held by an Independent Electoral
Commission (IEC) whose
members would be selected by MPs after interviews,
and should have limited
terms of office and should enjoy the same protection
and independence as
judges.
The IEC, proposed the MDC, must
be solely responsible for delimitation
of constituencies.
"The integrity of the voters' roll must be protected constitutionally
and
must be subject to scrutiny by citizens and parliament," the MDC
proposed.
"Election dates must be defined in the constitution, for example
in the
United States every individual knows the dates for presidential and
senatorial elections to be the second week of November every fourth
year."
The party also made proposals on how public finance
should be handled.
It proposed that there must be an
independent financial public
protector to oversee government finances and to
receive reports about the
handling of the funds.
All
receipts into the state and all expenditures, the MDC said, must
be put in
the Consolidated Revenue Fund which would be controlled and
governed by
parliamentary approval and oversight.
"There must be an
independent Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) whose
sole mandate is the
determination of monetary policy and inflation targeting
as defined by
treasury," the party suggested.
"The governor of the RBZ must be a
technocrat and financial expert
appointed by parliament purely on financial
competence, expertise and
experience."
The MDC also said it
wanted the new constitution to entrench the
independence of the
judiciary.
Constantine Chimakure
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 01 October 2009 20:26
THE
inclusive government has so far performed well in trying to
resolve the
country's multi-layered crisis.
This was revealed in a survey conducted
by the Mass Public Opinion
Institute (MPOI) in May to measure the public
assessment on how the
inclusive government was performing. Two thirds of the
respondents "strongly
agree" that the coalition government which was formed
last year has
performed well so far.
The inclusive
government agreement was signed by Zanu PF's President
Robert Mugabe and MDC
formation leaders Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur
Mutambara.
The survey was based on a randomly selected national probability
sample of 1
200 respondents representing a cross-section of adults aged 18
years and
above.
A sample of this size yields a margin of error of plus
or minus 3% at
a 95% confidence level.
The survey shows
that an overwhelming proportion of 87% are upbeat
about the performance of
the inclusive government, giving it a positive
rating, while 8% of the
respondents said the new government was not working.
About 78%
of the total respondents said they trusted Tsvangirai,
compared to 36% whose
trust lay with Mugabe.
The MDC-T National Council this month
held a meeting in Bulawayo and
resolved that the party should engage the
people on whether the party should
remain in the inclusive government or
pull out.
Going by the result of the MPOI survey, the majority
are supportive of
the inclusive government and might possibly tell the
opposition party to
hang in there.
The survey also exposes
a distinct regional divide.
The inclusive government receives
its greatest support in Mashonaland
West which had 74% supporting the GNU,
followed by Harare with 73%,
Mashonaland East 72% and Midlands
71%.
The Mashonaland provinces were the worst hit by election
violence and
other related disturbances during the pre and post-election
period in March
and June 28.
Analysts say the people in
those provinces were keen to embrace any
solution that would deliver them
from the dark past.
However, provinces with the lowest support
were Matabeleland and
Manicaland provinces with 53% in Matabeleland North,
54% in Bulawayo, 58% in
Matabeleland South and 55% in
Manicaland.
A political analyst, Eldred Masunungure who is also
the director of
Mass Public Opinion Institute, said the reason could be
because people in
the Western parts of the country, mostly affected by the
Gukurahundi
massacres in 1980s, yearn for a government that excludes Zanu PF
which they
blamed for the killing of more than 20 000 people during that
period.
"The people of Matabeleland have all the reasons to be
sceptical about
this inclusive government," Masunungure said. "They have
been dealing with
this devil (Zanu PF) in the past and they know what they
are capable of.
They still feel that some sections in the new dispensation
had a hand in the
Gukurahundi massacres and should not have been
involved."
He added that the people of Bulawayo desire an
alternative answer to
Zimbabwe's political crisis.
Of the
people surveyed, 82% gave credit to the inclusive government
for controlling
inflation.
Figures from the Central Statistic Office show that
the country's
inflation figures have dropped from 11,2 million percent in
October last
year to 0,4% in July this year.
Henry
Mhara
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 01 October 2009
18:13
COULD the clash between Harare Mayor Muchadei Masunda and Local
Government minister Ignatius Chombo be a build-up to a similar situation
that resulted in the dismissal of former Mayor of Harare Elias Mudzuri?
Should Harare residents brace for another Chombo-appointed commission, like
the one which was headed by Sekesai Makwavarara, to run the city as the
conflict between the two continues to deepen?
Mudzuri was
dismissed on the grounds of being "incompetent" after he
clashed on several
issues with Chombo regarding the running of affairs at
Town
House.
This time around it is Chombo versus
Masunda.
A number of issues have been at the centre of the
fight between
Masunda and Chombo and as the saying goes "when elephants
fight it's the
grass that suffers" - the residents.
Residents are confused about what is exactly going on and who is
supposed to
run their affairs.
At the moment the biggest clash involves the
Mupedzanhamo flea market,
which the council argues should be closed because
some of the people
operating there were undeserving and should be
removed.
They also argue that the market stalls should be
reallocated with
people like widows, the unemployed and elderly benefiting
and not government
officials, business executives and former civic leaders,
who allegedly
dominate the current list.
This prompted
Chombo to interfere by forming a five-member committee
chaired by director
of Civil Protection Unit in his ministry Madzudzo
Pawadyira to probe the
operations at Mupedzanhamo and other city markets in
Harare.
Chombo was reported to have said that only a
government-appointed
committee had the powers to close the market if need be
and the council has
since lost the fight.
Mupedzanhamo has
attracted attention from a number of politicians such
as Energy deputy
minister Hubert Nyanhongo, and Zanu PF politburo member
Oppah Muchinguri who
have been accused of meddling in council affairs.
Asked this
week by the Zimbabwe Independent about his role in the
council, Nyanhongo
said as a politician he was representing his people.
Nyanhongo
said: "Mayor Masunda should know that the stalls at
Mupedzanhamo were there
before him. He has no right to tell us politicians
to stop defending our
people. It is our duty as politicians to make sure
that our people are
protected, not harassed and mishandled by other
citizens.
"The idea is that if they want to remove people from flats in Mbare
they
should have a provision where to accommodate people while they do their
renovations - same with the stalls."
He said Masunda should
not abuse the inclusive government to do
whatever he
wanted.
"He should stop thinking like a small boy," Nyanhongo
said.
"If he continues doing that we will tell the people to
chase him out
of our office and we have the mandate and power to do so. The
Mayor is
nothing without the people. That office belongs to the people. He
should be
proud of Harare residents."
The dualisation of
the US$80 million Joshua Mqabuko Nkomo Expressway
(Airport Road) and
construction of the US$40 million Warren Hills Golf
Estate housing project
are other issues which Chombo and council are at
loggerheads
over.
Council resolved that the projects be put on hold because
proper
procedures were not followed and that the deals were crafted by
people with
vested interests. But in revoking the council resolutions,
Chombo said the
deals would benefit Harare residents.
In
July the mayor and the minister differed on the calibre of special
interest
councillors with Masunda describing them as lacking in capacity and
urging
Chombo to appoint people with the requisite skills like strong
engineering
and accounting backgrounds.
However, Chombo said he was happy
with his appointments saying all had
degrees in different fields such as
business, finance and law while others
were accomplished farmers and
businesspeople.
There were also clashes over payment of the
water bills in Mabvuku and
Tafara, with even the Minster of Water Sipepa
Nkomo coming to Chombo's side
and declaring that: "I am the authority on
water. It does not matter who
delivers it."
But Chombo has
since denied interfering in council business arguing
that it was a
"correction of errors".
Speaking to the Independent on Wednesday,
Masunda said it was "not all
the time that Chombo has got his
way".
He said: "We managed to bring back Engineer Christopher
Zvobgo and
Misheck Mubvumbi despite calls by the minister not to have them
back. He is
the one who created the problem that culminated in the dismissal
of the two.
We implemented them without a problem."
He said
a committee of the council was going to work with Chombo's
committee on the
Mupedzanhamo saga.
"A relevant committee of the city council is
now going to work closely
with the committee put together by the ministry.
The police are also going
to get involved in the restoration and maintenance
of order at the stalls,"
Masunda said. "We are not going back on our quest
but we want to do so in
conjunction with what has been put in place.
Clashing with ministers -
whether they are Zanu PF or MDC - are not
considerations in my mind. In my
mind, the interests that are at stake are
those that involve the
vulnerable."
He said Chombo had no
business to get involved in a purely
administrative matter while he
suspected that Nyanhongo's involvement could
be because of personal
interests.
"In the Ministry of Housing we interact with the
permanent secretary,
director of urban development and director of
planning," Masunda said. "The
minister should not descend into the arena
concerning the micro issues of
the council. Nyanhongo used to be a
councillor. He could well be one of the
beneficiaries. I don't
know."
However, the mayor was reluctant to discuss whether
Chombo's
counterattacks on council resolutions were acts of
sabotage.
Masunda said: "We are very clear on what we are
doing. It is for the
long-term interest of the city. Chombo, as a person who
is in charge of
local government, should be an integral
part."
"The unfortunate thing in our country is that people
have tended to
mix up service delivery and politics.
There is
no political will to enforce the city by-laws. In our quest
to restore
sanity we have to be mindful of the human side of the equation.
That justice
is not only done but is seen to be done," said Masunda.
He said
there is a list of people owning the stalls from the
department of housing
and community services which the councillors were
still
analysing.
Masunda said: "I have advised the councillors that
the time has come
and gone for you to make general allegations. I told them
to go through the
printout and produce the names of the individuals who have
had the tables or
stalls allocated to them for reasons that are not clearly
indicated.
"It emerged those special interest councillors,
Kizito Kuchekwa and
Lisbon Marufu, appointed by Minister Chombo, are some of
the beneficiaries
who do not qualify for allocation of a market
stall."
Wongai Zhangazha
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 01 October 2009
18:08
ONCE upon a time Agriculture minister Joseph Made took a
helicopter
ride to assess the situation on farms and told the nation that
Zimbabwe
would have a bumper maize harvest. By the end of that agricultural
season,
Made's comments came back to haunt him. The season was one of the
worst the
country had experienced. After that humiliating incident of
pulling figures
from thin air, he was discredited. Now, agriculture
permanent secretary
Ngoni Masoka is at it again.
He told
reporters in the capital on Wednesday that Zimbabwe would
produce enough
food to feed itself.
Masoka said: "Last year we were assisted
by South Africa with R300
million in December. We needed seeds inputs and
fertilisers. We are more
prepared this year than we were last
year."
Annually Zimbabwe needs 2,2 million tonnes of cereals,
according to
Masoka. Of the 2,2 million tonnes, 1,8 million tonnes is
consumed by
Zimbabweans while the rest goes to stockfeeds.
But Commercial Farmers Union vice-president Charles Taffs feels
government
is setting the bar too high for itself given the lack of
preparedness.
He says Zimbabwe is not prepared although the
rainy season is looming.
Taffs told delegates at an agriculture
conference in the capital this
week that Zimbabwe is headed for another
farming disaster saying resources -
mainly inputs - are not yet in
place.
He said: "The rains are upon us and we are still talking
about
agricultural finance. I have been all over the country and we are in
an
unprepared state. We need to be real with ourselves. We will have a
deficit
and we need to be prepared for that."
Taffs'
warning, however, fell on deaf ears with Masoka arguing "we are
ahead of
time".
Masoka's argument is premised on the fact that Zimbabwe
only got
funding from South Africa in December but still managed to have
enough food
for the country this year.
He argued: "We only
got the money on 20 December last year and got the
green light to disburse
the money on Christmas Eve and we did not go wrong."
From the
money, Masoka said US$24 million went into inputs, excluding
fertilisers.
Taffs said although government has secured
funding from the World Bank
and donors amounting to around US$300 million,
it was not enough to achieve
its target. According to Taffs, in the good
years the agricultural sector
would spend at least US$1,3 billion to produce
enough food.
But Farmers Development Trust chief executive
officer Lovegot Tendengu
backed Masoka at the conference saying there is
nothing to worry about.
Against such a background, analysts
said government could be gambling
with public confidence should their
projections go awry as what happened in
previous years.
Asked if capacity utilisation had improved on resettled farms, Masoka
denied
there were under-utilitised farms.
"There are many farms that
are doing very well. In fact, much better
than the (performance of) former
owners. I can take you around these farms
if you want. There is no empirical
evidence to suggest that utilisation is
lower," Masoka
argued.
The World Bank said it would channel US$70 million
through civil
society this agricultural season and is optimistic the money
will be put to
good use.
But Taffs believes the
agricultural sector is struggling because there
is lack of tenure of
security after the chaotic land reform exercise of
2000. Owing to lack of
tenure and apparent property rights violations,
Zimbabwe cannot access
foreign lines of credit.
So far Zimbabwe has secured only US$1
billion in foreign aid and lines
of credit from African financial services
group such as Afreximbank and
African Development Bank.
Farmers unions said lack of funding was an area of concern this season
with
speaker after speaker highlighting the need for banks to provide
lending.
A Zimbabwe Commercial Farmers Union official said
his members were
struggling to access funds from banks.
He
said: "Our members in Bindura have been denied funding by banks and
most of
them are now ready to place their houses as collateral."
Capacity utilisation in the fertiliser industry is said to be around
35% on
average.
Annually, Zimbabwe needs 500 000 tonnes of fertiliser.
Top dressing of
300 000 tonnes is needed while the remaining 200 000 tonnes
of compounds is
fed to the soil.
The electrolysis plant at
Sable Chemicals has been shut, but industry
players said they would import
all ammonia requirements this year.
Ammonia deliveries are
limited because of transportation problems,
industry players
said.
The National Railways of Zimbabwe has not been a reliable
service
provider for years and road infrastructure is in a
shambles.
Former agriculture permanent secretary Simon
Pazvakavambwa gave an
honest account of the problem dogging the sector and
what went wrong.
He believes farmers have been so crippled by
the dolling out of free
inputs that they cannot be proactive.
Government over the years gave inputs to farmers in a bid to stimulate
output in agriculture, but the trick did not work. Instead the resettled
farmers abused government fuel, fertiliser and seeds.
"We
spoiled our farmers so much that we disabled them," Pazvakavambwa
said.
He added that government's monopoly through the Grain
Marketing Board
worsened the struggling farmers' plight in the face of
hyperinflation over
the years.
National Farmers Union
president Monica Chinamasa says farmers should
ensure that there is food
security at a household level next year.
Chris
Muronzi
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 01 October
2009 18:03
SOMETIME early this year I was in an audience where the
speaker was
Professor Jonathan Moyo .
This was in a lecture
theatre at some university here in Zimbabwe.
Moyo was speaking on the
interesting topic of "Outstanding achievements that
have been made by
Africans" and also on "The current political situation in
Zimbabwe".
This covered chievements in almost every sphere
of human endeavour,
such as sport, music, science, academia and so on. As
usual Moyo gave an
interesting, amusing, well researched, thought-provoking
and intelligent
speech. He is quite an intelligent guy, all things being
equal.
During question time I asked him whether he was going to
remain an
independent MP or was he going to join one of the political
parties? Moyo
said that from his experience in politics one contributes
more as a member
of a team than playing it alone.
He went on to
say that he will one day join a party but he did not
know which one. Then
he went on to cynically remark that he did not think
that Zanu PF could win
an election in the foreseeable future! So I was
naturally taken aback when
three weeks ago rumours started circulating about
him rejoining Zanu
PF.
I was much more awestruck by the article which Moyo published
in the
issue of the Zimbabwe Independent (September 25), in the analysis
column.
Moyo went to great lengths (actually went to town) to justify the
reason why
he has rejoined Zanu PF. He calls it his "right to freedom of
association".
"What business is it to Crisis in Zimbabwe or anyone else
that this
writer is rejoining the very same Zanu PF party." retorts
Moyo.
This kind of justification from the professor (of all
people) is lame
duck if not downright pedestrian and I am sure that even
Moyo realises that
he was treading on very thin political ice when he made
that statement.
I have no problem with Moyo rejoining Zanu PF.
He can rejoin it a
million times over or till the cows come home, if he
wants to. That's his
"right to freedom of association". However, what beats
me is why Moyo has
to justify his rejoining of his old party. Could it be
that he is being
"pricked" by conscience? Yes everyone has a conscience
(though hard it is to
believe with some people). Why else is Moyo justifying
his "right to freedom
of association?" Conscience, double jeopardy or good
old political
opportunism? It is usually very lonely when you are out there
alone in the
cold.
Perhaps Moyo should be reminded that,
like all other rights, the
"right to freedom of association" is mandatorily
accompanied by
responsibilities: responsibility to others and to one's self.
Is Moyo
responsible enough to look straight into the eyes of the Tsholotsho
North
electorate and say "rejoining Zanu PF is my "right to freedom of
association
and after all my principles have never differed from those of
Zanu PF"?
I can't help wondering what those principles are and I am
sure the
Tsholotsho North voters must be wondering too. There is a big
difference
between changing one's mind, doing a turnabout and being a
turncoat. The
first implies a reconsideration of one's point of view/stance
with the help
of hindsight. T
he second implies a complete
capitulation of one's former position
while a turncoat is a downright
despicable cheat or sell-out. I wonder which
of the three Moyo identifies
with.
Moyo often presents his arguments in a scholarly and
confident way and
I have a sneaky admiration of the way he does it even when
I don't agree
with the content of the argument, but in his article Moyo ends
up with egg
on his face. The whole thing about justification leaves one with
a bad taste
in the mouth. It is often said that "politics is a dirty game".
That's not
quite correct because I think that it is the dirty politicians
who make the
game dirty.
Pandit Nehru, the first
post-independence prime minister of India,
once remarked on the
contradiction of politics in that "quite often wise
people make some very
foolish decisions".
Moyo should be humble enough and be
responsible enough to make a
public apology to the Tsholotsho North
electorate for misleading them,
right to freedom of association or
not!
As for the wisdom (or lack of it) of rejoining Zanu PF, my
opinion is
that unfortunately for Moyo, this is a case of turkeys voting
for an early
Christmas.
Nhachi is a professor in
clinical pharmacology and toxicology at the
UZ and is contactable on
0912318852/ 04 705581.
By Charles Nhachi
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 01
October 2009 17:06
UGLY scenes of violence at the recent Zanu PF
Women's League
conference where women fought each other for positions have
puzzled many,
raising fundamental questions of the motivation behind
supporting a party
that has been described by analysts as a "gravy train" or
a "sunset party"
or even a "shelf political party".
Is there
something more to Zanu PF that ordinary people are not aware
of? What is it
that people are clamouring for? Is there something left in
that party which
everyone there seems to be competing for?
The
examination of these questions is necessary as Zimbabweans prepare
for the
next general election to be held after a constitution-making process
to be
complete towards the end of next year.
In October 2006 former
Information minister and independent Tsholotsho
North MP Professor Jonathan
Moyo, who has since applied to rejoin Zanu PF,
attempted to unravel why some
people will never leave the party.
Moyo said: "(President)
Mugabe is now a leader of a shelf political
party that exists only in name
even with those seemingly high numbers in
parliament because, in real terms,
the hearts and minds of the bulk of its
members have ideologically emigrated
to a new all-inclusive third way beyond
current party boundaries, the
so-called third force which in fact is a
people's movement, such that Zanu
PF membership is now only for strategic
survival purposes in practical and
not ideological terms which are
temporary."
Are they really
hanging in there for survival purposes?
Academic and former
newspaper publisher Ibbo Mandaza says he was
baffled by what happened at the
Women's League conference as he could not
understand why women fought for
positions in a party that now has nothing to
offer and no capacity to
pursue, articulate or defend its own ideological
interests.
He said there were two elements that could possibly explain this --
fear and
patronage -- which he pointed out are the two pillars of Zanu
PF.
"Violence and fear of violence - because of this people
tend to keep
quiet. If you make too much noise, you can lose your livelihood
-- this
includes your farm or businesses - and cars given to you. Because of
fear of
being exposed to violence, they will not get out," Mandaza
said.
"There is fear of being an outcast and fear of losing
their patronage.
Zanu PF has survived on patronage. The question we need to
ask ourselves is
what these people who are fighting for positions are going
to get in
return - cars, cars, cars and/or a farm or an opportunity to use
the state
to make money."
He said a lot of top Zanu PF
people or businesspeople aligned to the
party have used the state to amass
wealth and will continue to support it to
protect their
businesses.
Moyo concurred when he said: "The rot in Zanu PF
smells in government
where the cabinet has become no better than a status
club in which
ministerial positions have no strategic policy value as they
have become
instruments of patronage to gain personal access to national
resources and
the illusion of power and influence."
One
Zanu PF politburo member said his party has created this belief
that
personalities are more important than institutions, laws and even
constitutions.
Under this culture, he said leaders owed
their existence to political
patronage and loyalty to the
President.
This, he said allows one to use state or public resources in
exchange
for support and holding divergent views can be treasonous and
punishable
through arrests or harassment or relegation into the political
wilderness
People like Mandaza know what can happen when one
decides to challenge
Zanu PF. He is currently embroiled in a land ownership
wrangle with a major
in the Zimbabwe National Army because he contested last
year's House of
Assembly elections under the ticket of Mavambo/Kusile/Dawn
(MKD) movement.
About 119 hectares of his land, including a dam
under construction,
has been acquired by the state and offered to Colleta
Muzonzini. Mandaza now
faces possible arrest for illegally occupying the
piece of land in Mazowe
and he has said the move to acquire his land, which
he bought, was
political.
Mandaza is not the only one whose
land has been under threat. Another
former publisher and Zanu PF legislator,
Kindness Paradza, almost lost his
farm in Makonde after he was fired from
Zanu PF in 2004.
This, analysts said, was prompted by his criticism
of the draconian
Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act in
parliament. But
according to Zanu PF, it was because he failed to produce a
membership card.
While Moyo almost lost his farm after he was
also fired from Zanu PF
and cabinet for standing for parliamentary elections
as an independent
candidate, defying a party decision to reserve the
Tsholotsho seat for a
female candidate.
Mutumwa Mawere is
another business mogul whose fall-out with Zanu PF
resulted in him losing
his empire after he was specified by the state.
According to analysts,
Mawere was a front for some Zanu PF bigwigs and Moyo
described him in
December 2008 in an online publication as a "Zanu PF
businessman benefiting
from Zanu PF misrule".
Political analyst Ernest Mudzengi said
people, especially those at the
top, will not leave Zanu PF because they
need to maintain their positions in
order to maintain their
priviledges.
"These guys fear because their luxury lifestyles
are sustained by the
positions they hold. Even their businesses will crumble
if they leave the
party because they are bad business managers who have
survived through abuse
of state funds and state machinery," he
said.
At Independence in 1980, most if not all had nothing but
29 years
later, they are some of the richest people owning most of the land,
residential stands and businesses in the country. They owe everything they
have to Zanu PF.
While the bigwigs have amassed wealth
through corruption, what is in
it for ordinary Zanu PF supporters, who seem
to worship and idiolise their
leader?
How does a portrait
of someone so unpopular continue to adorn the
walls of so many public
places?
Analysts have described Zanu PF as a way of life, a culture
that can
be referred to as "Zanuism" -- a cult. It seems, like many North
Koreans,
Zimbabweans have slowly been sucked into the cult of
Mugabe.
Even at a time when there was famine, a collapsed
economy,
hyper-inflation and an extremely poor standard of living, this hero
worship
could still not be dampened.
The politburo member
said in this Zanuism culture, the leaders demand
blind followers who do not
challenge their authority.
He said Mugabe's supporters do not
realise the extent to which they
have been manipulated and
exploited.
How many youths were used in rural areas to beat up
and torture their
own relatives and communities during the election
campaigns, without
questioning such orders?
"These people
are excessively zealous and have unquestioning
commitment to their leader
and they regard his word -- ideology, beliefs and
practices -- as the truth
and as law."
How people think, act and feel is determined by
the leadership --
"that's our Zanu PF culture," he said.
This was evidenced by the enthusiasm and idolisation of Mugabe at the
just
ended Zanu PF youth conference, where one could feel the energy and
excitement when Mugabe arrived at the venue at the City Sports Centre and
when he left, as the youths shouted "Mugabe, Mugabe,
Mugabe".
In December 2007, Moyo, who now wants Mugabe to be
life president,
wrote: "Because Zanu PF's irresponsibility has caused it to
fail to protect
the national interest and because Mugabe is apparently
determined to thrive
under that failure in pursuit of his personal ambition
to be President for
life, it is now up to Zimbabweans across the political
divide to rise to the
challenge by finding a united front to stop Mugabe and
his cronies from
turning their self-indulgence into a national
catastrophe."
When people like Moyo want to rejoin Zanu PF and
have even gone as far
as saying Mugabe should be left to die in office, one
can not help but
wonder what is it that others are not seeing which is in
Zanu PF and what is
it about Mugabe that makes his followers idolise him
like that.
Faith Zaba
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 01 October 2009
17:57
BUSINESS mogul Mutumwa Mawere lost a combined 100% shareholding
in his
three companies Steelnet, Turnall and General Belting Holdings to FBC
Bank
after the firms failed to settle their outstanding debt with the bank
which
back dates to 2005. This means FBC Bank is now the majority
shareholder in
the three companies after Mawere lost 60% in Turnall,
Steelnet - 31% and GB
Holdings -19%
The debt accrued when
administrator Afaras Gwaradzimba was appointed
administrator of Mawere's
companies after Mawere was specified.
The value of shares
traded in Mawere's three companies on September 14's
trading was US$9,261
million, slightly below the all time high of shares
traded on the whole
bourse which was valued at US$9,415 million on July 23.
"The
shares sold where used as collateral for the money borrowed from
FBC Bank
four years ago, Gwaradzimba was handling the transactions. This
route had to
be taken after they failed to pay back the loan," said an
official from
Turnall.
FBC Securities was handed the
transactions.
A total of 287 536 313 Turnall shares valued at
US$7 188 407 were
transacted on the day at 2,5c per share. A total of 162
152 507 Steelnet
shares valued at US$648 610 was conducted at 0,4c while 99
million General
Belting Holding shares valued at US$495 000 were done at
0,5c.
Mawere is crying foul over how Gwaradzimba has destroyed
his empire.
He has never stopped campaigning to expose how his
business empire
"has been systematically destroyed and sold off by the
Zimbabwean
government".
Mawere has engaged Robert Mugabe to try
and toget back his companies.
He has also engaged former Zambian and South
African presidents Kenneth
Kaunda and Thabo Mbeki respectively to negotiate
with government for the
return of his seized companies.
Talks between Mawere and government that commenced in May have since
collapsed after Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa, Defence minister
Emmerson Mnangagwa and SMM administrator Arafas Gwaradzimba prevailed over
central bank governor Gideon Gono's earlier advice to President Robert
Mugabe to return the firms to the tycoon.
The Chinamasa
group insisted that Mugabe and Gono should not interfere
with court
processes as it will set a bad precedent. Mawere had several
court cases
against government in Zimbabwe and abroad.
The Zimbabwean
government is reported to have spent an estimated £1,3
million to pay top
class UK lawyers in England to defend their decision on
Mawere's companies.
Mawere also said, the government spent a whopping £150
000 on first class
airfares and 5 star accommodation for it's Zimbabwean
representatives who
attended the UK courts.
These included government appointed
administrator Gwaradzimba and
commercial lawyer and government purse man
Edwin Manikai. Reserve Bank
Governor Gideon Gono sent four
representatives.
Mawere was accused of externalising foreign
currency and was specified
under the Prevention of Corruption Act, in 2004.
His mines, together with
companies in finance, insurance and agriculture
were seized through a
presidential decree.
He lost his
flagship business, Shabanie Mashaba Mines (SMM Holdings),
which he had
bought for US$60milion from British company Turner & Newell in
1996, to
the state.
Following the expropriation of SMM Holdings by the
government, an
administrator Gwaradzimba, was appointed to replace the
company's board of
directors and assume control of the company. Gwaradzimba
is reported to have
accused Mutumwa Mawere of asset-stripping the group and
starving SMM of
foreign currency, leading to its collapse last
year.
Mawere was arrested in South Africa in 2004, but freed
after Zimbabwe
failed in its bid to get him extradited.
Paul Nyakazeya
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 01 October 2009 17:55
ZIMBABWE'S economic recovery could be slowed down by an increase in
private
sector corruption triggered by poor government policies, an
international
civic organisation has warned. A Global Corruption Report
released by
Transparency International (TI) recently has placed Zimbabwe at
position 166
out of the 180 countries surveyed.
Private sector graft, the
report stated was "exarcebated" by the
decade long economic
recession.
"The attitude towards corruption has become a major
challenge to the
economic recovery of Zimbabwe, as small-scale risks in the
form of bribery,
fraud and extortion interfere in the private sector's
ability to access
foreign direct investment," reads the
report.
Zimbabwe, the report further read, has "serious
deficiencies in
relation to holding its private sector accountable" leading
to an increase
in corruption.
TI blamed past government
policies such as the 2007 price blitz for
fueling "survival corruption" when
companies were faced the unprecedented
meltdown.
"Survival
corruption is a consequence of the Zimbabwean government's
introduction of
draconian laws and the enforcement of controls on products
such as basic
products", the report stated.
According to report, companies in
developing countries colluding with
corrupt politicians and government
officials, have supplied bribes to the
tune of US$40 billion
annually.
"Fostering a culture of corporate integrity is
essential to protect
investment, increase commercial success and ensure the
stability sought by
poor and rich countries alike, particularly as we climb
out of a historical
crisis," read the statement.
Bernard Mpofu in Berlin, Germany
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 01
October 2009 17:51
FINANCIAL constraints are a hurdle to the revival of
the tobacco
industry, where output plummeted in the last seven years. There
are serious
liquidity problems with financial institutions struggling to
raise funds,
not only for the support of the agriculture sector, but for all
the sectors
of the economy.
Zimbabwe is targeting a total
65 000 hectares for tobacco cropping
which could translate to around 80 000
tonnes at an average yield rate of 1
330 kilogrammes a
hectare.
Tobacco Industry and Marketing Board chief executive
officer Andrew
Matibiri confirmed that they were targeting 65 000 hectares
which would be a
slight improvement on the 48 000 hectares planted last
season.
"We are targeting a total of 65 000 tonnes and right
now preparations
are underway," Matibiri said. "Planting of the crop would
start in mid
October and that is when we would be able to tell what area is
under the
crop."
Tobacco farmers used to rely on loans from
financial institution, but
they now have to use own resources or enter into
contract farming.
Part of the crop is now being financed under
contract farming and more
than half of the tobacco sold this year was
through that mode.
Past president of the Zimbabwe Association
of Tobacco Growers, Julius
Ngorima, said the financing of this year's crop
was still hazy.
"As tobacco farmers we are told that we can get
loans from the banks,
but what is surprising is that we are not being told
which financial
institutions would give us the loans," he said. "What is
happening is that
we are going to rely on the contractor for the bulk of
this year's crop."
Ngorima said it was only a fortnight before
the start of the planting
season yet farmers were to get full details as to
which financial
institutions would support them.
Contractors still get value for their investment in the tobacco
industry
because there are tight regulations pertaining to the sale of the
crop.
Tobacco produced in the country has to be sold at the
three auction
floors or to the contractor and this has completely eliminated
side
marketing which has wiped away investments in other crops, especially
cotton.
However, contract farming should complement other
avenues of financing
in the agriculture sector.
Analysts in
the tobacco industry said the contractors' role would have
been more
pronounced if there were other players supporting the growing of
the
crop.
The analysts said in the absence of support from the
financial sector,
it would take longer before the tobacco industry rebounds
to the levels of
260 000 tonnes as was the case in 1998.
Ngorima said though the average selling prices during the just ended
selling
season were slightly lower than the preceding season, there were
growers who
had abandoned the crop who were now growing it because of the
pull of a
stable currency.
Tobacco farmers were put off by prices which
were being offered at the
auction floors especially after
2002.
There were problems as farmers were offered local
currency for the
crop yet it was auctioned in hard
currency.
At times there were clashes over what exchange rate
should be used for
the crop that was delivered and this saw farmers either
holding on to their
crop or venturing into other crops they could directly
export.
Conflicts over policies and the disruptions of the
farms saw a sharp
decline in tobacco production and Zimbabwe lost its
position as the largest
producer of the crop on the
continent.
Tobacco, at its peak production levels, accounted
for more than 50% of
total agricultural exports, which was 30 percent of the
country's total
exports. Export receipts from the crop ranged between US$270
million and
US$593, when the crop was on its peak.
Tobacco
production in the country surged from around 125 000 tonnes in
1980 to a
peak of 260 tonnes in 1998.
There was also an improvement in
terms of yield per hectare, rising
from 1 951,6 kg per hectare in 1980 to 2
626 kg per hectare in 1998.
Yield per hectare has been above 2
000 kg since 1983 but there has
been massive reversal of this as it has
dropped ton 1 500 kg per hectare in
2003.
During the 2008/9
tobacco season, a total of 48 000 hectares was under
the crop with a total
yield of 64 000 tonnes which translate to 1 330 kg per
hectare.
The crop also accounted for close to 10 percent of
the country's gross
domestic product. Tobacco production also generated
employment of up 117 000
long term jobs and around 100 000 seasonal
hirings.
An estimated additional 30 000 were employed in
research, marketing,
service and manufacture.
Leonard
Makombe
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 01
October 2009 17:47
MUROWA Diamond, owned by Rio Tinto Zimbabwe, has a
potential to
increase production to a million carats annually, the company
head Niels
Kristensen said in a report. A total of 260 000 carats of the
mineral were
produced during the last financial year and there is potential
to increase
this six fold, said Kristensen.
Murowa mine has
not been affected by power outages since diamond
mining is not power
intensive.
This has meant that the company has not been forced
to scale down on
operations as was the case last year with most of the
players in the sector.
"We are fortunate at Murowa that we have
not had to reduce production,
and hopefully the worst is behind us,"
Kristensen said in the report
released last week. "The diamond market is
starting to recover, but it is
early days and we will see how it plays out.
The long term fundamentals are
very strong and we are in the game for the
long term."
Mining companies have continued to argue that
policymakers should
bring certainty in the sector which has been dogged by
problems pertaining
to policy and regulations.
Diamond
mining is a relatively new venture as it started at the turn
of the century,
but it is expected that the mineral would soon be competing
with gold and
platinum in terms of export receipts.
There are problems which
have to be ironed out though, before the
country's diamond mining competes
with other minerals.
Zimbabwe has been battling to remain
within the Kimberley Process
after concerns were raised about the security
around the Chiyadzwa diamond
fields in Manicaland where the Zimbabwe Mining
Development Corporation, a
wholly government owned company, had moved
in.
While there have been problems with the diamonds from
Chiyadzwa,
activities at Murowa have been clean.
The
Kimberley Process is a government regulated protocol designed to
prevent the
sale of so called "conflict" diamonds which may be used to
finance civil
war.
Basically it is a process of certification, backed up by
an audit
trail, which assures potential purchasers that the diamonds in
question come
from a legitimate source.
Rio Tinto has a 78%
interest in Murowa and diamond sales and marketing
are centralised in
Antwerp, with representative offices in New York and
Mumbai.
Rio Tinto Diamonds is the third largest diamond
producer in the world
by volume. -- Staff Writer.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 01
October 2009 17:16
WE can all share with Jestina Mukoko a sense of
relief and vindication
following Monday's Supreme Court judgement. Here was
an entirely innocent
woman accused of terrorism who was herself the victim
of terrorism -
state-terrorism.
The New York Times (NYT) on Tuesday
reminded us of the events
surrounding her arrest. Taken from her home by
armed men at daybreak on
December 3, barefoot and still in her nightgown,
while her teenage son
looked on helplessly, she was not seen again for
nearly three weeks, and
later testified that she was held in secret
locations, where she was
tortured in an attempt to extract a false
confession. She said her captors
made her kneel on gravel and repeatedly
beat her on the soles of her feet
with rubber truncheons.
Mukoko
led a civic group that documented human rights abuses. She was
accused of
involvement in a plot to topple President Mugabe with
insurrectionists
receiving military training in Botswana.
"The jailing of Mukoko and
dozens of other activists has been cited by
Western diplomats as a sign of
Mugabe's unwillingness to restore the rule of
law," the NYT said. "The
Zimbabwean judiciary has been deeply compromised in
recent years, with many
judges accepting luxury cars and farmland from the
Mugabe government," it
added.
On Monday, despite her victory in court, Mukoko said the
abuses
continued.
In June, at a hearing before the Supreme Court, a
prosecutor admitted
that Mukoko had been abducted illegally. Irene Petras,
executive director of
Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights, said Monday's
decision "can be read as a
movement toward the restoration of an independent
justice-delivery system".
But she said she did not want to sound overly
optimistic, complaining that
the government continued to pursue trumped-up
charges against the innocent.
"The office of the attorney-general
should have refused to prosecute
this case in the very beginning," she told
the NYT.
And what should we say about the role of Didymus Mutasa who
claimed
Mukoko was a threat to state security? At least we can all see with
this
ruling who the real terrorists are. And the Botswana authorities have
been
vindicated. They did not supply the training facilities alleged by
Harare.
It was all pure invention. What is needed now is for the terrorists
responsible for Mukoko's abduction to be prosecuted.
Mutasa was on
CNN last week denouncing human rights. Support for white
farmers was
indefensible, he argued. "If that is human rights, keep them
away from us,"
he declared. "We don't want to see them."
This is useful to have on the
record, just as his court affidavit was
useful in admitting the abduction of
Mukoko when the police were saying they
didn't know where she was. The next
time Zanu PF columnists in the Herald
pretend that the world is being unfair
to them by maintaining sanctions, all
we need do is quote Mutasa on human
rights. He speaks for his party and the
world needs to hear
him.
CNN is fond of parading its presenters as modern-day heroes.
They are
billed nightly as being omniscient in a world where audiences are
craving
their "take" on events. So-and-so "has the story", we are
told.
But sadly, their stellar reporter, Christiane Amanpour, didn't
have
the story when she interviewed President Mugabe in New York last week.
She
missed several opportunities to land a mortal blow on our dissembling
leader
who denied any responsibility for the devastation his populist
policies have
wrought.
It was all the fault of sanctions, Mugabe
insisted. Amanpour didn't
deal with this dishonesty in a way that could be
described as robust.
Instead she gave a hostage to fortune by claiming
sanctions were only
targeted at individuals. Mugabe gratefully seized the
opportunity given to
claim that malnutrition was the product of
Zidera.
There then followed an unproductive dispute about whether
Mugabe's
mismanagement was at the core of the country's problems. Only
people outside
the country thought so, Mugabe claimed.
Amanpour
then played a clip of Archbishop Desmond Tutu saying Mugabe
had destroyed a
wonderful country. Mugabe said that, on the contrary, the
country had
managed to grow enough food for itself - a rather clumsy economy
with the
self-evident fact of national starvation.
Another clip was played of
Mugabe saying the country was "mine".
When pressed on what he meant,
Amanpour allowed him to get away with
the claim that he meant it belonged to
the Zimbabwean people.
She did score a useful point by pointing out
that 80% of the land that
Mugabe acquired was taken after he took office and
with certificates of no
interest from government.
White farmers
were not being "hounded out of the country", Mugabe
insisted. But they were
still being hounded off their farms, productive
farms, Amanpour could have
pointed out.
Wouldn't that be a good moment to play a clip from Ben
Freeth's and
the Campbells' farm? And what do the farm workers think of
their new
employers - the policemen, judges, and army officers who have
taken over?
Not much, we gather.
Amanpour soldiered on. She did
talk about the plight of farm workers
but mixed up their expulsion from the
land with Operation Murambatsvina,
thus handing Mugabe another
gift.
Amanpour didn't appear to know what Roy Bennett was charged with
and
how flimsy those charges are. Mugabe at least appeared well aware of
that!
"We'll obviously have to ask him about that," Amanpour replied to
Mugabe's claim that Bennett was "organising arms of war".
What she
could have said was, identical charges brought against the
current
co-Minister of Home Affairs Giles Mutsekwa fell apart when the state
tried
to run with them three years ago. And what happened, she could have
asked,
to the principle of being innocent until proved guilty?
All in all, it
was a very unsatisfactory interview with neither
interviewer nor interviewee
coming out with many laurels.
'Political freedom or political power
is absolutely hollow without the
input of economic power, and economic power
derives naturally from your
natural resources," Mugabe told the Africa/South
America summit last
weekend.
He didn't mention what had happened to
Zimbabwe's diamond resources in
recent years. How had those resources been
managed by his government and its
incompetent parastatals? How much wealth
has devolved to the people from
that "power"?
Anyway, it was useful
to have the Herald's front page pictures on
Monday of riot police laying
into football fans with the heading "Fight for
economic uhuru".
The democratisation process in Zimbabwe still has a long way to go
judging
by an episode reported on Tuesday where the Standing Rules and
Orders
Committee of parliament had been interviewing candidates for the
Zimbabwe
Electoral Commission.
Sitting member Joyce Kazembe was asked by
Minister Eric Matinenga
whether the ZEC had made an independent and
objective assessment on the
environment in last year's elections as really
peaceful before they compiled
their report.
It was of course a
pertinent question given widespread scepticism
regarding both the
independence of the commission and the claims in its
report as to the
electoral environment. But first Patrick Chinamasa and then
Emmerson
Mnangagwa jumped up to object to Kazembe being asked such things.
Welshman Ncube, who you may be surprised to hear is not actually a
Zanu PF
member, joined in saying it was "not fair" to ask Kazembe such
questions on
the conduct of last year's elections when the same was not done
with another
sitting commissioner, Theophillus Gambe.
Of course, the rule should be
that sitting members who glossed over
the events of last year in their
misleading report should be asked as many
questions as possible. And those
questions should be searching. They should
explore every aspect of the
process including why it took five weeks to
count votes in the first round
of the presidential poll.
If Ncube's claim that the report was a
collective and not an
individual effort was adopted for such interviews,
nobody would be
responsible for anything!
As Matinenga pointed out
in response to this partisan fury, his
question was relevant because it
stemmed from Kazembe's response to a
question on what she understood an
independent commission to be.
Needless to say, the Herald which covered
the exchange didn't tell us
what that understanding entailed!
'The Chinese government and people value its traditional friendship
with
Zimbabwe," we are told by ambassador Xin Shungkang. He was speaking at
a
function to mark the 60th anniversary of the Chinese revolution.
Our
question is, which Chinese people? How many were actually
consulted or even
have a clue where Zimbabwe is?
The International Herald Tribune last
week carried a story from
Namibia on a large low-interest loan from China in
2007 which the Namibian
government soon tapped to buy US$55,3 million worth
of Chinese-made cargo
scanners to deter smugglers.
It was a neat
illustration, Chinese officials said, of how doing good
in Namibia could do
good for China.
Or so it seemed until Namibia charged that the
state-controlled
company selected by China to provide the scanners - a
company until recently
run by President Hu-Jintao's son - had greased the
deal with millions of
dollars in illegal kickbacks. When Namibian
investigators asked for help
looking into the matter, China threw up the
barriers.
Acting Foreign Affairs minister Stan Mudenge, wearing his
other hat as
a local historian, reminded his audience at the 60th
anniversary event that
"we used to export huge volumes of gold and ivory (to
China).That was a time
associated with the glory of Zimbabwe."
So
what is the present time associated with, Stan? And what
commodities do we
pay tribute in now?
Finally, we can be sure that Elton Mangoma's
remarks to a visiting
German business delegation went down like a lead
balloon.
He assured them that Zimbabwe respected property rights but
pointed
out that the land issue "should be understood in its historical
context".
"We have always respected property rights, except on land
which has
its own history," he said Zanu PF-style.
Indeed it does.
That is a very recent history, dating back one year to
the formation of the
government of national unity. Since then there has been
a systematic
escalation of land seizures, many involving violence and theft.
The
response of people like Mangoma has been to do nothing except to
offer the
limp excuse of "history".
A history of colonial land seizures does not
mean every single abuse
needs to be repeated, especially when, as South
Africa has shown, other
remedies are available. German investors have been
notable victims of Bippa
violations. Now we have apologists like Mangoma
saying to the Germans - and
he hasn't denied the Herald's report - that you
can come and invest in
Zimbabwe in all areas except land. If you invest in
land you are likely to
be subject to unconstitutional
expropriation!
The Germans are already making it clear this is an
entirely
unsatisfactory situation. Any country that allows land seizures and
violence
of the sort going on at present will get a yellow card from
investors.
Latest developments include, according to the South
African Sunday
Times, Reserve Bank deputy governor Edward Mashiringwani
forcing South
African farmer Louis Fick off his pig and crocodile farm
putting livestock
worth US$250 000 at risk; tobacco farmer Murray Pott
savagely assaulted when
he tried to prevent a "war veteran" from taking over
his land and charged
with public violence; and cattle farmer Mark Surtees
convicted for failing
to vacate his farm.
At least 233 farmers are
being charged with the same "offence".
These are productive farmers
trying to make a contribution to Zimbabwe's
recovery. Their fate will
provide an object lesson to German and other
investors.
According
to the Sunday Times, citizens of 14 countries have had their
farms grabbed
with predictable consequences for production. In 2000 Zimbabwe
produced two
million tons of maize. Last year that figure was down to 450
000 tons. Let's
see Mangoma explain that away.
Among those touting Zimbabwe as a good
environment for investors was
Simbarashe Mumbengegwi who said the political
parties were determined to
implement the GPA in its entirety!
The
Germans should have asked him if that included media freedom,
respect for
human rights, and the rule of law. Apparently not!
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 01 October
2009 17:11
THIS columnist recently had occasion to visit Windhoek,
Namibia, and
was astounded to witness the very considerable numbers of
tourists who were
enjoying themselves, viewing the sights and attractions
unique to that
country, patronising its hotels and lodges, its many and
diverse
restaurants, curio and souvenir shops, and much else.
Overwhelmingly, the
tourists were from Germany and elsewhere in Europe, from
the Far East (and
especially China and Japan), and from the US, although
some were from
neighbouring states such as South Africa.
The
hotels were remarkably full, and some restaurants so busy that
advance
reservations were essential. Many of the hotels and restaurants were
of
internationally-recognised high quality, as were the tour operators and
support services.
A manager of one hotel complex of over 300
rooms informed me that he,
his directors and management, would develop major
concerns if average
occupancy declined below 70%.
Comparisons with the circumstances of Zimbabwean tourism were
inevitable,
with most hotels in the Zimbabwe tourist areas reporting average
occupancies
of less than 30%. Whilst in no manner belittling and denigrating
Namibia's
tourist attractions, many of which were magnificent, spectacular
and near
unique, it is undeniable that Zimbabwe has an immense amount of
extraordinary tourist attractions.
These include the
amazing splendour of Victoria Falls, the grandeur of
the Matobo Hills, the
mystic of Great Zimbabwe, the beauty of Nyanga, Bvumba
and Chimanimani, the
vast scenic and other attractions of Lake Kariba, a
wealth of wildlife of
innumerable species, and much, much else.
And yet Zimbabwe, which
was renowned for its very considerable
tourism, is now eclipsed by the
numbers of regional and international
tourists that direct their custom to
Namibia, Zambia, Mozambique and other
countries in East, Central and
Southern Africa. So great is the disparity
that inevitably one must ponder
why it is that Zimbabwe's pronounced
destination role of the past is no
more, whilst others are enjoying a surge
in tourism.
Recently, the perception of many is that the decline in Zimbabwean
tourism
in Zimbabwe was primarily attributable to alleged economic sanctions
against
Zimbabwe. In fact, no country imposed travel bans precluding their
nationals
from travelling to Zimbabwe (although, on occasion, some countries
did issue
travel warnings, cautioning the possibilities of tourists
confronting
violence).
More recently, the paucity of international tourism
patronage has also
been attributed to the global financial recession.
Whilst, undoubtedly, the
impacts of that recession will have curtailed the
international travel of
some, the hard fact is that many international
tourists continue to visit
other countries in Africa.
Clearly,
therefore, that recession cannot be a primary cause of the
decimated tourist
support for Zimbabwe. Instead, bearing in mind the very
great amount that
Zimbabwe has to offer the tourist, there must be other
reasons which create
the proportionately low volumes of tourist arrivals in
Zimbabwe.
In fact, the reasons are many. First and foremost
is the very negative
image that Zimbabwe has as a safe destination. The
world at large is not
only very aware of the frequent Zimbabwean malabuse of
law and order, with
inordinately frequent unjustified and very prolonged
arrests and grossly
excessive assertion of authority by some of the
"guardians of law and order".
And that awareness is intensively
exacerbated by the recurrent,
incontrovertibly well-founded, reports of
violent farm invasions,
encompassing brutal attacks upon farmers and their
families, and
highly-condemnatory destruction and theft of
property.
Inevitably, even if without substantive foundation,
potential tourists
fear that they can become like victims of Zimbabwean
authorities' contempt
for the fundamental principles and norms of
international law, of human and
property rights, and of Zimbabwe's own
laws.
In like manner, they are conscious of the innumerable police
roadblocks on all major national roads, and that whilst it does not always
occur, there are all too often instances of spurious allegations of traffic
or other law breaks, devised solely in order to exact bribes (or so-called,
unreceipted, spot fines).
Zimbabwean contempt for law causes a
widespread perception of Zimbabwe
being an undesirable tourist
destination.
These tourist concerns are intensified by fears
that Zimbabwe will
undergo intensified political unrest, with concomitant
adverse repercussions
upon "innocent bystanders", including international
tourists.
The recurrent confrontationalism demonstrated by much of
the hierarchy
of the former ruling party, the divisiveness promoted by
state-controlled
media, and the belligerence demonstrated internationally,
such as the
pronounced antagonism to the international community and against
whites as
characterised by the President's interview on CNN last week, have
all been
deterrents to international tourism, and continue to
be.
Other factors also discourage tourist patronage, of which
one of the
foremost is the grievously defective reliability and quality of
service
delivery of Zimbabwean parastatals, of various arms of government,
and some
local authorities.
The tourist does not wish to
suffer the discomforts of recurrent
interruptions in electricity supplies,
uncertainty and irregularity of water
delivery, and of horrendously
defective and inadequate telecommunication
services.
Similarily, the tourist is appalled when he or she has to expend
anything
between six and fifteen laws to complete border processing
procedures at
Beitbridge, when there is only one Immigration official on
duty at Harare
International Airport, and other hurdles to entry into, or
exit from,
Zimbabwe.
The tourist is similarily dismayed, and often disgusted,
when airport
toilets are without water, toilet paper or soap. In like
manner,
encountering innumerable potholes in city roads and on national
highways do
not accord comfort or satisfaction to tourists.
Most of the tourist industry vigorously endeavours to maximise service
quality and delivery, but are hampered in so doing by not only the
disastrously poor services of most parastatals, but also by working capital
inadequacies, and by frequent losses of skilled personnel to neighbouring
countries and further afield.
Thus, despite the endeavours to
provide quality comfort and service,
most hotels, tour operators and
restaurants have undergone lowering of
standards (without concomitant
lowering of charges!), and thereby have
contributed to the extent that
tourists have been favouring destinations
other than
Zimbabwe.
If Zimbabwean tourism is to attain real and
substantive recovery,
regaining its place as a foremost African destination,
government, the
tourist industry, commerce, the financial sector,
parastatals, and others
must strive intensively to remove the fears of
tourists, with credible
assurances and evidence of real security, and to
upgrade service delivery.
If the existing massive barriers to
tourist expectations are not
removed, Zimbabwe's tourist industry recovery
will be minimal, whilst
Zimbabwe's neighbours will thrive more and
more.
Eric Bloch
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 01 October 2009
17:32
THE ruling by the Supreme Court which permanently stayed
prosecution
in prominent human rights activist Jestina Mukoko's case on
Monday has
brought into sharp focus the issue of torture of suspects. The
highest court
of appeal ruled that the case would not go ahead and therefore
the case is
now closed. The court said reasons for the judgment would
follow.
The case fell into a familiar pattern in which the
state failed to
prove its allegations of treason and banditry, although the
suspects have
been abducted and tortured during the process. There are
several examples of
this in Zimbabwe.
While Mukoko and
other accused human rights activists may have reason
to celebrate the end of
their horrendous ordeal, their alleged torture in
detention remains a
compelling issue of public interest. Mukoko is seeking
damages amounting to
more than US$500 000 against state agents implicated in
her illegal
abduction and torture last year. Mukoko alleges "illegal
abduction,
disappearance and torture at the hands of state players",
according to her
lawyers.
Zimbabwe has a long history of torture dating back to
colonial times.
However, what is worrying is that a number of senior
government officials
who were victims of torture during the liberation
struggle are now presiding
over a government which stands accused - and has
dismally failed to make a
plausible denial - of using torture as an
instrument of state policy.
The victims of state-sanctioned
torture since 1980 are many. Most of
them were arrested, detained and
tortured on all sorts of apparently
baseless allegations, which is why they
were acquitted by the courts.
The damage inflicted on them
physically and psychologically would
however have been severe and at times
life-threatening.
Despite its illegality and immorality, torture
still remains prevalent
up to this day in Zimbabwe. Lawyers have complained
of severe abuses of
suspects and highly coercive methods of interrogation in
detention.
Government has never hesitated to sanction torture
and this has gone
on for far too long. Even heroes of Zimbabwe's liberation
struggle such as
Joshua Nkomo, Dumiso Dabengwa, Lookout Masuku, Welshman
Mabena, Edward
Ndlovu, Kembo Mohadi and many others were subject to physical
and
psychological torture during the 1980s on allegations similar to those
faced
by Mukoko and others.
Masuku died as a result of
brutality in detention on allegations which
were dismissed by the courts.
Most of government's cases which often lead to
torture of suspects or
prisoners usually collapse before the courts due to
lack of evidence, but
the agents of repression and torture who have
inflicted systematic pain on
innocent victims are not held to account. This
has allowed torture to
persist as an instrument of state policy.
Politicians who have
also been victims of political persecution and
state-sanctioned violence
bordering on physical or psychological torture
include Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai and his former aide Ghandi
Mudzingwa, among
others.
Tsvangirai was undoubtedly subjected to psychological
torture as a
result of numerous treason charges which he faced although the
state failed
to substantiate them. He was also heavily assaulted in police
custody in
2007 in a move which horrified Zimbabweans and the
world.
There have also been scores of civil society activists -
the latest
being Mukoko, her colleagues and MDC activists - who have been
victims of
torture. Individual citizens have also been abducted, detained
and tortured
on all sorts of often unfounded allegations.
Although there has been an inclusive government since February,
nothing
seems to have changed. Political repression and evil methods of
interrogating suspects, including torture, remain. This is disturbing,
especially at a time when the country is expected to introduce political
reforms which should consign such barbaric practices to the dustbin of
history.
In terms of the 1984 United Nations Convention
Against Torture, the
word "torture" means any act by which severe pain or
suffering, whether
physical or psychological, is intentionally inflicted on
a person for such
purposes as obtaining from him or a third person
information or a
confession, punishing him for an act he or a third person
has committed or
is suspected of having committed, or intimidating or
coercing him or a third
person, or for any reason based on discrimination of
any kind, when such
pain or suffering is inflicted by or at the instigation
of or with the
consent or acquiescence of a public official or other person
acting in an
official capacity.
Torture is a crime under
the UN Convention Against Torture, adopted by
the General Assembly in 1984,
and other relevant international frameworks,
and is similarly defined in the
national legal codes of many of the UN's
member states.
International humanitarian law prohibits torture and other forms of
ill
treatment at all times and demands that detainees be treated according
to
the rules and principles of international humanitarian law and other
international standards.
The collapse of the Mukoko case
and her subsequent legal action to
demand damages for torture should awaken
the country and the international
community to the continued existence of
this wicked practice in Zimbabwe.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 01 October
2009 17:28
WE heard again in last week's CNN interview of President
Mugabe in New
York that sanctions and regime change are the main, or indeed
the only
reasons for the disasters in Zimbabwe. How far are the problems we
face due
to these two factors?
Zimbabweans have faced the
following problems: The horrendous
inflation of 200 000 000% before the
Zimbabwe dollar was unceremoniously
dumped; the dependence on food aid;
election violence including torture, the
burning of houses, the theft of
cattle and other livestock, the killing of
over 200 opposition political
activists etc. How far are these specific
problems due to sanctions and
regime change? And what are the exact
remedies for these
problems?
A proper analysis should lead directly to an
effective strategy. It
is well known that the main cause of the inflation
was the reckless printing
of money. Once printing stopped, inflation also
stopped.
The Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) was responsible for the
printing of
money, and this cannot be blamed on sanctions.
Unfortunately the reckless inflation has led to the total loss of
savings by
everybody, in particular pensioners. We changed from
trillionaires and
billionaires to paupers.
The dependence on food aid - what
happened? The answer is simple:
Communal farmers who have fed Zimbabwe
since the mid 1980s could not find
seeds or fertiliser. We failed to plan
for adequate seeds and fertiliser,
either by producing them in country or by
importing them. Again this cannot
be blamed on sanctions and regime
change.
We were of course short of foreign exchange, but we did
not prioritise
seeds and fertiliser. Instead we bought expensive tractors
and combine
harvesters given free to political supporters of Zanu
PF.
Our priorities were wrong: we know very well that for the past
two
decades communal farmers have produced maize for the country. Why did
we
not make sure that seeds and fertiliser were available to them on sale?
No
seeds and no fertiliser meant no food.
This was not due to
sanctions and regime change. It was due to RBZ
and government
prioritisation which excluded investment in seeds and
fertiliser.
Election violence preceding the presidential
run-off of June 2008 was
extreme and particularly shameful as it was
directed in particular at Zanu
PF's own supporters. These supporters voted
for Zanu PF in the March 2008
elections, but "kicked the ball outside the
field" in the presidential
elections. This means they voted for Zanu PF
parliamentarians, but not for
the Zanu PF presidential candidate. Again it
cannot be said that this
political violence was caused by sanctions. Was it
caused by regime change
strategies?
There is little doubt
that the US and the West in general openly
desired regime change. Their
reason for this was the land resettlement
programme of 2000, when over 10
million hectares of land formerly owned by
their companies and their
nationals were taken over.
Nevertheless, there is a universal
consensus that land resettlement
was absolutely essential in Zimbabwe, and
that it was long overdue by 2000,
20 years after Independence.
There is wonder and speculation about why the Zanu PF government
waited for
20 years before addressing this critically important issue.
The
Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act (Zidera) passed by
the United
States House of Representatives and Senate in 2001 is the
document which
most clearly outlines the sanctions.
Zidera states that the US will
not support any multi-lateral or
bilateral loans or grants to Zimbabwe
unless there are specific reforms
regarding ownership of property, the rule
of law, and the use of political
violence.
Zidera specifically
seeks collaboration of the European Union in the
enforcement of these
sanctions. What this has meant in reality is that
Zimbabwe has been
deprived of grants and investments from the West for the
last
decade.
Zimbabwe received an average of about US$350 million in
aid and
investment in the 1980s and 1990s.
This stopped
abruptly in 2001. Aid and foreign investment came to
about 10-15% of
Zimbabwe's export earnings at that time. It is important to
analyse why the
removal of this 10-15% of foreign exchange should have led
to the collapse
of the economy.
Had Zimbabwe become so aid dependent that it
could not survive without
it? It is to be remembered that the Ian Smith
regime actually managed to
industrialise and become food self-sufficient
under much worse sanctions
over the period 1965-1980.
Clearly
the anti-sanctions strategies followed by the Zanu PF
government over the
last decade were seriously deficient, if they existed at
all. The sanctions
included targeting the personal accounts and travel
arrangements of some 200
top Zanu PF officials, and most of government and
Zanu PF rhetoric and
activities were centred on this strategy, whilst
totally neglecting the real
issues of economic survival and growth.
Expansion of the monetary
supply and use of foreign exchange for
finished goods intended to buy
political support were the main observable
strategies. Both of these
strategies proved disastrous.
Sanctions were and are real. The
wish for regime change was and is
real. Nevertheless the reality is that
probably sanctions and regime change
strategies account for only 20% of the
Zimbabwe's political and economic
failures.
Zanu PF's internal
disintegration cannot be blamed on the West. The
neglect of seeds and
fertiliser in order to concentrate on luxury goods
cannot be blamed on the
West. The rampant corruption cannot be blamed on
the West. The neglect of
the poor and the wild enrichment of the political
elite cannot be blamed on
the West.
Chung is a former Education minister and currently a
member of the
interim national executive of the Mavambo/Kusile/Dawn
party.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 01
October 2009 17:18
WHEN Zimbabwe became independent in 1980 President
Robert Mugabe
promised "Education for all by the year 2000". Schools were
built everywhere
to ensure that every child had a school within walking
distance. Secondary
schools were added to primary schools in rural areas and
tertiary education
was also expanded, with the hope of ensuring that there
was at least one
university in each of the country's 10
provinces.
To cater for adults who had not been able to receive
education, the
government's department of Adult and Continuing Education
focused on those
who wanted to continue studying. In addition to adult
literacy classes, free
correspondence modules were supplied to villagers
with no access to formal
schooling.
Mugabe managed to
create an education revolution, raising literacy
rates in Zimbabwe to 98% by
the late 1990s. The education system in Zimbabwe
was named the best in
Africa. But all this is now coming to nought -- and
nowhere is this more
evident than in the country's rural areas.
According to shocking
findings from the Rapid Assessment of Primary
and Secondary Education report
by the National Education Advisory Board
released recently, an increasing
number of pupils who enrolled for Grade 1
did not proceed to secondary
school. In some provinces, like Matabeleland
North, "the dropout rate was
high, with over 50% dropout from Grades 1-7".
Unicef estimates
that the Grade 7 examination pass rates declined from
53% in 1999 to 33% in
2007, while 50% of Zimbabwe's children graduating from
primary school were
not proceeding to secondary school. To worsen an already
dire situation,
close to 70% of students who were supposed to sit for
Ordinary and Advanced
Level examinations failed to meet the September 25
deadline to pay their
exam fees.
In what can be described as a heartless response to
the crisis,
Education minister David Coltart this week said it was too late
to do
anything about the pupils' plight. He went further to say any changes
would
disrupt the "smooth running" of the public examinations. How can they
be
smooth when 70% of students will have their four to six years of
education
thrown out of the window?
What angers most is the
fact that Coltart is even aware that less than
half of prospective
candidates had registered. While he is estimating that
slightly over 50%
failed to register, teachers' unions have put the figure
at around
70%.
Coltart added that they are sticking to their deadline
because the
examinations had already been delayed enough by an earlier
week-long
extension on registration. Honourable minister, how were you
expecting
impoverished families in rural and high density areas to raise the
US$10 and
US$20 per "O" and "A" Level subject respectively in a week when
they failed
to raise that money over months.
Rural folk are
already struggling to make ends meet. They rely on
selling their
agricultural produce to the cash-strapped Grain Marketing
Board (GMB) and
other such institutions.
Most farmers have harvested their
maize and other cereal crops but
they are not happy with the prices that are
being offered by the private
buyers. The prices are too low and farmers are
not able to break-even or to
recapitalise in preparation for the next
cropping season. The GMB is buying
at US$265 a tonne but does not have ready
cash and growers have to wait for
a long period before being paid. The
farmers are now being forced to buy
from private buyers at low prices such
as US$165 to US$180 a tonne.
Did the government take these
factors into consideration? -- Obviously
not.
According to
the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions, the country's
unemployment rate is
over 90%.
Those formally employed earn an average US$150 a month.
The minister
needs to explain to the nation how they arrived at the US$10
and US$20 a
subject considering the country's economic situation and
employment levels.
When Zimbabwe decided to localise examinations in the
1990s, the main reason
was to make it affordable since examinations set by
the Cambridge
examinations board were expensive.
While the
government is charging US$10 a subject for "O" Levels, it
costs US$15 a
subject for Cambridge examinations. One does not need to be a
rocket
scientist to see that there is no way the government figures can be
described as affordable. Isn't this tantamount to privatising the education
system in the country?
If the government can source funds
to buy luxury vehicles for
legislators, how could it not try to raise money
to subsidise the poor
families in our societies. The reason for the
extension was because they had
realised that a significant number of
students had not paid.
Did anyone hear of any talk of government
trying to find ways to
ensure that the 30 000 plus pupils write the
examinations? It is clear that
there were no such efforts. Is this the
bright future for the education
sector which Coltart was talking about at
the launch of the Basic Education
Assistance Module
recently?
The minimum requirement is five "O" level passes to
proceed to "A"
level or to qualify for an apprenticeship or gain admission
at nursing and
teachers' colleges. Most jobs also require a minimum five "O"
level passes.
So what future do these children have?
Instead of making noise about outstanding Global Political Agreement
issues
the inclusive government should seriously sit down and find ways to
ensure
that the affected students write their examinations.
What is
shocking is the deafening silence by all the parties.
President Mugabe --
what happened to your dream of education for all and
Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai -- what happened to the promise you made at
the signing ceremony
of the GPA in September last year to prioritise
education?
Faith Zaba
http://www.busrep.co.za
October 2, 2009
Zimbabwe's fortunes
seem to have improved. That is if the estimates of the
International
Monetary Fund (IMF) are taken at face value. The IMF's World
Economic
Outlook forecasts growth of 3.7 percent this year and 6 percent
next
year.
A turnaround is taking place, now that the country's worthless
currency has
been replaced, mainly by the US dollar, and once again there is
food on the
shelves.
Of course, growth is off a very low base - after
a 14.1 percent contraction
last year and a 6.9 percent contraction the
previous year. But how realistic
are the IMF projections? As Reuters pointed
out yesterday, the IMF figures
are in line with Zimbabwe's own forecasts,
announced in July.
John Robertson, an independent economist in Harare,
says they are off the
mark: "I can't find any evidence to support
it."
He said estimates of this year's crop are in fact overestimates -
possibly
deliberately so. And he doesn't expect next year's crop to be much
better
because "farmers don't have the money to start
cultivating".
As a result, although the rainy season is due to start, the
farmers are not
ready to plant. "The commercial farms are likely to perform
dismally," he
said.
Robertson said an earlier IMF survey showed it
"wouldn't take much to fix
our infrastructure, but we haven't even started
fixing it". As to the food
in the shops, Robertson said: "We're importing
everything, where we used to
produce everything ourselves."
Zimbabwe
was once known as the bread basket of Africa, but its economy has
been
destroyed by gross mismanagement and land grabs that turned productive
farms
into failing enterprises.
The economy won't come right until it receives
a massive injection of
capital - and that won't happen as long as Zimbabwe
President Robert Mugabe
clings to power because both investors and donors
know that it will end up
in the pockets of Mugabe and Co. page
4
Quality matters most
On Tuesday evening, the ANC held a
debate on the proposed National Health
Insurance (NHI) at the Westville
campus of the University of KwaZulu-Natal.
The participants were Olive
Shisana, the chairwoman of the ANC's NHI
technical task team, Zweli Mkhize,
the chairman of the ANC sub-committee on
health and education, Sibongiseni
Dlomo, the Health MEC for KwaZulu-Natal,
and Ngubekhaya Gobinca, the
managing director of Qualsa Healthcare. The NHI
debate sought to encourage
stakeholders in the health care industry and
ordinary South Africans to
engage the ruling party on the proposal.
While illustrating that the
medical aid schemes were not sufficient because
funds were exhausted before
the end of the year, which meant those people
became the burden of the
state, Dlomo told a story of how he had to pay
Entabeni hospital R6 000 last
week because he had to take one of his
children there.
"My medical
aid has run out for this year. Fortunately I don't have a sickly
family and
I have not been to a doctor in the last two years."
Dlomo has a
democratic right to use any health care facility that he wants
and he
probably took his child there because Entabeni Hospital was
best-suited for
the kind of treatment that the child needed.
But this is perhaps another
indication that contrary to what the politicians
say about "not all is bad"
at public hospitals, they also lack faith in the
system.
It is also
an admission that the very same private hospital industry that
has been
criticised is doing something right.
Shisana also said the government did
not regulate the public sector like the
private sector and this would need
to be corrected when the accreditation
process was done for NHI
facilities.
That did not necessarily mean that the facilities would need
to look like
"five-star hotels" as the private hospitals have been referred
to. "We are
talking about the quality of service, not necessarily the nice
bed," he
said.
Some would argue that it has never been the nice bed
that meant quality
service, but rather the attitude of the staff, clean
facilities,
availability of medication and the required
equipment.
Taking a hit
The repercussions of Eskom's
stalled process to procure electricity from
independent power producers have
resulted in delayed payment on a Standard
Bank loan to Ipsa, the London- and
JSE-listed independent power producer.
The £15.8 million (R194m) loan was
due to be repaid today, but Ipsa said
this week it would be unable to do so
unless it sold turbines originally
earmarked for its open-cycle gas turbines
project at Coega.
The group has been trying to sell the four Siemens
Westinghouse 501 DU
turbines since the end of last year, after it became
apparent that the
procurement process would be delayed beyond the plant's
envisaged mid-2009
start-up. It hopes to realise £100m.
Ipsa is
indebted not only to the local bank, but also to manufacturers for
refurbishing the turbines to the tune of £10.7m, and to a firm controlled by
its chief executive, Peter Earl, to the amount of £800 000.
At Ipsa's
gas-fired plant in Newcastle, KwaZulu-Natal, delays in signing a
power
purchase agreement with Eskom have forced Ipsa to seek commercial
clients to
allow the plant to restart.
The first-mover advantage that should have
been enjoyed by the likes of Ipsa
and developers of the 1 200 megawatt
Mmamabula energy complex in Botswana
(which is also awaiting the outcome of
Eskom's funding model for clarity on
a power purchase agreement) has turned
into a drawn-out wait-and-see
scenario as a result of the regulatory hiatus,
combined with a constrained
lending climate.
Standard Bank may share
this view as it has taken no action to enforce
security on the loan. But it
must take a lot of teeth-gritting to express
optimism given the constraints
at hand.
Edited by Peter DeIonno. With contributions by Ethel
Hazelhurst, Slindile
Khanyile and Ingi Salgado
http://steelguru.com
Friday, 02 Oct
2009
Zimbabwe government said that it had short listed 6 companies, most of
them
from outside the country, to take over Zimbabwe Iron & Steel
Company.
The government owns a majority stake in Zisco, but wants to off
load this to
an investor willing to revive the company's operations and take
over its
huge debt of USD 300 million.
Zisco, which has shut down
operations due to lack of capital and other
difficulties, is the first
company to be earmarked for privatization by the
country's new coalition
government. The government wants to raise USD 8
billion to revive Zimbabwe's
shattered economy.
Mr Welshman Ncube industry minister of Zimbabwe said
that six bidders, most
of them from South Africa, had been selected and the
winner would be
announced shortly. He added that "The government will only
come up with a
winner after a technical team tasked to look into Zisco has
presented its
findings. The technical team is expected to submit the results
of its
findings before the end of the month."
It may be noted that
among the bidders are ArcelorMittal and Murray and
Roberts, both of South
Africa and steel companies from India.
(Sourced from www.africanmanager.com)
http://www.voanews.com
By Patience Rusere
Washington
01
October 2009
Thousands of Zimbabwean ordinary and "A" level students
could be prevented
from taking completion exams this year because they
cannot afford to pay the
fees.
The education system charges US$10 for
an exam in one ordinary or "0" level
subject; many students will take exams
in eight subjects at a cost of US$80
dollars, while "A" level students must
pay US$20 a subject resulting in an
often prohibitive cost of
US$160.
The Progressive Teachers Union of Zimbabwe said 80% of "O" and
"A" level
students could fail to take their exams this year and thus be
blocked from
higher studies.
Deputy Education Minister Lazarus Dokora
said in an interview with the
state-run Herald newspaper that the government
is aware of the problem but
is trying to balance the affordability and the
quality of exams. Fees go to
examiners who grade exams.
For a closer
look at the latest crisis in Zimbabwe's schools reporter
Patience Rusere
turned to Israel Mabhoo, head of the Chiedza-Nkanyiso
community based
schools program in Harare, a chief examiner, and headmaster
Tererai Hove of
the Mkoba One High School in the Midlands capital of Gweru,
a member of the
Zimbabwe Schools Examination Council.
Hove said fees must be charged to
cover the exam paper printing costs and
examiners, who in the past have
boycotted the grading process because they
have not been paid.
http://www.zimonline.co.za
by Andrew Moyo Friday 02
October 2009
HARARE - Zimbabwe's government is appealing
against a ruling by the Harare
High Court last week confirming UK-based
mining firm African Consolidated
Resources Plc (ACR)'s right of title to
claims on the notorious Marange
diamond field.
"We have appealed
against that judgment, that is what the AG (Attorney
General) has been
working on. That is the government position," Mines
Minister Obert Mpofu
told ZimOnline on Thursday.
Mpofu, a stalwart of President Robert
Mugabe's ZANU PF party that is in a
power-sharing government with Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai's MDC party,
would not say when exactly the
appeal was lodged with the Supreme Court that
is Zimbabwe's highest court of
law.
He referred questions on the matter to AG Johannes Tomana, who was
not
immediately available for comment.
In a statement following its
court victory last week, ACR said it was
committed to "dialogue with the
Zimbabwe government", in what the market saw
as an olive branch suggesting
the UK firm's could be willing to partner the
government in extracting the
Marange deposits.
The Harare government seized the Marange diamond field
from ACR in October
2006 and allocated the claim to the state-owned Zimbabwe
Mining Development
Corporation.
The government moved into the
controversial diamond field after thousands of
illegal miners descended on
Marange, which ACR had held for some time but
apparently without any
production.
A team from the Kimberley Process Certification System (KPCS)
that visited
Zimbabwe last June called for a temporary ban on trade in
diamonds from
Marange after unearthing gross human rights violations and
other illegal
activities at the diamond field allegedly committed by the
army.
Mugabe sent the army to Marange in 2008 to flush out illegal miners
and
dealers from the diamond field. But human rights groups have accused
security forces of using brutal force to take control of the diamond field
and later forcing villagers to illegally mine the diamonds for resale on the
black market for precious minerals.
However the army and police have
refused to leave Marange while Harare
denies allegations of human rights
abuses and says calls to ban diamonds
from the controversial diamond field
were unjustified because Zimbabwe was
not involved in a war or armed
conflict. - ZimOnline
http://www.zimonline.co.za
by Andrew Moyo Friday 02 October
2009
HARARE - Zimbabwe's largest mobile phone company Econet
Wireless on Thursday
announced a surprise pull out of embattled Kingdom
Meikles Africa Limited
(KMAL) that is entangled in a bitter de-merger
wrangle that has drawn in
political players aligned to President Robert
Mugabe's ZANU PF party.
Econet Wireless Limited said it had offloaded its
10 percent stake in KMAL
to unnamed investors who it said had paid US$17
million for the shares, in a
transaction that the market interpreted to mean
souring relations between
KMAL CEO Nigel Chanakira and Econet founder Strive
Masiyiwa over the
increasingly messy de-merger effort.
"Econet
Wireless has sold its shareholding interest in Kingdom Meikles
Africa
Limited (KMAL)," Econet said yesterday. "The US$17million from the
sale will
be directed towards network expansion," the company said, adding
24,537,480
shares had been pushed to the mystery investors.
KMAL is one of
Zimbabwe's biggest companies with interests spanning several
sectors
including banking and financial services company, agriculture, hotel
and
retail industries.
But sources said Econet had become increasingly
frustrated by the infighting
between Chanakira, who is accused of
influencing the specification of the
group, and KMAL chairman John Moxon,
which has cost shareholder US$410
million after shares plunged by 450
percent since listing in 2007.
Chanakira and Moxon have drawn daggers at
each other over how to split up
KMAL following differences between the
two.
An extraordinary general meeting (EGM) called last Thursday
apparently to
eject Chanakira from KMAL because he was allegedly blocking
the de-merger
process was stopped when Chanakira's wife obtained a High
Court order
against the meeting, while riot police were summoned to ensure
shareholders
did not meet.
Chanakira has alleged that that the EGM
was part of a larger plot -
allegedly driven by Moxon working in cohorts
with Econet Wireless Holdings
Limited - to clandestinely clear Moxon of
charges of externalising US$22
million
The KMAL chief collapsed last
week and is hospitalised in South Africa in a
development his lawyers said
had been inspired by frustrations linked to
efforts by the moves to eject
him from the company.
Chanakira became CEO of KMAL following the merger
of his Kingdom financials
services company and the Meikles group that
operates banking, investment,
supermarket, agricultural and retail
interests, and a leading Harare hotel.
Kingdom Financial Holdings
Limited, Tanganda, Cotton Printers and Meikles
Africa merged in 2007 to
fulfill a 2005 law that white-owned businesses have
51 percent black
shareholders but the union has since turned sour.
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=23397
October 2,
2009
THE Editor and concerned colleagues;
We have
taken note of the contribution by Roget Chamutengure that referred
to one of
our campaigns focusing on Zimbabwe and on electoral reform in
particular.
We recommended the setting up of an independent
commission of enquiry into
the conduct of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission
(ZEC) following our
investigations, which made the following
findings;
1- ZEC failed or deliberately neglected to execute its mandate
in a fair,
independent, professional, transparent and impartial
manner;
2- Violence that occurred in Zimbabwe before, during and after
the 2008
elections was directly and/or indirectly triggered by the conduct
of the
ZEC;
3- A corrupt relationship existed between ZEC, Zanu-PF
and the executive arm
of the government of Zimbabwe;
4- Flawed
election processes in Zimbabwe produced an illegitimate leader,
who is
Robert Gabriel Mugabe;
5) Political parties, candidates and other
institutions of state power
interfered with the work of the ZEC;
and
6) Poor management of elections led to voter
apathy.
ACT-Southern Africa wrote to President Mugabe on 16 February 2009
and our
letter appears
hereunder
__________________________________________________________
Our
Ref: AFRI/R01/2009/CHAIR/Zimbabwe/1/2009
16 February 2009
Mr Robert
Gabriel Mugabe,
Office of the President,
Munhumutapa Building,
Samora
Machel Avenue,
Causeway, Harare,
Zimbabwe
Your
Excellency,
RE:- REQUEST TO SET UP A COMMISSION OF ENQUIRY INTO THE
CONDUCT OF THE
ZIMBABWE ELECTORAL COMMISSION (ZEC) IN THE 2008 GENERAL AND
THE PRESIDENTIAL
RUN-OFF ELECTIONS
We are glad to bring to your
attention a report that was produced by the
Anti-Corruption Trust of
Southern Africa (ACT-Southern Africa) in January
2009, pertaining to the
conduct of the Electoral Commission of Kenya (ECK)
and the Zimbabwe
Electoral Commission (ZEC) in the management of free and
fair democratic
elections.
As you are already aware, the elections in the two countries
were
problematic since they triggered violence that resulted in loss of
life,
internal displacements and extreme levels of insecurity. In Kenya
alone, the
violence left more than 1 200 people dead and close to 350 000
uprooted. In
Zimbabwe at least 160 people were killed and about 30 000 were
internally
displaced. Other effects of the bungling by the ZEC is that the
state was
left paralysed and with no government in place from March 2008
until
February 2009.
However, in Kenya, the Government of National
Unity (GNU) has taken
progressive steps to address the situation in the
spirit and mood of
reconciliation. Two Commissions of Enquiry were set up to
investigate the
bungled elections and they have long since produced reports
on the same. One
of the commissions was led by Justice Johann Kriegler and
six other members
who were appointed to hold a public inquiry into
allegations of electoral
fraud during the 2007 elections.
Justice
Kriegler was assisted by Horacio Boneo, an Argentinean election
expert, and
Tanzania's Justice Imani Daudi Aboud. The setting up of the
commission
follows an agreement between Mwai Kibaki's Party of National
Unity (PNU) and
the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM). Both sides identified
two
representatives while the panel of eminent persons led by former UN
Secretary General Kofi Annan picked Justice Kreigler and two foreign
experts.
In our report, we have recommended that the Zimbabwean
Government of
National Unity (GNU) should consider the following actions in
the spirit of
reconciliation:-
a) The setting up of an independent
commission of enquiry into the conduct
of the ZEC on the elections held on
29 March 2008, and the Presidential
run-off election that took place on 27
June 2008. If an enquiry is made, we
recommend that the findings of such an
enquiry should be made public and its
recommendations fully implemented,
and
b) Investigate fully and prosecute all those responsible for the
abductions
and killings of political activists, human rights defenders and
electoral
officials such as Mr. Ignatius Mushangwe, a ZEC official who was
abducted
and killed in June 2008.
Please refer to our report,
attached hereto, for more information about the
conduct of the ZEC and other
recommendations made to political parties, ZEC
officials, law enforcement
agents, the AU, the SADC and United Nations.
Also please feel free to
contact the undersigned for any further
clarifications pertaining to this
request.
We look forward to your co-operation.
Yours
sincerely,
Norman Tjombe (Mr)
Chairperson
Anti-Corruption Trust of
Southern Africa
Cc: Mr. Morgan Tsvangirai- Prime Minister
Office of
the Prime Minister,
Munhumutapa Building,
Samora Machel
Avenue,
Causeway, Harare,
Mr. Kembo Mohadi- Minister of Home
Affairs
Cnr 4th Street/ Livingstone Avenue
Harare
Hon. Lovemore
Moyo - Speaker of Parliament of Zimbabwe
Nelson Mandela/3rd Street
Box CY
298, Causeway
Harare. Fax 252 935, e-mail: clerk@parlzim.gov.zw
Justice
George Chiweshe - The Chairperson
Zimbabwe Electoral Commission
Box
7782
Causeway, Harare, Fax:- +263 4
781903/770660
_________________________________________________
In view of
the above, members of ZEC, be it commissioners or staff should
not or at all
be allowed to be part of the IZEC until an independent
commission of enquiry
is carried out.
We would like to thank Roget Chamutengure for raising this
issue.
http://www.zimonline.co.za
by Patricia Mpofu Friday
02 October 2009
HARARE - Zimbabwe's journalists
should not accept government media
control through a statutory regulatory
body the coalition government is
setting up but must forge ahead with an
alternative self-regulatory
authority, media experts have said.
The call to ignore the Zimbabwe Media Commission (ZMC) - whose board
members
President Robert Mugabe is still to announce despite Parliament
forwarding
to him a list of 12 short-listed candidates over a month ago - is
one of
several recommendations by media experts who carried a survey on the
state
of broadcasting in Zimbabwe.
The findings of the survey, jointly
undertaken by Africa Governance
Monitoring and Advocacy Project (AfriMAP),
Open Society Initiative for
Southern Africa (OSISA) and the Network Media
Programme (NMP), were unveiled
in Harare on Wednesday.
Under
the inclusive government, the ZMC would, among other things, be
charged with
licencing media players and journalists.
But there is vehement
opposition over the imposition of the statutory
body by independent media
players who in 2007 set up the Voluntary Media
Council of Zimbabwe (VMCZ) -
a professional media self-regulatory body that
was endorsed by all media
stakeholders.
The survey recommends that the provision in
Constitutional Amendment
19, which facilitated the formation of a coalition
government in February
between Mugabe and former opposition MDC leaders
Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai and Deputy Premier Arthur Mutambara, to set
up the ZMC must be
repealed without delay.
"When the statutory
media commission is established with the right to
take disciplinary action
against journalists, the media fraternity in
Zimbabwe should follow their
peers in other African countries such as
Botswana, Uganda or Nigeria by not
recognising this commission as a
complaints body and offering the public
their own effective Voluntary Media
Council as an alternative," reads part
of the recommendations.
Mugabe and his ZANU PF party are understood
to be flatly opposed to a
self-regulatory body for the media, preferring to
retain tight government
controls on the media.
Journalists
working for state-owned media that remains under the
control of ZANU PF
allies despite formation of the unity government have
been prevented from
registering with the VMCZ.
The survey also recommended that all
laws inhibiting the free
operations of the media be repealed.
Zimbabwe has long been regarded as one of the most difficult countries
for
the media because of its tough media and security laws designed to
stifle
criticism of Mugabe and his ZANU PF party who have ruled the country
alone
for all but the last seven months and are blamed for the spectacular
collapse of its once brilliant economy. - ZimOnline.
http://www.nybooks.com/articles/23182
Volume
56, Number 16 · October 22, 2009
By
Joshua Hammer
The arrivals lounge at Harare International Airport in Zimbabwe
once
provided a sinister foretaste of life under the Robert Mugabe
dictatorship.
In every corner lurked agents of Mugabe's Central Intelligence
Organization,
his domestic spying agency, on the lookout for Western
journalists, human
rights workers, democracy activists, and other perceived
enemies of the
regime. It was here that Tendai Biti, the outspoken
secretary-general of the
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), the country's
main opposition party,
was arrested by security agents in June 2008 upon his
return from a trip to
South Africa and charged with treason, which carries a
death sentence.
(After international protests, he was released on bail two
weeks later.)
Correspondents trying to slip into the country on tourist
visas could expect
to find themselves interrogated here by CIO operatives;
then they would
either be detained or put back on planes for Johannesburg.
Most elected to
enter the country through the backwater airport of Bulawayo,
an opposition
stronghold, or overland from Victoria Falls. "If you come
through Harare,"
one Zimbabwean colleague told me last year, "chances are
good you'll be sent
back-or go to jail."
Thus I was pleasantly
surprised when I arrived in Harare on a South African
Airways flight from
Johannesburg in late August, six months after Mugabe had
been forced to cede
partial power to Morgan Tsvangirai, the MDC leader. The
CIO seemed to have
disappeared: the atmosphere was as laid back as that of a
small-town airport
in the United States. A friendly immigration official
issued me a tourist
visa on the spot for the usual $30, no questions asked,
then winked as I
gathered my documents and headed toward baggage claim.
"Welcome to the new
Zimbabwe," he told me.
Last year at this time Zimbabwe looked very
different. In March 2008, Morgan
Tsvangirai defeated the deeply unpopular
Mugabe by a majority vote in the
presidential election, promising -it
seemed-an end to a brutal,
twenty-eight-year dictatorship that had brought
the country economic ruin
and international isolation. Mugabe refused to
recognize the result and
forced Tsvangirai into a runoff, then unleashed his
security forces and
pro-government militias on a campaign of torture and
murder. At least
seventy MDC activists were killed, several hundred
disappeared, and 25,000
people fled their homes. Then South African
president Thabo Mbeki and other
regional leaders stood by, refusing to
intervene or even to condemn Mugabe's
tactics. Tsvangirai withdrew from the
runoff on June 22, 2008, calling it a
"violent sham." Five days later,
Mugabe, running unopposed, declared himself
the winner.
Mugabe's
victory, however, was not absolute. The continued implosion of
Zimbabwe's
currency, combined with a spreading cholera epidemic, global
revulsion at
the ruling party's violence, and growing impatience from the
Southern
African Development Community (SADC)-the regional group of nations
led at
the time by Mbeki-forced the dictator to enter talks with the
opposition
leaders last fall. After tortuous negotiations and several
walkouts by the
MDC, the two sides in September signed the Global Political
Agreement,
preparing the way for a "unity government": Tsvangirai became
Zimbabwe's
prime minister; Mugabe retained the presidency. The MDC received
sixteen of
thirty-one ministries-including the Ministry of Finance, giving
the party
some power over the country's wrecked economy.
In the months since then,
top officials in Mugabe's ZANU-PF (Zimbabwe
African National Union-Popular
Front), who once enjoyed absolute power, have
been forced into awkward
proximity with their former enemies-talking with
them at cabinet meetings,
having meals with them, even sharing suites in
cabinet retreats in the
Zim-babwean bush. Still, as Human Rights Watch
recently reported, Mugabe
retains much control, even if ministries are
officially under the authority
of the MDC.
MDC officials, including Tsvangirai, argue that such grudging
and partial
cooperation is evidence that Zimbabwe is slowly building
democratic
institutions, establishing the rule of law, and laying the
groundwork for a
new constitution and free and fair elections next time
around. "I see it as
a process, and I believe the process is on track," I
was told by David
Coltart, a constitutional lawyer, MDC member of Zimbabwe's
Senate, and the
newly appointed minister of education. Coltart has reopened
thousands of
schools that had been abandoned during the Mugabe dictatorship
because their
teachers went unpaid. Coltart concedes, however, that the
current $155
monthly teacher's salary is barely enough for basic essentials,
and members
of the Zimbabwe Teachers Association, the largest of three
unions, went on
strike in early September to protest living in "abject
poverty and perpetual
debt."
Nor does everybody share Coltart's
optimism. In a huge series of concessions
by the MDC that many within
Tsvangirai's own circle opposed, the ZANU-PF
still has control over the
army, the police, the courts, the jails, and the
Ministry of Information,
which regulates the press. Thus Mugabe's henchmen
have kept their hands on
levers of coercive power, including the ability to
harass and detain their
enemies. "Mugabe was beaten in an election, he came
back through violence,
and...I think he is having the last laugh," I was
told by Farai Maguwu, a
human rights activist in Mutare, in eastern
Zimbabwe. Indeed, there is ample
evidence that the MDC has been
outmaneuvered by Mugabe and his cronies, and
that the former dictator,
rather than being diminished, has walked away from
the deal with his power
and his privileges largely intact, and his
legitimacy-to some
degree-restored.
Tendai Biti, the MDC leader and
new finance minister, exemplifies the
cautious optimism-or, critics would
say, naiveté-of the MDC today. Biti
works out of a corner office on the
fifth floor of a dilapidated high-rise
on Samora Machel Avenue, the main
thoroughfare in Harare. A tall, burly
figure with a booming voice, Biti was
once one of Mugabe's fiercest
opponents; he called Zimbabwe under the
dictator "a predator state
characterized by tolerance for violence." Last
fall, Biti urged his MDC
colleagues not to enter into a power-sharing deal,
arguing that Tsvangirai,
as the clear winner of the March 2008 election,
should form a new government
without Mugabe. He was ignored. "I cried when
the national council of the
MDC took the decision to participate [in the
unity government]," he told me.
"I wanted to resign. And Morgan spoke to me,
and I decided to stay." Since
then, Biti has become a supporter of the
alliance.
Biti has rolled back some of Mugabe's most pernicious economic
policies. His
biggest target has been the national reserve bank, run by
Gideon Gono, a
Mugabe protégé. During his heyday, according to human rights
workers,
journalists, and MDC politicians, Gono ran the bank as a personal
slush
fund. He printed up trillions of Zimbabwean dollars, which he used to
pay
the security forces, purchase agricultural equipment for rural
communities
to bolster support for the ZANU-PF, distribute loans to party
insiders,
allegedly buy diamonds in newly discovered fields in southeast
Zimbabwe
(which he then smuggled out of the country for hefty personal
enrichment),
and trade for hard currency at official government rates, which
diverged
wildly from black market rates. Gono's money policy fueled a
hyperinflationary spiral: in March 2008, the Zimbabwean dollar was valued at
25 million to the US dollar; two months later, it had fallen to one billion
to the dollar. Factories stopped producing goods. Long lines of people
stretched around city blocks in front of ATM machines, waiting hours to
withdraw the equivalent of US $3-the maximum allowed by law.
In
April, Biti abolished the Zimbabwean dollar and made the US dollar legal
tender. (The US dollar was already widely used in Zimbabwe, though
unofficially.) The move brought the inflation rate to near zero, revived the
stock market, put goods back on supermarket shelves and gasoline in the
pumps, and allowed commercial enterprises to establish budgets and return to
business. Last spring ministries began to pay their employees in US dollars,
which has drawn thousands of teachers, doctors, and other civil servants
back to work-though many on the new government salaries are still scraping
by.
Biti couldn't help the millions of Zimbabwean citizens whose
pension funds
and savings accounts had been wiped out by hyperinflation. One
sixty-year-old Zimbabwean colleague told me that he had recently cashed out
his 75-trillion-Zimbwabwean-dollar pension fund-and received three US cents.
And the shortage of US bills in circulation has forced some people in rural
areas to barter for goods-paying in grams of gold, crops, or even animals.
(The Associated Press carried a story about a woman in a rural area who
boarded a bus to Harare and offered the driver a trussed, live chicken in
lieu of bus fare.) But overall, he argues, dollarization has restored a
measure of normality to Zimbabwean society.
Other Zimbabweans I spoke
to supported this view. In Mutare, a town near the
border with Mozambique, I
met Ched Nyamanhindi, a young researcher for the
Center for Research and
Development, a human rights advocacy group.
Nyamanhindi used to have to
travel across the border to Mozambique two or
three times a week to buy
essentials like food and gas, because shops in
Zimbabwe had been stripped
bare. But now, he told me, "You have money, you
can budget, you can plan,
you can walk into a supermarket and buy food for
your family. There's no
more running across the border to buy goods.
Zimbabwe food products, like
cooking oil, rice, sugar, salt, mealy meal, are
coming back to the
markets."
Some people, however, seem determined to turn back the clock.
Gono, who was
appointed-and can only be fired-by Mugabe, recently announced
plans to bring
the Zimbabwean dollar back into circulation. Biti says it
will never happen:
"I don't have the authority to get rid of him," he told
me. "But he can't do
anything without our consent." In July, a package
arrived at Biti's home in
Harare containing a nine-millimeter bullet and a
message to "sort out your
will." Biti was shaken, though he vowed to
continue his reforms.
Mugabe's security forces continue to carry out acts
of brutality. The worst
such case took place in Chiadzwa, a vast field of
alluvial diamonds that was
discovered in 2006. Immediately after the
discovery, diamond panners from
across Zimbabwe-and other parts of
Africa-descended on the area, some of
them becoming rich overnight.
Following the 2008 elections, Mugabe and the
generals decided to crack down.
In Operation Hakudzokwi, or "you won't come
back," two helicopter gunships
and hundreds of ground troops attacked the
panners and, over a two-month
period, killed several hundred of them,
according to human rights groups,
then cordoned off the fields with military
checkpoints. "They shot the
miners and left their bodies to rot in the field
for days," the human rights
activist Farai Maguwu said, as we stood in front
of what he said was a mass
grave at a Mutare cemetery. It contained the
bodies, Maguwu told me, of
eighty poor diamond panners, shot down by an army
brigade last
November.
Today, the troops augment their paltry incomes by smuggling the
diamonds
across the border to Mozambique and selling them to Lebanese
buyers. The MDC
has demanded that Mugabe withdraw the army and turn the
fields over to a
reputable mining company, in order to bring transparency to
the hunt for
diamonds. But nothing has yet happened, and the smuggling goes
on. Biti
admitted that the fields-under the authority of the army and the
ZANU-PF-controlled Ministry of Mines-were beyond the reach of his authority
and that the government is now losing any profit from the diamonds. "We are
getting zero," he said.
In other areas as well, the MDC remains
powerless. Mugabe's police have
arrested more than a dozen MDC
parliamentarians-including ten seized in late
August in a mass arrest during
a meeting at the Ministry of Finance-on a
variety of charges ranging from
disturbing the peace to abducting a
twelve-year-old girl. In July, the
police jailed an MDC deputy minister on
charges of stealing a Nokia cell
phone allegedly owned by Joseph Chinotimba,
leader of the Zimbabwe war
veterans-who have seized thousands of white-owned
farms, often at gunpoint,
in a radical land-reform program initiated by
Mugabe in
2000.
Meanwhile, the land reform falls under the authority of provincial
governors, all of them Mugabe appointees, and of the ZANU-PF-controlled
Ministry of Home Affairs. Seizures of white-owned farms continue, though by
now there are only a few hundred left. (Biti told me that he wanted to stop
the seizures, but that the government would not return land that had already
been confiscated. "You can't reverse the land-reform policies. You cannot
have minority ownership of any resources in the country.")
The
Central Intelligence Organization-despite having been withdrawn from
Harare's airport for cosmetic reasons-is still a near-ubiquitous presence in
the rest of the country. The Ministry of Information is still denying
newspapers licenses, arresting journalists, and refusing to accredit others.
Angus Shaw, the Associated Press bureau chief in Harare and a Zimbabwean
citizen, has been working without accreditation for a decade, which can make
him subject to detention at any time. Last month, he told me, he attempted
to attend a press conference held by Morgan Tsvangirai-and was ordered to
leave by a CIO agent lurking around the entrance. "He said, 'if you don't go
now, your next destination will be the police station,'" said Shaw, who has
been writing about the country for nearly forty years.
Such
harassment and continuing lawlessness have made a mockery of the MDC's
participation in the unity government-and of Tsvangirai's conciliatory
statements toward Mugabe. (Tsvangirai recently told The Guardian that he had
developed "some chemistry" with the man who had once put him on trial for
treason and threatened to kill him.) "The MDC has sanitized and legitimized
ZANU-PF, and they continue to do so," said Derek Matyszak, a director of the
Research and Advocacy Unit, a human rights organization in Harare. Mugabe
loyalists, Matyszak says, are biding their time, "building up a war chest,
and waiting for the next election." Unless the government comes together,
ratifies a new constitution, and establishes a new date for general
elections, the next parliamentary and presidential vote will take place in
2013. At that point, he believes, the country could experience a new wave of
violence and terror.
By 2013, there is also a good chance that
Mugabe, who is eighty-five, will
have faded from the scene. The succession
battle continues to play out
inside the ruling party, with attention
focusing on two candidates, Joyce
Mujuru, who is vice-president and also the
wife of former armed forces
commander Solomon Mujuru; and Emmerson
Mnangagwa, currently the minister of
defense. Both are members of Mugabe's
Shona tribe-the country's dominant
ethnic group-and both are considered to
be hard-liners who stood firmly
behind the campaign of intimidation and
violence against MDC supporters and
activists in the spring of
2008.
Neither of them, however, is believed to be a favorite of South
African
President Jacob Zuma, who has taken a more critical position toward
Mugabe
and his henchmen than his notoriously passive predecessor, Thabo
Mbeki. Zuma
is believed to be taking a close interest in the struggle within
the ruling
party to succeed Mugabe as president, though it remains unclear
just how
strongly he will throw his weight behind Morgan Tsvangirai. (On the
other
hand, Mugabe and his party, the ZANU-PF, are so widely unpopular in
Zimbabwe
now that Zuma would badly damage his credibility if he is seen to
be
meddling in internal ZANU-PF rivalries.)
This spring both Morgan
Tsvangirai and Tendai Biti traveled across Western
Europe and to Washington,
seeking financial support for the unity
government. Their efforts were
largely unsuccessful. President Obama met
with Tsvangirai at the White House
in June and pledged $73 million to
Zimbabwe, a relative pittance. He also
refused to place the money directly
into the hands of the government,
channeling it instead through aid
organizations and United Nations agencies.
The funds will go to specific
ministries, such as health and education, that
are run by the MDC. Other
Western leaders have refused to support the new
government, despite cautious
approval of Tsvangirai personally. In
September, a European Union delegation
traveled to Harare for its first
talks with Mugabe in seven years, but
refused to lift sanctions, citing
continued lack of progress in human
rights. "The default position among the
donors is 'sit back and do
nothing,'" I was told in Harare by a Michigan
State professor and native
Zimbabwean who arrived in the country in August
to conduct a research study
for the World Bank. "Nobody wants to contribute
funds that might end up
propping up the old guard." Western donors have
established a set of
benchmarks that the unity government must
meet-including establishing the
rule of law, respect for democracy and human
rights, and commitment to free
and fair elections-before the money begins
flowing. A US diplomat told me
that "the government hasn't come close" to
meeting them.
For their part, regional leaders, including Zuma, who
pushed hard for the
formation of a unity government last year, have eased
off Mugabe in the last
few months, glad that the sense of crisis has faded
and apparently eager to
return to business as usual. At a gathering of
southern African heads of
state in Kinshasa in early September, the leaders
repeated a call for
lifting sanctions against Mugabe and his cronies, citing
improvements in
human rights and the economy.
Biti and Tsvangirai
were hoping to emerge from their trips with pledges that
would allow
Zimbabwe to pay off its loans from the World Bank and
International Monetary
Fund. "I think the donors are being selfish," Biti
told me. "They are
sulking. They are unhappy that Mugabe is a part of this
inclusive
government. They wanted proper and pure regime change. But when
you are
fighting a dictatorship, using nonviolent means, whatever you do is
gradual." Already, he said, "People can put on MDC T-shirts right now
without violence, people can get on with their lives without any reprisals."
I asked Biti about Mugabe cronies who had benefited from ZANU-PF hegemony,
and who were desperate to avoid the possibility of judgment in The Hague or
some other court. "They are not powerful enough to derail this process," he
insisted. Like the Western donors, he said, "They can sulk and sulk, but we
are going to do what we have to do to give our people a chance." The trouble
with such statements is that they are made under the still heavy shadow of
Mugabe and his goons.
-September 23, 3009 [sic]