Zimbabwean President Mugabe and PM Tsvangirai Move to Defuse Political Tensions

http://www.voanews.com/

Sources privy to the discussions said the main focus was the violence or
other forms of disruption that have plagued the the constitutional outreach
program since June, resulting in more than 1,000 meetings being scuttled

Blessing Zulu | Washington 01 October 2010

Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and
Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara convened a rare National Security
Council meeting Friday as political tensions rose amid reports that the
country's security forces are cracking down on critics of Mr. Mugabe's
former ruling ZANU-PF party.

Government sources described the meeting chaired by Mr. Mugabe as tense. It
followed another crisis meeting of the three unity government principals on
Thursday during which they discussed reports of escalating violence in most
parts of the country, mainly linked to the troubled constitutional revision
public outreach process.

Community meetings in Harare were disrupted on the weekend of Sept. 18-19 by
alleged ZANU-PF militants and one member of Mr. Tsvangirai's Movement for
Democratic Change died after an attack in Mbare, a Harare suburb.

Besides the three government principals, the two vice presidents and two
deputy prime ministers, the security council comprises the ministers of
Defense, Finance and Home Affairs, the commanders of the Zimbabwe Defense
Forces, the Air Force, the police commissioner general and the commissioner
of the Zimbabwe Prison Services.

Sources privy to the discussions said the main focus was the violence or
other forms of disruption that have plagued the the constitutional outreach
program since June, resulting in more than 1,000 meetings being scuttled.

Mr. Tsvangirai is said to have demanded that the security forces be more
professional and stop meddling in politics. Mr. Mugabe and security
officials countered that Mr. Tsvangirai's supporters played a role in the
violence.

The security council also discussed a request by the Parliamentary Select
Committee on Constitutional Revision for the Home Affairs Ministry and
police to draw up detailed plans to provide security for outreach meetings.

Political analyst Earnest Mudzengi dismissed the National Security Council
meeting, saying such gatherings were futile due to what he described as Mr
Mugabe's intransigence.

The US government, the European Union and human rights groups have condemned
the violence that has been seen in Harare and provinces such as Manicaland,
Masvingo, Mashonaland Central and Mashonaland East which traditionally have
been hotly contested by ZANU-PF and the former opposition MDC.

Participants also discussed the expiration of a 30-day deadline set by the
Southern African Development Community for resolution of outstanding
contentious issues related to the 2008 Global Political Agreement, sources
said.

Limited progress had been made over the past several months, but Mr. Mugabe
has stated that he will not make any more concessions until Western
sanctions targeting him and 200 top ZANU-PF officials have been lifted.

End violence or sanctions remain: Germany

http://www.zimonline.co.za

by Sebastian Nyamhangambiri Saturday 02 October 2010

HARARE - Continuing violence is making it difficult for European Union (EU)
envoys to recommend lifting or easing of sanctions against President Robert
Mugabe and his top allies, German ambassador Albrecht Conze has said.

Conze charged that elements within Zimbabwe behind the violence such as the
clashes that forced suspension of constitutional public hearings in Harare
were the ones who want the "the restrictive measures to stay"

Zimbabwe is writing a new constitution as part of reforms agreed by
President Robert Mugabe and Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai to entrench
democracy, the rule of law and respect for human rights in the country.

But an exercise to gather public views to be put in the proposed
constitution has been marred by reports of violence and widespread
intimidation blamed on ZANU PF supporters wanting to pressure Zimbabweans to
support a new constitution that will not bar Mugabe from standing for
re-election, while banning the post of Prime Minister.

Public hearings had to be called off in Harare and the nearby dormitory town
of Chitungwiza after violence broke out during meetings more than two weeks
ago, leaving at least one person dead and scores of others injured.

Asked by journalists about his recommendation should Brussels inquire from
him whether conditions in Zimbabwe warranted lifting of sanctions, Conze
said he would recommend that the EU makes "some form of movement" on the
punitive measures on condition proposed electoral reforms were carried
through and constitutional reforms progress without further violence.

The EU, alongside the United States, Australia, Switzerland and New Zealand,
imposed targeted sanctions against Mugabe and his top officials eight years
ago as punishment for allegedly stealing elections, human rights violations
and failure to uphold the rule of law.

The sanctions include a ban on weapon sales to the southern African country.

The Western nations have however maintained humanitarian aid to Zimbabwe
including providing food relief and HIV/AIDS support mostly through
non-governmental organisations.

Mugabe, who denies violating human rights or stealing elections, says the
sanctions have had a wider impact beyond the targeted individuals to damage
Zimbabwe's once vibrant economy. - ZimOnline.

Zimbabwe Constitutional Committee Reaches Out to Diaspora Groups in S. Africa

http://www.voanews.com

Zimbabweans in the diaspora, heavily concentrated in South Africa to which
some two million nationals have moved for political or economic reasons,
want the right to cast absentee ballots in national elections and to hold
dual citizenship

Patience Rusere | Washington 01 October 2010

Zimbabwe's Select Parliamentary Committee on Constitutional Revision has
authorized civic groups based outside the country to hold public outreach
meetings in their communities and submit findings by October 25.

Select Committee Co-Chairman Douglas Mwonzora said his committee does not
have the resources to do outreach meetings in the diaspora. The committee's
three co-chairs met about 30 civic groups in Johannesburg on Friday and
briefed participants on the outreach process that has been going on inside
the country since June.

The meeting included representatives of the Zimbabwe Exiles Forum and the
Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition, among others. Sources who attended the meeting
said civil society activists listed issues of most concern to members of the
diaspora, including dual citizenship and the right to cast absentee ballots
in national elections.

The groups asked to be included in future stages of the constitutional
revision process.

Select Committee Co-Chairman Mwonzora told VOA Studio 7 reporter Patience
Rusere that the conference offered  expatriates an opportunity to express
their views on the new constitution.

Meanwhile, committee officials said meetings canceled in Harare last month
due to violence would be rescheduled for the weekend of October 9-10.
Reports said representatives of President Robert Mugabe's ZANU-PF party
opposed rescheduling, while committee members from Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change insisted new dates be set. Most
reports have blamed ZANU-PF militants for disrupting the meetings.

‘Army in renewed terror campaign’

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 30 September 2010 21:06

CONSTITUTIONAL Parliamentary Committee co-chairman Douglas Mwonzora has
accused the military and other state security agents of terrorising
villagers during the outreach programme of the constitution-making process,
saying a climate of fear was  enveloping  outlying districts of the country.

Mwonzora said this week as a result of the fear and intimidation meetings
would have to be held again in at least 1 100 centres throughout the country
to try to rescue people’s views which were suppressed by Zanu PF militants
who were aided and abetted by the army and other security structures.

This comes a week after Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai also complained
about activities of the army during the flawed and violence-ridden
constitution-making process. The premier said the military and state agents’
involvement in the exercise should be investigated. In previous elections,
Tsvangirai blamed the army for violence and intimidation and even rigging of
polls. During the 2008 presidential election run-off, Tsvangirai pulled out
of the race, citing violence and brutality by the army and other security
services.

“We note with concern the militarisation of the process, interfering with a
purely civilian process. Reports from all over the country show the heavy
involvement of the military in the process,” he said.

“In rural areas, ordinary people were under siege from similar cases of
military meddling. The military and state agents’ involvement must be
investigated and the principals must meet immediately to map the way
forward.”

Mwonzora told the Zimbabwe Independent that there was allegedly heavy
involvement of the military and state security agents before, during and
after outreach meetings throughout the country.

He said the soldiers, some in civilian clothing and others in uniform,
attended the consultations and addressed people prior to the outreach
meetings, telling them what to say and threatening those that might want to
speak against Zanu PF positions.

“They would be dropped at centres before the arrival of the Copac team, they
would then address the gathering on what to say and the people that must
speak and not speak. They would then advise them on the specific measures
that would be taken against those that do not obey,” Mwonzora said.

Mwonzora said the areas to be redone also include those that were affected
by “politically motivated violence, fear, intimidation, busing in of
participants, manhandling of Copac members, verbal threats, racial
intolerance, assaults, whistling and booing of participants presenting
different views, sloganeering and singing revolutionary songs”.

Director of Defence Forces Public Relations department Everson Magwiza
denied the army was beating up people and disrupting meetings, saying there
was no operation in which soldiers were deployed during outreach meetings.
“I am not aware that we have any involvement. What I know is that like
everybody else, members of the army are free to participate in the
constitution-making process,” he said.

However, Mwonzora insisted that he had electronic evidence from the outreach
teams that show the involvement of the military and state security agents,
particularly in rural areas, before, during and after the meetings.

“Allegations of involvement of military people and CIO operatives were
brought to the committee by some outreach teams in Matabeleland South,
Mashonaland West, Manicaland, Mashonaland Central, Masvingo and Harare,” he
said.

“We can confirm that the CIO was present at all meetings. In Manicaland,
there is evidence on camera and electronic evidence of members of the CIO
masquerading as villagers. Some of them were identified in Nyanga where they
were known and were removed from the meetings.”

He singled out Brigadier-General Douglas Nyikayaramba, saying he was
involved in deploying soldiers in Manicaland.

“We received reports in Manicaland of military officers from 3 Brigade
commanded by Brigadier-General Douglas Nyikayaramba being bused to areas
around Mutare, Chipinge and Nyanga,” he said, adding that “they even
picketed there. Definitely there was a heavy presence of the military. I can
confirm that there was rogue behaviour by the military that forced three
meetings to be abandoned in Nyanga alone.”

However, the other co-chairperson Munyaradzi Paul Mangwana said they had 4
600 reports to go through and could not confirm the allegations because he
had not gone through them yet.

Mwonzora said: “We also received allegations of members of the army getting
into the programme. I can give you an example of Nyanga South where members
of the military from the local battalion battle school went and caused
mayhem at Nyatondo outreach centre, as a result the outreach meetings were
cancelled twice,” he said.

“There were also military officers present in Dzivaresekwa and officers from
Cranborne barracks at the meetings in Mbare at Mai Musodzi Hall and
Hatfield. They were spread across the districts and in some instances, they
were identified by villagers. The involvement of the military is well
documented.”

Copac reports of aborted meetings in Manicaland, which the Independent has
copies of, read: “… at Nyatondo Primary School in Nyanga South, bused
participants refused to leave the venue. The majority of the participants
were soldiers and uniformed soldiers also attended the meeting. The road was
blocked so that Copac members could not leave the place.”

While at St Peter’s Tokoyo primary school in Makoni South, the report said
Copac team members were chased away by state security agents.
“After bussed in participants began leaving the venue, Copac team members
from Zanu PF also left the meeting. The remaining team members decided to
proceed with the meeting but were chased away by CIO an hour and a half
later,” read the report.

In another incident at Nemaire Primary School in Headlands, MDC supporters
were threatened into not attending meetings and those who had threatened
them “were armed” when they attended the meeting.

“Those who had threatened participants then attended the meeting and were
armed and advised participants that they will deal with those putting across
MDC positions,” read the report.

Mwonzora said he raised the issue with the military, who told him that the
soldiers could have been at the meetings in their personal capacities to
contribute like any other citizen to the constitution-making process.

He said they also told him that the soldiers were not on duty, while some
might have been retired army officers visiting their rural homes.
Mwonzora said it seemed that the whole operation by the soldiers was well
organised and coordinated.

“They are well-organised; these officers were deployed at each and every
station. They were transported there and they were transported from there,”
he said.

In Harare, whose outreach programme was suspended because of violence, the
co-chairperson said they would re-do 42 centres, which will be broken down
into smaller groups.

Faith Zaba

Sadc sets up presidential team on sanctions

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 30 September 2010 19:47

THE Southern African Development Community (Sadc) has set up a three-member
presidential team to lobby for the removal of sanctions against Zimbabwe in
keeping with resolutions passed in Windhoek to unlock the country's
political logjam.

The issue of sanctions is a major sticking point in the implementation of
the Global Political Agreement that led to the formation of the Government
of National Unity, with Zanu PF insisting that they are the major problem
hindering progress.

According to informed sources, Presidents Jacob Zuma of South Africa,
Hifikepunye Pohamba of Namibia and Rupiah Banda of Zambia are expected to
travel to Washington and Europe to campaign for the lifting of sanctions.

"Sadc has set up the team, but I cannot say when they will be travelling to
campaign for the lifting of sanctions," said a source.
The communiqué of the 30th Jubilee Summit of Sadc on Zimbabwe reiterated its
call on the international community to lift all forms of sanctions imposed
on Zimbabwe and the Sadc region in general.

Sadc also mandated the chairman of Sadc, assisted by the chairman of the
Organ on Politics, Defence and Security and the facilitator of the Zimbabwe
political dialogue to engage the international community on the issue of
sanctions on Zimbabwe.

Head of Zimbabwe's ministerial delegation on sanctions Elton Mangoma
yesterday could not confirm the delegation and referred questions to the
Minister of Foreign Affairs, Simbarashe Mumbengegwi, who could not be
reached for comment.

Zuma was reported this week to have met European MPs, urging them that
"lifting sanctions would give a chance to the efforts we are making there
and empower Sadc to do more on Zimbabwe."

The EU said in acknowledgment of the progress made by the unity government,
it has allocated £138 million to Harare for humanitarian assistance.
However, the EU said it would keep the situation in Zimbabwe under constant
review and wherever there is significant progress they are willing to
support the process.

According to reports last week, the United States told Zimbabwe in their
dialogue between the inclusive government and President Barack Obama's
administration in Washington that it would only review sanctions when the
rule of law is restored and human rights violations are stopped.

Wongai Zhangazha
 

Tsvangirai not certain on elections date

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 30 September 2010 19:42

PRIME Minister Morgan Tsvangirai this week said he is no longer certain that
elections, which are widely expected to unlock the log-jam in the fragile
coalition government, will be held next year.  President Robert Mugabe and
Tsvangirai have in recent months been psyching their party supporters up for
an early election in 2011 which would mark an end to the inclusive
government formed in February last year.

Responding to questions from the Zimbabwe Independent on whether principals
to the inclusive government - Mugabe, Tsvangirai and deputy PM Arthur
Mutambara - would take on board an appeal made by business seeking a
five-year moratorium on the elections, the premier said more electoral
reforms are required before Zimbabweans can cast their ballots.

"There is no such thing as a permanent transition. We need to have an exit
strategy to this uncertainty and policy inconsistency because we are a
coalition," Tsvangirai said.

"We need an election certainly; not tomorrow certainly, it may or may not be
next year, depending on the process that is being undertaken - the
constitution-making process, the referendum and of course the eventual
election. But the election cannot be avoided. If you avoid this election,
you are not resolving the political crisis that is in the minds of the
international community.," he said.

He added that: "But certainly we must be sure that when we go to that
election, there is no violence and that the election will be conducted in a
free and fair manner and that the outcome is not contestable so that we don't
have another repeat of 2008."

Zimbabwe is crafting a new constitution before a referendum leading to the
elections is held. But business and civic groups fear that the animosity
between the parties that resulted in disturbances and violence during the
constitution outreach programme in the capital a fortnight ago could be a
precursor to election-motivated violence.

Apart from writing the new supreme law, Zimbabwe is yet to compile a
credible voters' roll amid concerns that there are numerous ghost voters on
the existing roll.

The three political protagonists who formed the coalition after a disputed
election two years ago reached a deadlock on the full implementation of the
Global Political Agreement, resulting in a regional initiative pushing for
fresh elections.

The coalition was formed two years ago after a disputed bloody election
runoff that saw Mugabe extending his reign in power despite losing to
Tsvangirai in the first round of elections that was generally regarded by
the international community as free and fair.

The Prime Minister also told business executives attending an American
Business Association of Zimbabwe forum in Harare that the coalition is
planning to undertake a land audit expected to name and shame multiple farm
owners.

However, to date government has not shown any commitment in commissioning
the exercise, ostensibly due to financial constraints.
The land audit is part of the concessions made by the political parties
represented in the GPA to make the land redistribution exercise transparent.

Government embarked on a chaotic land reform exercise 10 years ago which
expropriated vast tracts of land, supposedly to correct historic imbalances.
"Disdain for the rule of law and property rights continues to undermine our
image as a safe investment destination," Tsvangirai said. "We are working on
a land audit as agreed in the GPA to bring a closure to the trauma of the
fast-track land reform, which distorted our property rights regime. We know
that we must continue to fight for the respect of property rights in all
sectors of the economy if we are to encourage long-term land investments,"
he said.

"The current limitation is finance. We will of course try and put some funds
into the current budget to make sure that the audit is carried out. We need
an audit to establish who has got what land, so that we can have a fair and
transparent distribution. But it also has to deal with the question: who is
actually producing? What are the long term prospects for the farm that we
have got and the farmers that are on the land?"

The European Union last year pledged to provide financial assistance for the
land audit but Zanu PF is reportedly reluctant to undertake the land
inventory saying Western governments are plotting to reverse the
controversial land grab.

Bernard Mpofu

Mohadi at centre of storm over Nkomo statues

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 30 September 2010 19:38

A POLITICAL storm has erupted among Zanu PF's top leadership which is
accusing co-Home Affairs minister Kembo Mohadi of procuring the late
Vice-President Joshua Nkomo's statues from North  Korea without consulting
the Nkomo family or the presidium. Authoritative sources said Zanu PF was
sharply divided over the Nkomo statues with Vice- Presidents Joice Mujuru
and John Nkomo at loggerheads with Mohadi following his handling of the
matter.

The two North Korean-made statues, for Bulawayo and Harare, were meant to
honour the late "Father Zimbabwe -- as he was affectionately known -- but
offended the people of Matabeleland  who have never forgiven President
Robert Mugabe for the massacre of an estimated 20 000 people in that region
in the 1980s by the notorious North Korean-trained Fifth Brigade.

The Bulawayo statue was removed on September 15 after it was erected in
August and analysts warned that the North Korean links opened wounds of the
bloody clashes between Mugabe and Nkomo.

Nkomo died at 82 in 1999 and was buried at the National Heroes Acre.
The late Nkomo's daughter, Thandiwe, met Nkomo and Mujuru on August 19 to
express displeasure over Mohadi's failure to consult the family, according
to a source.

The meetings took place at the vice-presidents' Munhumutapa offices when
Mugabe was attending a Comesa meeting in Swaziland. Mujuru, who chairs the
cabinet committee on awards and honours, the source said, was upset after
learning that Mohadi did not consider the family's views on the statues.
"Vice-presidents John Nkomo and Mujuru are angry with Mohadi because of the
way he dealt with the statues," said the source. "They believe Mohadi's
decision to buy the statues from North Korea was meant to provoke Ndebeles.

"The presidium is bitter why Mohadi unveiled the statue in Bulawayo. The
Zanu PF leaders think Mohadi wanted to test public reaction and Nkomo is not
taking it lightly. It's like everyone now in Zanu PF is baying for Mohadi's
blood."

Nkomo and Mujuru told Mohadi, who later joined the meeting, that the
Bulawayo statue should be removed immediately,  sources said.
National Museums and Monuments director Godfrey Mahachi confirmed that
Mohadi ordered two statues from North Korea.

"The minister, working together with my department, commissioned two statues
from North Korea. It is the minister who gave all the instructions," he
said.

The Mohadi and Nkomo rivalry then escalated after the co-Home Affairs
minister took a month to remove the statue. Sources say Mohadi, who also
wanted the vice-president's post last year, was defiant because he believes
Nkomo did not deserve the top office as he remained in government after
former PF-Zapu ministers were fired by Mugabe in the early 1980s.

Mohadi told the state media last month that the government paid US$600 000
to the North Koreans for the two, three-metre-high statues. After it was
removed from the city centre where former colonial master Cecil John Rhodes'
statue used to stand, the Nkomo statue is now being kept at the Bulawayo
Natural History Museum.

A source said the presidium was angry with Mohadi because he erected the
statue in Bulawayo city centre instead of the agreed Joshua Nkomo
International Airport.

"The Zanu presidium, just like the family, was gravely concerned over the
size of the statue," said the source. "That statue was pitiful."
There was also a furore over the Nkomo statue in Harare where the government
wanted to erect it at Karigamombe Centre.

Mohadi declined to comment yesterday saying he was busy organising the late
Zanu PF politburo member Ephraim Masawi's burial at the national heroes'
acre.

"Leave me alone, just give me time please. I am busy, I am in the middle of
a programme," he said.
Thandiwe Nkomo said the family no longer wanted to comment on the statues.

Brian Chitemba

‘Heroes Acre for Zanu PF members only’

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 30 September 2010 18:34

PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe yesterday declared that the National Heroes Acre was
solely for the burial of Zanu PF members who participated in the liberation
war, as the two MDC formations and Western diplomats snubbed the burial of
Zanu PF politburo member Ephraim Masawi. Zanu PF on Tuesday declared Masawi,
former Mashonaland Central governor who died on Saturday, a national hero,
attracting a barrage of criticism from the two MDC formations.

Addressing mourners at the Heroes Acre, Mugabe said the shrine was reserved
for his Zanu PF cronies who participated in the liberation struggle and not
workers’ leaders — in an apparent reference to former trade unionist Gibson
Sibanda and premier in the inclusive government, Morgan Tsvangirai.
Mugabe said: “The Heroes’ Acre is a place for those who fought for the
liberation of the country. It’s not a place for everyone; there are a lot of
people who did good things, including pastors but they can’t be buried here.

“Those who lead others be it at workplaces, cannot be buried at the Heroes’
Acre; we can look for another shrine for them. Those who were buried here
were involved in the war to liberate Zimbabwe.”

But the MDC-T fired a broadside at Mugabe, saying the shrine had lost its
national status.

The party spokesman Nelson Chamisa said Zanu PF was monopolising the
discussion of who is accorded hero status.
“It’s a Zanu PF heroes acre, it’s no longer a national shrine and Zanu PF
must be ashamed,” said Chamisa.

Zanu PF spokesman Rugare Gumbo said they were not concerned by the MDC
formations’ boycott of Masawi’s burial, saying the selection of national
heroes was not an inclusive government issue and remained a prerogative of
Zanu PF.

“Why should they (MDC-T and MDC-M) be consulted on the heroes’ status of our
cadres? Most of them were students in 1980 (when Zimbabwe gained
Independence),” he said.

“The conferment of heroes’ status is done by the party and not the inclusive
government. The criterion is that those who fought in the liberation
struggle deserve to be buried here.”

Gumbo accused the MDC formations of failing to understand the meaning of a
hero.
MDC-M spokesman Edwin Mushoriwa said his party boycotted the Masawi burial
because they did not believe the former Zanu PF deputy spokesman deserved to
be buried at the national shrine.

“We strongly dispute how Mugabe and his club choose heroes,” Mushoriwa said.
“There are people like Gibson Sibanda (the late MDC-M vice-president) and
Zanu Ndonga president Ndabaningi Sithole who were denied a chance to be at
the Heroes’ Acre. Therefore, the boycott was a protest against Mugabe and
Zanu PF’s monopoly over state issues.”

Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara last month attacked Mugabe for
refusing to accord hero’s status to the late Sibanda.

The issue of national heroes is one of the 24 agreed matters in the Global
Political Agreement (GPA). According to the implementation matrix by the
three principals, a cabinet committee on honours and awards is supposed to
be set up within two months from August 5.

The committee will be tasked with deciding who should be accorded national
hero status.

A report by the negotiators to the Sadc facilitation team noted MDC-T and
MDC-M were worried about  Zanu PF’s monopoly over the selection of national
heroes.

“MDC-T and MDC-M made the point that national heroes are currently
determined by only one political party without a legal regulatory
 framework,” read the negotiators’ report. “They raised the need for a
statutory body, perhaps chaired by a vice-president to set the criteria for
the selection of national, provincial and district heroes and to determine
who qualifies in terms of the criteria.”

German Ambassador Albrecht Conze and US envoy Charles Ray, who walked out at
Mugabe’s sister, Sabina’s burial in August, also boycotted yesterday’s
event.

The diplomats left the shrine after Mugabe attacked Western nations saying
they should go to hell for interfering in the country’s internal affairs.
MDC-T, MDC-M and Zanu PF, under the GPA, formed an inclusive government last
year to end a decade-long political and economic crisis.
Zanu PF is blamed for the economic recession as a result of policy
inconsistencies and massive corruption.

Mugabe yesterday reiterated that Western investors should stay away if they
do not want to cede a controlling stake to Zimbabweans.

There has been swelling criticism over the Indigenisation and Economic
Empowerment Act, which economists warn could scare away potential investors.
The indigenisation policy seeks to give 51%shareholding to locals  in
existing businesses, with the owners given a five-year period to comply.

The 86-year-old leader insisted that those willing to invest in Zimbabwe
should come as partners in a way defined by the indigenisation regulations.
“Our resources are ours; they belong to sons and daughters of Zimbabwe.
Those who want to share resources must get permission. Zimbabweans should be
major shareholders and the investors must accept it,” said Mugabe.

He defended the indigenisation laws, saying no investors should be scared.

“If they don’t agree with our terms they should stay out. They want to find
a way to control us but we say no. Let them stay away from our resources.
Zimbabwe will never be a colony again,” said Mugabe.

Brian Chitemba

SA protests disruption of citizens’ farming operations

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 30 September 2010 18:34

THE South African ambassador to Zimbabwe, Mlungisi Makalima, has written to
government seeking its “immediate” intervention to stop the takeover of two
farms in Chegutu and Marondera owned by his country’s citizens. The farms,
according to Makalima, were protected under a Bilateral Investment Promotion
and Protection Agreement (Bippa) between South Africa and Zimbabwe.

In two diplomatic notes sent to the ministries of Lands, Finance, Home
Affairs, Foreign Affairs and Economic Planning and Investment Promotion,
Makalima pleaded with the responsible ministries to provide necessary
protection to the South Africans being harassed on the farms.

The farms in question are Wantage in Chegutu owned by South African investor
Dirk Visagie and Nyamwera farm in Marondera owned by Hellen Newmarch.

Makalima said both Visagie and Newmarch had reported to the South African
embassy on September 28 that their farming operations were being disrupted
by farm invaders.

“On 28 September 2010 Mr Visagie reported to the embassy that a Mr Mudavanhu
has disrupted farming operations by ordering Mr Visagie’s workers to stop
watering the crops and feeding the cattle,” reads one of Makalima’s notes.

“Mr Mudavanhu has further sought to harass Mr Visagie by placing five youths
at the entrance of the farm thereby not allowing him to enter or exit the
farm. Mr Visagie further reports that Mr Mudavanhu has threatened the
manager of the farm with violent action and has stated intention of moving
into Mr Visagie’s homestead.”

The note further states that Visagie acquired Wantage Farm as a foreign
investor and was issued with a “letter of no interest” dated May 12 2001.
Makalima wrote: “Mr Visagie is in further possession of provisional order
(case number HC384/06) granted by Judge (Charles) Hungwe in the presence of
Mudavanhu and his wife in the Harare High Court interdicting Mr Mudavanhu
from interfering with Wantage farm operations; a final order issued by Judge
(Tedias) Karwi endorsing the above provisional order and a further
provisional order granted by Judge  (Charles) Hungwe (HC6734/07) stating
that the “the respondents are hereby interdicted from in any way entering
upon Wantage….”

“Mr Visagie finally informs the embassy that he has been acquitted of all
charges relating to occupying gazetted land.”
He said despite all these court interdicts, Visagie “continues to be
harassed and has found it increasingly difficult to receive a positive
reaction from the local police”.

“The embassy wishes to further appeal to the government of the Republic of
Zimbabwe to provide the necessary protection to these South African
citizens.”

In a separate note, the ambassador said Newmarch had her farm occupied
despite a High Court order passed by Judge (Bharat) Patel on May 13 allowing
her to remain on her property and continue farming.

A V Matibiri has occupied the entire farm for the past three weeks, the
ambassador said.

“In light of the High Court order, Mrs Newmarch was given assurances by Mr
Matibiri that she could remain on a section of the farm known as Carlyton
Farm (locally known as Nyamwera farm).

“Mrs Newmarch further informs the embassy that her equipment has remained on
the farm and that Mr Matibiri has denied her access to the said equipment
stating that the equipment now belongs to him,” wrote Makalima.

A Foreign Affairs ministry spokesperson professed ignorance of the note from
Makalima. This is not the first time Makalima has written diplomatic notes
to government. In July he wrote a note to co-Home Affairs minister Theresa
Makone protesting the arrest of two Nyamandlovhu farmers in Matabeleland.
The two farmers, Gary Godfrey and Nigel Fawcett were arrested for refusing
to vacate designated land.

The farmers were said to be protected by Bippas.

Wongai Zhangazha

Timba’s lawyers accuse CID of bias

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 30 September 2010 18:34

LAWYERS representing Renaissance Financial Holdings chief executive
Patterson Timba and his brother, Stevenson in an alleged fraud case have
lodged a complaint with the police against officers in the Criminal
Investigations Department (CID), accusing them of bias in the way they
handled their clients’ matter.  In a letter dated September 27 to officer
commanding CID Fraud in Harare, Assistant Commissioner Samson Mangoma, the
Timbas’ lawyers — Atherstone & Cook — accused the officers who investigated
the case of having a personal interest in it.

The lawyers asked Mangoma to ensure that justice and the rule of law is
observed by the police towards their clients’ case.
Timba, jointly charged with Stevenson, chief executive of Freshco Resources,
appeared at the Harare Magistrates’ Courts on Tuesday facing allegations of
fraudulently attempting to take over a mining company, Glencairn. They were
remanded out of custody to October 12 on US$500 bail each.

Their lawyers said police conduct in the case showed that they had personal
interests, considering that the Attorney-General (AG)’s Office, through
Chief Law Officer Chris Mutangadura, had declined to prosecute the Timbas,
saying the matter was more civil than criminal.

“Notwithstanding this (declining to prosecute) our clients have been told
that the police were stopping at nothing in prosecuting our client and true
to their vows on Friday 24th September 2010, the police led by Mr Chikupa
visited our client’s home at around 4.30am,” read the lawyers’ letter.
“Our clients fortunately were not at their respective home,  they did not
leave our clients’ home  and  stopped their children from going to school on
that day. At 11am they forced their entry by breaking the gate and searched
every corner of the house without a search warrant and their conduct
traumatised our clients’ family.”

The lawyers said the matter was civil as alluded to by the AG’s office and
the subsequent decision by Jameson Rushwaya to file a civil court
application via case number 6034/10 and another one under case number
6656/10 in which he is challenging the “removal” of Annie Rushwaya as
director of the mine, among other things.

“The manner in which the matter has been handled is a clear indication of
the personal interest of some police officers in this matter,” the letter
said.
The lawyers said they were seeking justice from Mangoma because their
clients’ constitutional rights had been infringed by the police.
They said they were informed, a month ago, that a complaint of fraud was
filed against his clients by Jameson Rushwaya, but this was preceded by
their own complaint.

“What was most surprising to our client was the fact that there was more
attention  by the police on the complaint filed by Rushwaya. Lip service was
paid to our clients’ complaint,” said the letter.

The lawyers said during investigations there was no doubt, in their clients’
minds, that there was “unnecessary favouritism towards one Jameson Rushwaya
despite the fact that his allegations against our clients were clearly
unfounded”.

“For instance, Jameson claims to have purchased Tolrose which owns the mine
and yet the affidavits from the sellers that were produced of record clearly
show the contrary,” the lawyers argued.

Mutangadura, in declining to prosecute, said Patterson Timba’s company had
majority shareholding in the disputed mining company according to an
allotment of shares document.

Efforts to get comment from police spokesperson Wayne Bvudzijena yesterday
were fruitless as he was not answering his phone.

Wongai Zhangazha

AG’s Office Bill only new proposed law

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 30 September 2010 18:31

THE Attorney-General (AG)’s Office Bill is the only new proposed law, among
the 24 which President Robert Mugabe in July said will be tabled in the
third session of the seventh parliament, ready for debate when the House
resumes sitting on Tuesday.
Austin Zvoma, the clerk of parliament, on Wednesday told the Zimbabwe
Independent that apart from the AG’s Office Bill, the House would also
continue to debate the Public Order and Security Act Amendment Bill.

Parliament resumes sitting after a three-month recess to accommodate the
countrywide Constitutional Select Committee (Copac)’s outreach programme.

“There will be continuation of the debate on the Posa Amendment Bill which
will go for second reading and the Attorney-General’s Office Bill that will
be read for the first time,” said Zvoma.

“We are still to finalise the sitting schedule for this quarter. It is
important to note that during the quarter, the Houses (Senate and House of
Assembly) will also consider the national budget that will be presented by
the Minister of Finance before year-end.”

The AG’s Office Bill was gazetted on September 10 and its objective is to
reconstitute the office as a service outside the Public Service and to
establish a board to administer it.

The board will fix the conditions of service for the members of the office
with the exception of the Attorney-General and Deputy Attorney-General,
whose conditions of service are fixed under the constitution.

The Posa Amendment Bill, which was read for the first time in the last
session, was introduced by MDC-T MP for Mutare Central Innocent Gonese as a
private member’s Bill.

Gonese will steer the Bill through the second reading stage after debate was
adjourned during the last session.
The amendment is aimed at ensuring that public gatherings are regulated in a
manner that will allow Zimbabweans to fully exercise their fundamental right
to express themselves through peaceful assembly and association.  The Bill
will also clarify some of the existing provisions in the current Act.

The Bill redefines a “public meeting” in a manner that makes it clear that
meetings of organisations such as political parties and trade unions will
not normally fall within the Act’s provisions, and that political parties
may hold meetings in venues that are not open to the public and in public
places that are indoors, among others.

Currently conveners of public meetings are required to notify the officer
commanding the police district of the venue, time and speakers at such a
meeting at least seven days before the meeting. The police officer can,
however, refuse to sanction the meeting.

Opposition political parties and civil society organisations complain that
their meetings have on several occasions been banned or disrupted by police
while they allege no Zanu PF meetings had been subjected to the same
treatment.

Other  Bills are also expected to be read for the first time after which
they will be referred to the Parliamentary Legal Committee  to ensure that
they do not contravene the Constitution.

Paidamoyo Muzulu

Donor reluctance casts doubt on projected economic growth

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 30 September 2010 18:22

THE reluctance of international donors to provide significant budgetary
support to Zimbabwe could scupper government's projected Gross Domestic
Product growth rate of 8,1% in the coming year, analysts have said. Last
week, Finance minister Tendai Biti said the economy would this year grow by
at least 3% on last year's figure despite limited bilateral support to
treasury via the vote of credit.

Biti said the growth would be achieved although donors have to date
committed "less than 30%" in financial aid required to cover the yawning
discrepancy between government revenue and expenditure.

Government last year hoped donors would inject US$800 million to the US$2,2
billion budget.
At US$800 million, donors would have contributed 36% of the total budget. If
the donors had honoured their pledges, Zimbabwe would have joined the league
of countries heavily dependent on budgetary support.

Other countries in the same league include Mozambique and Malawi.

These countries receive upwards of 40% in budgetary support.

In Mozambique, for example, there are 19 donor agencies which have pledged
to support the country until 2014 when they would review their relationship.
Mozambique is yet to fully recover from the vagaries of a civil war which
lasted almost two decades.

Mozambique successfully courted donors for budgetary support after the civil
war ended in the early 1990s.
It was expected that Zimbabwe would also be able to woo donors after
resolving its debilitating political conflict last year by forming an
inclusive government.

In the absence of donor support, Zimbabwe is in a tight squeeze, as it is
technically supposed to use 65 cents for every dollar Biti had allocated for
use this year.

This has been made worse by the pressure exerted on the revenue that
government realises each month. Statistics show that nearly 90% of the
estimated US$140 million  monthly revenue goes towards recurrent
expenditure. Any efforts by the central government to finance development
projects might not see the light of day, at least in the short-term.

Biti said mining and agriculture, which for close to a decade were subdued
due to a myriad of problems, would drive the recovery.
Political analysts, however, contend that the projected economic growth
forecasts could be too ambitious for the foreign direct investment-starved
nation.

Western donors and the United States (US) want the coalition government to
make political reforms envisaged in the September 15 2008 power-sharing pact
before they can loosen their purse strings.

But government, notably Zanu PF bureaucrats, believe that economic sanctions
imposed by the European Union and the US - targeted or otherwise - are
limiting Zimbabwe's access to global capital.

University of Zimbabwe political science lecturer Eldred Masunugure says the
availability of more donor support hinges on the coalition government's
commitment to implementing the global political agreement (GPA) between
President Robert Mugabe, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and his deputy
Arthur Mutambara.

Masunungure said apart from these reforms, which call for strengthening
democratic institutions, government should exercise frugality when handling
public funds.

Biti has in the past threatened to "name and shame" big-spending government
officials. But to date no names have been mentioned.
"No one is prepared to fund a government that is extravagant. Government has
to display frugality," Masunungure said.

He cited the late Tanzanian president Julius Nyerere as one statesman who
lived within the means of his country.
Because of Zimbabwe's extravagance, Masunungure expects donors to remain
conservative.

Last week critics blamed Mugabe for taking an 80-man delegation to the
United Nations General Assembly meeting saying Zimbabwe's economy is too
small to finance such indulgence.

"That 30% (commitment to the vote of credit) is unlikely to be scaled up
unless there are meaningful and comprehensive political reforms," he said.
"The Finance minister should craft his (2011) budget with that in mind. He
should come down to earth and expect modest contributions from donors."
Masunungure said skirmishes which characterised the suspended
constitution-making outreach programme in Harare a fortnight ago could again
leave cash-rich donors more cautious in supporting the desperate Southern
African nation.

"The constitutional reform exercise is a flagship of the political reform.
The disturbances that marred the constitution-making outreach programme
contributes to the reluctance by the donors, but the biggest problem is
political reform. Donors want the full implementation of the GPA," he added.

Mandla Nyathi, Buckinghamshire New University Risk and Resilience Management
lecturer, says the burden put by loss-making government entities on the
fiscus will continue to squeeze fiscal space unless government transforms
the state owned enterprises into semi-autonomous institutions.

He cited hospitals, schools, technical colleges, water and sanitation and
local housing as examples of institutions that can be removed from direct
fiscal responsibility of a cash-crippled government.

Government is cautious about restructuring or privatising parastatals,
fearing that the entities could be sold for a song.
Some of the parastatals that have been in perennial financial crises include
Air Zimbabwe, Grain Marketing Board and power utility Zesa.

"The Finance minister and cabinet have over-committed the public purse to
include sectors that can easily thrive outside the control and management of
central government," Nyathi said. "The Finance minister's model (widening
fiscal space) should seek to get third sector economy players. He needs to
create public space as well as fiscal space for organisations such as
charities, NGOs, churches and so on to play a greater role in providing
primary services. The capital and potential locked away in these
organisations is everyone's guess. We need to see more involvement of these
third sector economy players and greater freedom in what they do."

Chris Mugaga, head of research at Econometer Global Capital of Harare,
believes that although donor commitment to the vote of credit could soar to
60%, Biti's economic growth projections could be ambitious

"The economic growth projections, however, are biased towards agriculture,
tobacco production in particular. But the influence of tobacco production to
the GDP is quite insignificant to an extent that an 8,1% economic growth
driven by this sector could be exaggerated," Mugaga said.
Unfavourable investor perception towards Zimbabwe, he noted, can be a
"deterrent to the trajectory the economy can take".

He warned that government plans to introduce fiscalised electronic registers
this month could be a blow to government's efforts to widen its revenue base
in an economy believed to be 35% informal sector. Government pledged to pay
50% of the cost of acquiring the machines and technical requirements which
are expected to replace manual tilling systems.

"The new system has loopholes and that is another risk government can face
in tax collection because few people can afford them. They are a luxury,"
Mugaga said.

Apart from direct budgetary support, donors may also adopt project support
where they undertake to initiate certain development projects.
In most cases, project support is not included in the national budget and
thus is out of reach of the treasury.

Bernard Mpofu and Leonard Makombe

Investors should help democratise Zim

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 30 September 2010 18:06

WHILE investors need assurances about property rights and the protection of
investments before they will invest in Zimbabwe's precarious economy, the
state of democracy in the southern African country should also be a
consideration.
These were some of the opinions of businesspeople and diplomats
participating in a recent summit on Zimbabwe's future.
Human rights violations and land grabbing shattered Zimbabwe's democracy and
economy during the past decade as a result of President Robert Mugabe and
his Zanu PF party's rejection of democratic process.

Amidst human rights violations, the Zimbabwean dollar crashed, shop shelves
emptied and the country registered one of the world's worst peacetime
inflation rates.

A power-sharing deal between Zanu PF and the Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC) restored relative political stability and led to the dollarisation of
the economy. The country has since exhibited some signs of recovery, both
democratically and economically.

Prime Minister and MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai sought to assure investors
in highly emotive language at the summit that his country had turned a
corner.

"We chose progress over violence, polarisation, decline and decay. Zimbabwe
is moving forward from the darkness of madness and self-destruction to a new
dawn," he said at the summit, held on September 16 in Johannesburg and
hosted by the international business magazine the Economist.
Economist news editor Adam Roberts argued that signs of renewed interest in
the country could be noticed but that it remained unclear whether the
recovery could be sustained.

"For the first time in a long while you have investors seriously considering
if this is the moment to invest in Zimbabwe and you have Zimbabweans in the
diaspora contemplating if this is the time to return," Roberts said.

"But many serious tests are yet to be passed, and the diaspora, investors,
donors and others need a great deal more assurances."
Johannesburg-based Zimbabwean businessperson Chris Goromonzi said that, "it
is time Zimbabwe creates opportunities and conditions for companies to do
business. This involves conducive legislation that protects investment."

German ambassador to Zimbabwe Albrecht Conze acknowledged that progress was
being registered but said change was "millimetre-ing" forward and that real
progress was possible only once a new constitution that guaranteed private
property was agreed.

White commercial farmers' representatives warned that legal disputes and
claims for substantial compensation for expropriated land could not be
wished away.

"The most important thing is to address issues of property rights and rights
of the individual. The fact that farmers who lost their land have not been
compensated should serve as a warning to would-be investors," John
Worsley-Worswick from the Justice for Agriculture farmers' lobby group said.
Concern was also raised over government plans for "indigenisation" --
transferring majority ownership of companies to black Zimbabweans -- which
are seen in some quarters as an attempt by Mugabe to expropriate businesses
for his allies.

Tsvangirai said that the indigenisation measures are being amended to take
investors' concerns into account.
Zimbabwean Minister of Economic Planning and Investment Promotion Tapiwa
Mashakada said that the government was working at reducing red tape that
made it difficult to do business and to put in place the necessary
legislation to protect investments.

"We are working on an Investment Protection Bill so that we can lay down the
guarantees for and obligations of investors," Mashakada said.

But Zimbabwean businessperson Tawanda Nyambirai said that foreign investors
should use their businesses to help democratise Zimbabwe. "The consideration
should be human rights, whether political, social or economic," said
Nyambirai.  "They have to ask themselves whether they are investing in
Robert Mugabe or in Zimbabwe. Investment should be a strategy that
encourages democratisation." -- IPS

By Stanley Kwenda

Party agendas hold sway in constitution process

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 30 September 2010 17:48

POLITICAL parties in the shaky coalition government are hoodwinking
Zimbabweans into believing that the constitution-making process is
people-driven, but a closer look indicates that the politicians' will is
prevailing.
The constitution-making process has been reduced to a boxing arena between
rival parties and the clashes will affect the outcome, analysts have said.
During the outreach exercise, Zanu PF and MDC-T supporters were coached to
read from their own scripts and analysts say the recent violent clashes
confirm that the political parties are pushing for their own interests,
leaving non-partisan Zimbabweans out of the process.

Zimbabweans are disappointed, analysts say, by Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai's announcement that the new constitution is likely to be
negotiated by political parties just like the Global Political Agreement
(GPA).

Tsvangirai told a meeting in Harare on Monday that the outcome of the
constitution-making process would have to be negotiated because no political
party had a two-thirds majority in parliament to impose its will.

"All political parties took a position that they were going to take a
partisan view on how the constitution will look like and that has caused
problems," he said.

Zanu PF and MDC-T supporters have been engaged in running battles during the
outreach programme with political observers saying the constitution-making
process had become an election before an election.

National Constitutional Assembly chairman Lovemore Madhuku described the
process as a sham. He said politicians were not supposed to lead the
crafting of the new supreme law.

"The MDC-T's position that the new constitution should be negotiated is
nonsense," Madhuku said. "We have always said the formation of a
constitution must be championed by an independent commission rather than
politicians."

London-based Zimbabwean journalist Innocent Chofamba Sithole said it was not
surprising that Tsvangirai was lobbying for a negotiated constitution after
the crafting of Kariba draft constitution by the inclusive government
parties in the resort town, far away from the popular gaze.

The Kariba draft was signed on September 30 2007 and was crafted by Tendai
Biti (MDC-T), Patrick Chinamasa (Zanu PF) and Welshman Ncube (MDC-M).

"It is no surprise that Tsvangirai should have no compunction now to suggest
a negotiated settlement on the new constitution by the same group of
politicians (who negotiated the Kariba draft)," said Sithole. "In both
cases, it is important to recognise that Tsvangirai, like Mugabe, is acting
purely in the interests of his party's power ambitions. He chose to burn
bridges with his civil society allies, including labour, in support of the
government-led process that has now floundered spectacularly."

Sithole said Tsvangirai will be judged harshly on the failure of
constitutional reform, having founded MDC-T around a rallying call for a
people-driven constitution. He said President Robert Mugabe's opposition to
popular participation to constitution-making was a matter of longstanding
public record.
Mugabe has said the constitution will reflect the views of the political
parties which are keen on protecting their political interests.

"Let them be heard (referring to other parties) but at the end of the day,
the main voice will be ours because the people have chosen us. We are the
ones in power and we can't give that away - Tsvangirai, would you?" said
Mugabe during the constitution outreach programme launch in June.

Critics then questioned why the Constitution Parliamentary Committee (Copac)
wasted donor funds pretending to gather people's views when the final
document will be packed by Zanu-PF, MDC-T and MDC views.

The negotiated constitution, Madhuku said, will be more of a tripartite
dictatorship where three parties to the inclusive government will come up
with a national charter, regardless of the contributions from the majority
of Zimbabweans.

A new constitution is provided for under Article VI of the GPA where the
parties acknowledged that it is a fundamental right and duty for Zimbabweans
to make and own a constitution. Zimbabwe is currently using the 1979
Lancaster House Conference document that was designed to transfer power from
the colonial power to Zimbabweans. The current constitution has been amended
19 times since Independence in 1980.

"The constitution should always reflect the views and interests of the
people across the country," said Madhuku.

Zapu spokesman Methuseli Moyo said the 1999 drafting of a constitution
process was better than the current scenario; arguing that the Godfrey
Chidyausiku-led Constitutional Commission was more independent, although
biased towards Zanu PF, than this year's flawed process led by MPs.
MPs, he said, were politicians who would ultimately push for their
respective political parties' interests.

Moyo said from the beginning of the process, it was clear the MDC-T and Zanu
PF pretended to be soliciting people's views when they were pushing for
their selfish agendas.

"The MDC and Zanu PF have been fighting in the outreach process, but the MDC
is holding the short end of the stick and that's why they are complaining.
How can Tsvangirai now say the process is not credible as if it was credible
from the onset?" he said.

Tsvangirai told a press conference last week that the constitution-making
exercise was a mess due to violence that gripped Chitungwiza and Harare,
leading to the suspension of outreach meetings. The premier also expressed
discontent with the militarisation of the process where rural areas were
allegedly under siege from the military and state security agents.

"The whole constitution-making exercise has ignored other political parties
and civil society. The MDC-T now sees the light belatedly because they are
failing to handle Zanu PF," said Moyo.

The Zapu spokesman said there were many Zimbabweans who were not interested
in politics, but were keen on key social issues like education and have not
been given a chance to express their views in the crafting of the supreme
law.

Zanu PF spokesman Rugare Gumbo defended his party's stance on the new
constitution saying there was nothing wrong with coaching supporters to
advance his party agenda.

"It can only be a problem if Zanu PF stops MDC-M or MDC-T supporters from
airing their views," he said. "The constitution-making process has nothing
to do with politics; it's a national issue."

Gumbo said the inclusive government principals will meet soon to decide the
next course of action after outreach meetings were suspended due to violence
in Mbare and Chitungwiza.

Mutambara has said political parties do not write a constitution.

He said: "Political parties and government create an enabling environment
where the people write their own constitution. Zimbabwe is bigger than the
three political parties. There are parties that are not in the GPA, more
importantly there are people who are not members of any political party."

Activists maintain that a constitution should provide for social, economic
and civil rights while giving a clear separation of powers between the
executive, judiciary and legislature. Some of the issues that activists are
lobbying for include limitation of the powers of the executive.

Admore Tshuma, an expert on transitional justice, said the violence showed
that Mugabe and his colleagues have failed to adjust from the bush war
behavioural attitude to a civilian one which is an essential attribute to
running a successful government.

"With violence intermittently dogging the constitutional process, it will be
a miracle if the process ever turns out to be effective, credible and valid
because violence compromises the process," Tshuma said. "Violence instills
fear in the populace and it is the duty of Mugabe to ensure a violence-free
constitutional process. If we cannot ensure a violence-free
constitutional-making process then it's a disaster with elections."

He said the whole process was flawed and should be suspended indefinitely to
allow stakeholders to re-strategise.

"If the process is allowed to continue as problematic as it is, it clearly
means that Zimbabwe won't be able to produce a constitution that reflects
the will of the people in general. It would be a Zanu PF constitution, and
they might as well utilise it at Zanu PF headquarters," said Tshuma.

Brian Chitemba

AU, Australia establish cooperation framework

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 30 September 2010 17:38

THE African Union Commission (AUC) and Australia have signed a memorandum of
understanding (MoU) that establishes a framework for close cooperation.

Australia is strengthening its relations with Africa in a calculated move to
enhance its political and diplomatic engagements, promoting trade and
investment, addressing peace and security challenges on the continent, and
delivering targeted development and humanitarian assistance.
The move by Australia, a rich country of over 23 million people with a gross
domestic product of US$1,1 trillion, is perceived by political analysts in
two ways: the genuine desire to prop-up social and political development in
Africa and a bold bid to win the support of African countries for its
candidacy for a temporary place on the United Nations Security Council for
the 2013-14 term.

But the Australian government argues that its increased assistance to
African countries is about contributing "more effectively" to achieving the
Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and being a "good international citizen
in a world that is becoming ever smaller and more complex".

AUC chairperson Jean Ping last week met Australian Foreign Affairs minister
Kevin Rudd in New York to ink the memorandum.
The MoU envisages greater cooperation between Africa and Australia in
relation to trade and investment; peace and security; achievement of the
MDGs; agriculture and food security; democracy, governance and human rights;
and climate change.

During the New York meeting, Ping and Rudd discussed the growing role and
leadership of the African Union (AU) across the range of critical issues
that Africa faces.
Rudd said that the AU was vital to building peace, security and prosperity
on the continent.

The duo also discussed Australia's growing engagement with Africa, which
Ping warmly welcomed.
Rudd advised that Australia's new embassy in Addis Ababa was now fully
operational and would facilitate enhanced coordination with the AU.
They discussed ways in which Australia and the AU could cooperate for mutual
benefit.

Ping welcomed the increasing level of Australia's trade and investment in
Africa.

Rudd outlined the growth in Australia's aid programme to Africa which has
increased by 200% in the last five years.
He said an important part of this engagement is the Africa Maternal and
Child Health initiative of US$140 million over five years.

Rudd also outlined the Australian government's commitment to work towards
committing 0,15% of the country and continent's gross national income in aid
to the least-developed countries, in line with international targets.

The success of the bilateral meeting and the signing of the MoU reflected
the growing ties of cooperation, and the deepening of the relationship,
between Australia and the AU. - Staff Writer.

No shortage of sugar this year –– Mtsambiwa

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 30 September 2010 17:30

ZIMBABWE’s sugar production will be enough to meet the country’s needs until
March next year, Hippo Valley Estate Ltd Chief Executive Officer Sydney
Mtsambiwa says.
Speaking to businessdigest after the company’s AGM on Wednesday, Mtsambiwa
said there would be no shortage of sugar until the group’s financial year
ending March 31 2011 after production increased following the rehabilitation
of one of the company’s eight mills by Tongaat Hullet.

Of the eight mills that Tongaat Hullet operated in southern Africa, four are
in South Africa, two in Mozambique and two in Zimbabwe.
“On a normal year the country needs between 230 000-250 000 tonnes of sugar
annually. But production at Hippo and Triangle is expected to be between 330
000 tonnes and 350 000 tonnes in the current financial period compared to
258 000 tonnes last year,” Mtsambiwa said.

“When we talk of sugar, we talk of the industry as a whole not just Hippo
Valley or Triangle. We currently have sufficient (sugar) to meet domestic
and export needs” he said

Hippo Valley’s nature of business includes growing and milling of sugar
cane.

Mtsambiwa told businessdigest that a total of US$19,2 million was invested
in the mill and its return was beginning to be visible.
Asked about synergies between Hippo and Triangle, Mtsambiwa said it was
“still work in progress which takes some time”.
He said the company had combined services, for example on the health side of
things.

“The factories run independently of each other and it is mainly in the areas
of services. In 2-3 years, we would have got to the point where we have
restructured to maximum effect,” he said.

Mtsambiwa said 9,2 million euros had been spent on rehabilitating 1 200
hactres of land and canals in the Chipiwa and Mpapa regions.
Mtsambiwa described its 15 months to March 2010 as “a typical year” and this
ratio was not representative of a steady state environment.
“We were moving out of a period where we were receiving nothing for domestic
sugar sales. Going forward, unless we are in an expansion mode, this
scenario is unlikely,” he said.

The company started as a citrus estate, and canned Hippo Valley fruit was
exported across southern Africa until the 1970s, when the citrus estate was
replanted under sugarcane and a mill constructed.

The sugar plantations cover 124 square kilometres, and the company employs
around 8 000 people.

Tongaat Hulett Ltd is the largest shareholder via its wholly-owned
subsidiary Triangle Sugar Corporation Ltd, which has a 50, 35% stake in
Hippo Valley Estates.

Paul Nyakazeya
 

Mining sector: Recapitalisation the way forward

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 30 September 2010 17:29

FOR close to a decade economic growth in Zimbabwe has been on a downward
trajectory. Economic activity was suppressed up to 2008 due to
hyperinflation and the negative effects of being isolated from the family of
nations. The multiple currency system, which came after the formation of an
inclusive government in 2009, revived the economy and also brought price
stability.
Recently, Finance minister Tendai Biti was on record saying that he now
expects the economy to grow by 8% in 2010 from the previous target of 5,4%.
This revision was necessitated by the "rebound" in agriculture as evidenced
by the sale of a more than anticipated quantity of tobacco this past season.

Another sector which is expected to contribute immensely to the attainment
of that robust economic growth is mining. This year the sector is projected
to grow by 31% driven by strong growth in gold and platinum production.
However, the interim financial results recently published by listed mining
firms tend to paint a contrasting picture. Three out of the four listed
mining companies released depressing sets of results with only Hwange
managing to record a profit. Bindura remains under care and maintenance
while Falgold has got only one operational mine. Rio Zim, on the other hand,
is battling to recapitalise its operations with profits being wiped off by
high finance costs.

Interim results for Bindura for the six months to 30 June were below par
with gross turnover amounting to US$17,9 million. The sale of nickel
contributed US$4,3 millionwhie US$9,2 million came from the sale of leach
alloy, toll treatment fees contributed US$4,2 million while by-products were
sold at a total of US$0,14 million.  Even sadder is the story from Falgold.
Similar to Bindura, Falgold was barely operational as shown by total revenue
amounting to a mere US$254 697.  Both firms recorded losses for the period,
with Bindura losing US$5,7 million while Falgold lost US$1,75 million.

Problems for Falgold date back to 2008 when Fidelity Printers failed to
honour its obligation for the gold delivered to them.  This forced them to
divert funds initially set aside for capital expenditure into working
capital. The firm hopes the new major shareholder, New Dawn, which acquired
the 88,7% shareholding of Central African Gold in Falgold mid June this year
will revive the operations of the company.  New Dawn, which is a Toronto
listed mining company, is said to have the capabilities to access new
capital and is expected to bring mining expertise into the company.

Rio Zim was a slightly different story, although it was also in a loss
position.  Production levels for the firm improved slightly over the first
half of 2010 although gold production was disrupted by power cuts.  There
was also a notable increase in nickel and copper production by 91,5% from
June last year.  In addition, the 22% associate company, Murowa diamonds,
recorded a 28,3% increase in diamond production on prior year. Group revenue
amounted to US$29,9 million, but the company went on to lose US$6,2 million
because of high costs of servicing its debt.

Last year the company solicited and got approval from shareholders to offer
10% shareholding to a foreign investor in a private placement transaction.
It later emerged that the company could not find a suitable equity partner.
As an alternative plan the group publicly advised that it was going to do a
rights issue aimed at raising US$40 million.  That option has taken long to
materialise as most of the existing shareholders will unlikely be able to
follow their rights. To salvage the probable under subscription, RioZim
seeks to court a cash rich underwriter to take up unsubscribed shares. With
the quantity of money in consideration the underwriter is likely to come
from offshore and better still has to be someone with the technical
knowledge of mining.

Hwange Colliery benefited from the recapitalisation exercise which helped
them ramp up coal production and subsequently achieve high coal sales. Coal
sales went up 198% in the process realising revenue of US$45,2 million. Net
profit for the period was US$4,5 million. Further recapitalisation of the
operation is in progress and management hopes to secure longer term capital
to enhance production.

However, cynicism over the indigenisation policy is slowing down foreign
investment. The recent revisions to the policy have not been successful to
change the negative investor perception. Players in industry often say that
the delay in finalising the amendments to the Mines and Minerals Act also
add to the uncertainty in the sector at a time when several investors
apparently stand ready to bring capital into the country.

The projected strong growth in the sector is largely coming from the few
investors who were brave enough to invest in the difficult times of
hyperinflation. A case in point is the platinum producers Zimplats and
recently Unki who have been investing heavily even when it did not make
sense to do so. Zimplats, for instance, is enjoying huge success in their
operation. Had the environment been good for investors to an extent where
many had invested and continue to do so, the mining sector would have been
pumping as we speak. No mine would still be in care and maintenance and the
country would be raking in millions, moreso now that commodity prices are
firm.

By Linda Tsarwe
 

Muckraker: Squealing about sanctions won’t help

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 30 September 2010 18:01

BRITISH business mogul Sir Richard Branson has made a generous offer to
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai to support investors who want to take risks
by getting involved in projects at an early stage.
But Zanu PF spokesmen such as Herald columnist Tichaona Zindoga have shot
down this proposal because it undermines the authority of President Mugabe.

“Branson, it will be noted, contrived to project Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai as the leading partner in a coalition with anonymous parties in
the government of Zimbabwe where he is but the chair of the Council of
Ministers and President Mugabe is his boss as head of state and government,”
Zindoga admonishes.

Isn’t this pathetic? Zanu PF seeks to undermine Tsvangirai at every turn
even though Branson’s initiative would have paid handsome dividends. But
Branson has to be slapped down for failing to acknowledge Mugabe’s
supremacy.
“Branson failed to acknowledge,” Zindoga says, “that Zimbabwe got over the
really rough (last) few years, as he put it, owing to the determination of
President Mugabe’s leadership in the face of Western adversity.”

Is that what people really think? That Mugabe’s “leadership” got us through
the horrors of the last few years? Isn’t it the near-unanimous view that the
country survived that period despite Mugabe’s repeated attempts to plant
roadblocks in the path of reform?
And didn’t Sadc get involved in the post-2007 political process precisely to
prevent Zanu PF from causing any further damage to investment in the region?

Admittedly they weren’t too successful in that regard. But the point
remains, Zanu PF and the two MDCs were yoked together to secure reform and
recovery, something Zanu PF is resisting every step of the way.

Zindoga amusingly claims Western investors “want to hijack the success story
of the country”.
Success story? What success story?

Branson should stop being naïve and declare “a pox on both your houses”. He
should make it clear no funds will be forthcoming so long as Zanu PF
persists in sabotaging the economy. That should provide a welcome wake-up
call to those like Zindoga who see themselves as champions of the regime.
By the way, could we have Zindoga’s designation? We need to know which
“journalists” are intent upon preventing reform. We still haven’t heard who
Tendai Midzi is. He claims to be teaching at London Metropolitan University
but the authorities there say they have no such person on their books.

Muckraker is intrigued by the turnaround in Mugabe’s post-UN agenda. He had
been due to fly to Ecuador to pick up an honorary doctorate. But suddenly
that ceremony has been postponed to December because of “pressing
engagements at home”.

So it had nothing to do with revelations regarding his Ecuadorian host,
“Archbishop” Roberto Crespo?

“There had been “some attempts by the private media to discredit Archbishop
Crespo, labelling him an illegal arms dealer,” the Herald told its readers.
Attempts to link Archbishop Crespo to arms smuggling had “fallen flat”, the
Herald reported, “with the clergyman acquitted on all charges brought
forward by pro-American regimes”.

“After a few years in jail,” the Herald omitted to say!

“Observers have linked the failed legal onslaughts to attempts to discredit
the pro-poor lobbyist who is highly popular in his homeland.”
This is rather like our own dear leader isn’t it. You never actually hear
the people saying what a highly popular leader he is. Only apologists like
Crespo who parachute in brandishing bogus degrees; and Sizzla who is having
difficulty finding venues in France for his concerts because local
authorities and the French Communist party took exception to his murderous
lyrics, say that.

NewsDay on Wednesday published details on how the US/Zimbabwe talks went in
Washington last week. The Herald said very little so here is the full
communiqué for the record.

“On September 23, Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs,
Ambassador Johnnie Carson, and Special Assistant to the President and Senior
Director for African Affairs Michelle Gavin met with senior members of
Zimbabwe’s Zanu-PF/MDC transition government, including Minister of Energy
and Power Elton Mangoma, Minister of Justice and Legal Affairs Patrick
Chinamasa and Minister of Regional and International Cooperation Priscilla
Misihairabwe-Mushonga.

“The Zimbabwean delegation reviewed in detail the economic and political
progress that has occurred over the past 18 months since the conclusion of
the Global Political Agreement (GPA).

“The United States recognised and applauded the economic advances that have
occurred in Zimbabwe but remains concerned that political progress has not
been as successful. The discussions were cordial and both sides agreed on
the need to seek opportunities to continue an open dialogue.

“The United States pointed out that the current political and human rights
environment in Zimbabwe remained troublesome, pointing to the recent
harassment of Woza and the disruption of constitutional reform meetings in
Harare. The United States said that Zimbabwe must make further progress for
the removal of targeted sanctions. Political progress comes with strong
institutions, not strong individuals, and developing strong and transparent
institutions will sustain economic growth.

“The United States remains a major contributor and continues to provide
humanitarian assistance to the people of Zimbabwe. Our sanctions are under
regular review, but as long as human rights violations, land seizures, and
intimidation of those participating in the political process continue, the
sanctioned individuals and entities on the list who continue to perpetrate
and benefit from these acts are unlikely to be removed. Significant
improvements in the political environment, greater respect for human rights
and political freedoms will result in change in the US posture.

“The United States welcomes engagement with the transition government, and
we are committed to keeping the door open to further dialogue.”

In the same week that the Zimbabwean delegation was in Washington, reports
emerged that Senator Jamaya Muduvuri remained in occupation of a farm,
Twyford, belonging to a French national despite a High Court order and a
Bippa protecting her.

The farm owner, Catherine Joineau-Meredith, has repeatedly appealed to
Tsvangirai for help, to no avail. She says she has lost 15 hectares of seed
maize, 50 hectares of seed sorghum, 25 hectares of citrus, 30 hectares of
sweet potatoes, five hectares of commercial maize, 220 sheep, and 26 head of
cattle. Her farmhouse burnt down on September 14.

“All the promises given to me personally by you and your office have stood
empty and no action has ever been undertaken to rectify all the illegalities
that have taken place since February 6 2009 when the farm was occupied by Mr
Muduvuri,” she wrote to Tsvangirai.

Zimbabwe is holding out the begging bowl to the USA and the EU expecting
them to feed our most needy people over the coming season. Did the US
officials in Washington ask Mangoma and Chinamasa how they reconciled farm
occupations and crop theft with good governance? And why does the Zimbabwean
government expect other countries to supply food when productive farms are
occupied and pillaged?

Hopefully the Americans have got word of Didymus Mutasa’s recent remarks on
refusing to recognise a government headed by Tsvangirai. That deserves
world-wide attention and neatly demonstrates the obstacles to democracy the
American team expressed concern about in Washington.

US Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Susan Page spelt
out the problem: “Again we stress the fact that as long as these violations
of human rights, these arbitrary arrests, continued violence and brutality
continue, we’re not in a position to lift our sanctions despite how they
want to characterise them.”

That’s probably a reference to the asinine claim that sanctions are
 “illegal”.

Governments everywhere are perfectly entitled to take what measures they
like when dealing with those who, in the words of the 2001 presidential
proclamation, “formulate, implement or benefit from institutions (which)
impede the transition to a multi-party democracy; persons who through their
business dealings with Zimbabwe government officials derive significant
financial benefit from policies that undermine or injure Zimbabwe’s
democratic institutions…”

If the US does not wish to trade or invest in such circumstances there is no
obligation for it to do so.
So no more squealing please about “illegal” sanctions. The worst sanctions
faced by this country are those imposed by Zanu PF. And every day we count
the cost.

We note in the government’s complaint to the UN about the denial of visas to
journalists, that the journalists named are lumped together with a senior
intelligence officer.

Is this fair? And in Reuben Barwe’s case there could have been a weight
problem. How many seats did he occupy?

We have been told endlessly that Zimbabwe has an “image perception” problem.
How does a plane-load of 80 hangers-on from an impoverished country improve
that problem?

Last week Muckraker was obliged to give Cde Mahoso extra homework because he
didn’t know the difference in the colonial pecking order between a dominion
and a self-governing colony.

Just for the record, a dominion (like South Africa) was fully independent
and a self-governing colony (like Southern Rhodesia) was partially
independent.
Now Mahoso’s embarrassment will have been compounded by news from Cuba that
“el Maximo leader” has departed from the state-controlled hymn book on a
number of key issues, a move that is likely to cause consternation in the
ranks of Zimbabwe’s ideological dinosaurs.

After endless column inches bulging with fawning solidarity in the Sunday
Mail over the years, it now emerges that Mahoso may have to review his
stance.

The Guardian reports that Castro, in interviews with US analysts, now
laments Jewish suffering over the centuries, defends Israel’s right to
exist, and accuses Iran’s president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad of anti-semitism.

Further, he appears to regret urging the Soviet Union to nuke the US during
the 1962 missile crisis and feels responsible for the “great injustice” of
the persecution of Cuban gays in the 1970s.

Topping all this and bound to distress the Cuban fan club in Harare is the
statement that “the Cuban model doesn’t even work for us any more”.
Fidel is quick to point out

that the US economy is also in crisis. But it hasn’t sunk to Cuban levels
yet.
“With infrastructure crumbling,” the Guardian says, “food shortages acute
and average monthly pay of $25, it is certainly clear that the economy,
under near-total state control, is in a bad way.”

Fidel’s brother Raul, now head of state, says Cuba cannot blame the US
embargo for all its economic ills and that serious reforms are needed.
Could he please come and say the same thing here!

We liked the bit in President Mugabe’s UN speech where he says: “The people
of Zimbabwe should, like every other sovereign nation, be left to freely
chart their own destiny.”

Indeed. But what happened the last time they tried to do that?

Still with sovereign nations, did everybody see in NewsDay the Chinese
nationals who caused a major scene outside Meikles Hotel when they refused
to have their vehicle clamped?

They broke a clamp padlock before assaulting a municipal police officer who
was part of a team that wanted to tow the car away. They refused to pay the
$57 fine for the clamp to be removed.
The group said they were well-connected. Sources said they were doing
consultancy work for a Zimbabwean security outfit.
The picture told a thousand words. Here were the new colonisers, guaranteed
privileges and impunity. We can look forward to many more such incidents in
the future as our new masters flex their muscles.

The Herald on Tuesday told us the diesel n’anga who deceived cabinet
ministers and senior Zanu PF officials had finally been caught and brought
to court after being on the run for one and a half years.

Those deceived by Rotina Mavhunga, or Nomatter Tagarira as she was also
known, included Didymus Mutasa, Sydney Sekeramayi and Kembo Mohadi.
They accompanied her to rocks in Chinhoyi to perform rituals hoping refined
diesel would pour out of the rocks.
Asked by the magistrate, Ignatius Mugova why she defaulted, Mavhunga said
she was unaware that she was on the police wanted list.
“I am not aware that police were looking for me,” she said. “Some of the
police officers would come to my shrine in Mhangura to consult but they
never mentioned that I was wanted,” she said.

It would be useful to have a full list of members of the taskforce mandated
by cabinet to explore the claims, and those who believed them, so we know
just how gullible those purporting to be our leaders are.

Eric Bloch: Govt expenditure must be reduced

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 30 September 2010 17:51

LAST week Finance minister Tendai Biti commenced public consultation on what
should be the content of Zimbabwe's budget for 2011.  That he intends to
consult widely is very commendable, although some have reservations and
concerns as to the genuineness and credibility of the consultation process.
Bearing in mind that invitations for participation at the first consultation
sessions were only issued with 24 hours notice, resulting in a large chunk
of the business community being unable to attend, due to prior commitments.
Moreover, feedback from some who did attend suggests that, to a very major
extent, the so-called consultation was a detailed recounting by the minister
of his intentions, with only limited opportunity for attendees to respond.
Notwithstanding, Biti deserves commendation for his declared resolute intent
to adhere to his policy that government should only spend that which it has,
instead of emulating past governments by endless accumulation of
unsustainable, unserviceable, crippling debt.  It is also praiseworthy that
he remains determined that Zimbabwe continue to use a multi-currency basket,
instead of reverting to its own currency, until such time as the Zimbabwean
economy is evidencing continuing economic stability and growth.

Disturbing, however, is that the Finance ministry's focus is almost wholly
upon increasing government revenues, with particular emphasis upon new and
increased taxes.  Whilst enhancing fiscal revenues by maximising tax
compliance is necessary and positive, raising taxes would be most
counterproductive, irrespective of whether the tactic for doing so is to
increase rates of existing taxes, or to introduce new taxes.  Either or both
of such measures to achieve increased revenue would have very negative
effects upon the drive for economic recovery.

On the one hand, with many of Zimbabwe's taxes being at levels greater than
the southern African region, taxation increases would a  major deterrent to
the much needed investment which is a pre-requisite to economic recovery and
growth.Increased taxes are counterproductive in that they diminish  the
purchasing power of the populace, resulting in markedly reduced revenues for
commerce and industry, and various other economic sectors.

High taxes are also a stimulant for increased exodus from Zimbabwe of the
skilled, and Zimbabwe's skills resource has already been sadly depleted.
If he is to achieve a balanced budget which suffices to meet all essential
governmental costs (inclusive of civil servants' salaries and
infrastructural rehabilitation and development) Biti's focus must be upon
stimulation of accelerated economic recovery, and upon cost containment.
Achieving accelerated economic recovery is, regrettably, not wholly in his
hands, but requires constructive action by government as a whole.

That action must include dismounting from the government's high horse of
destructive policies of indigenisation and economic empowerment, and instead
recourse to substantive measures of genuine indigenous economic advancement,
on a broad-based approach beneficial to a significant proportion of the
populace, instead of the chosen few, and founded upon new economic
development and expansion, rather than mere transferrals of ownership.   The
action must also include an effective revitalisation of land reform, with
full respect for property rights.  Another prerequisite is the belated
compliance with Bilateral Investment Protection and Promotion Agreements,
and through genuine interaction and reconciliation with the international
community.

However, Biti can substantially further aid the economic recovery by
realistic realignment of Zimbabwean taxation (both direct and indirect) with
regional averages, and by the introduction of meaningful investment and
export incentives, as well as employment-creation incentives.

He can also do so by vigorously restoring credibility to the central bank,
by ensuring its substantive recapitalisation, and by enabling speedy and
total settlement of its debts, including the long-overdue redemption of the
gold bonds, and reimbursement to exporters and NGOs of expropriated foreign
currency deposits.   To such extent as he cannot do so immediately, he can
at least designate the gold bonds as prescribed assets, thereby enhancing
their tradeability, and can allow them to be used for settlement of any
indebtedness to government for taxes or other imposts.

The minister's primary focus must, however, be upon a gargantuan containment
of government expenditure.  How can an impoverished Zimbabwe justify its
president being accompanied by 80 people on a week-long junket to the United
States, when he was representing Zimbabwe at a United Nations General
Assembly?  Surely the attendees could have been limited to himself, an aide,
the Minister of Foreign Affairs, and his aide, and very possibly one or two
others. That would have saved the beleaguered Zimbabwean exchequer in excess
of US$100 000.  And, as the president, or his ministers, or both, have
innumerable international trips each year, the costs of their being
accompanied by such vast entourages must inevitably amount to millions of
dollars, which Zimbabwe cannot afford to spend.

In like manner, the minister must determinedly pursue his admirably declared
intents to eliminate the plethora of "ghost workers" within the public
service, and to contain the indisputably great, and extremely costly,
corruption that prevails in the public sector.

Biti must also motivate other ministries to embark upon massive cost
containment and reduction.Surely the Foreign Affairs ministry could reduce
the number of embassies and consulates that Zimbabwe has abroad, by
consolidation in different regions.

Similarly, it must be undoubtedly possible for major reduction in the
magnitude of Zimbabwe's armed forces.  The only war that Zimbabwe is engaged
in is an economic war.  It is surrounded by friendly states, not enemies.
Does Zimbabwe really need a massive defence force, merely to engage in
parades and official ceremonial duties?  Equally, the minister needs to use
his best endeavours to convince the inclusive government that Zimbabwe, with
a resident population of less than 12 million, does not need more ministers
and deputy ministers than the United States, the United Kingdom, South
Africa, and innumerable other countries.

If at all possible, Biti also needs to motivate government to cease dragging
its feet on privatisation of parastatals.  As has been witnessed in numerous
other countries, privatisation generally enhances parastatal efficiencies,
and therefore benefits the economies.  Concurrently, government would access
funding from disposed assets, whilst being absolved from having to provide
funding to insolvent state enterprises.  Zimbabwe has talked of
privatisation for more than two decades, but the correlation between talk
and action has been minimal.

If the minister can progress measures of economic development and growth,
expenditure containment, investment motivation and facilitation, and
parastatal privatisation, concurrently with achieving a balanced budget
which fully addresses critical needs, the prospects of real and ongoing
economic recovery will be greatly enhanced.

By Eric Bloch

GNU: MDC must get back to basics

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 30 September 2010 17:46

TWO years after the signing of the global political agreement (GPA) and
subsequent formation of the unity government, its successes and failures
remain widely contested. Whereas much of the conversation often focuses on
the economy as an objective reflector of the unity government's scores, it
is the political dynamics that are even more important.  This is largely
because the primary motivations of the parties in getting into this unity
government had everything to do with their strategic political goals.
The political protagonists entered into the GPA for essentially political
reasons. The idea of consummating an effective government was largely a
subsidiary to the political power contest. Therefore in reflecting on the
GPA and its baby, the unity government, one has to keep in mind the
attitudes of the political parties towards both agreement and its resultant
government.

Zanu PF: reversing the tide

There are different and often diverging motivations why the three parties
agreed to the GPA. For Zanu PF, the GPA was essentially a way of retaining
power.  The GPA was seen as a way of containing the surge in domestic and
international pressure. The March and June 2008 elections had shifted the
balance of political power internally and within the region in favour of the
MDC-T. For Zanu PF, a settlement with the MDCs would be a way for the party
to contain the surge in democratic resistance to its rule.

Zanu PF's credibility within Sadc had been dented and it was failing to
sustain its standing within the wider African Union community. The support
of these two groupings and their members had been crucial in dismissing
internal pressure. Instead post- 2008 elections saw the MDC-T receiving
unprecedented interest from African capitals, including South Africa.  Zanu
PF's dismissal of the MDCs as Western pawns would no longer find a keen ear.
Even more, Zanu PF's mechanisms of controlling dissent and opposition were
becoming limited.  Its use of violence had gone overboard and was achieving
more negative results. It was eroding support even amongst some of its
staunch supporters. Worse, given the extreme economic depression, the party's
patronage system was running out of goods to dispense to buy loyalty.

The party was on the verge of implosion. The momentum that had held it
together through the power of incumbency had diminished. Its members with
economic interests were cutting deals with the succeeding party.  Even the
state bureaucracy, once noted for its commitment  to Zanu PF was subtly
withholding its support, in many instances causing state paralysis.

It is fair to say without the unity government, and in particular after the
tragedy of the June election, Zanu PF would have descended into the fringes
in the same way Kaunda's Unip had lost in Zambia.

Two years after the unity government, it is fair to say the Zanu PF strategy
of containment has been fairly successful, especially with regards to
reclaiming marginal support within the Sadc and the AU. Internally it seems
to be managing to dominate the national agenda, its policies and much of its
decisions carry the day.  The MDC-T, in particular, has generally failed to
maintain its pre-GPA momentum. There is general consensus amongst any honest
observer that President Robert Mugabe and his side of the unity government
are in control of the government.

MDC-T and the unfinished change

For the MDC-T, this GPA was seen as a strategy for acquiring state power. It
was part of a transition strategy where they were negotiating for power
under the illusion, real or not, of Zanu PF's military power. In effect, for
the MDC the impression was that of finding a way out of a "silent coup".
This explains some of the compromises the party made.

Given the tragedies the party faced during and immediately after the 2008
elections, there has been an expectation that the MDC-T would use its
leverage in the GPA to reinvigorate the party and the broader democracy
movement to consolidate the momentum for change. But what is happening on
the ground is telling: there has been no real attempt of mass movement
building and the party activists remain victims of state and Zanu PF
repression. Party cohesion is being tested with reports of divisions
undermining confidence. Moreover the party seems uncertain whether to
embrace its junior status in government or reorient itself as an alternative
government.

The MDC-T has continued to suffer contempt from Zanu PF. It has failed to
proffer convincing responses to Zanu PF's refusal to fully implement the
GPA. The MDC-T nominee for deputy agriculture minister is yet to be sworn
in; the party's ICT minister was stripped off all his powers; provincial
governors are yet to be announced; and the Prime Minister (Morgan
Tsvangirai) finds himself without defined power and more in a ceremonial
position. In all these, the popular perception continues to be engraved that
the MDC-T are squatters in a Zanu PF government.

The MDC-T against wider expectations seems to have reverted into a
"responding" gear: Zanu PF sets the agenda, the MDC-T responds. The party,
against wide expectations, is failing to drive a national policy agenda that
can take the nation away from Zanu PF's narrative. This is despite the MDC-T
having lead control of parliamentary process: the party has a "moral"
majority; the prime minister is leader of government business in parliament
and the Speaker is the party's chairperson. Much could be said of local
government where the party dominates yet residents are yet to see a marked
departure from Zanu PF's tendencies.

However, it has to be acknowledged that the  country owes the stability that
currently exists in the economy to the MDC-T. Despite claims by Justice
minister Patrick Chinamasa and others about dollarisation being a Zanu
government decision, this was essentially an MDC idea. If Zanu had its way,
it would have printed even more Zim dollars until the ink ran out.

Besides the economy, we might also add the reforms in media and electoral
systems. The MDC-T has managed to halt, if not reverse, the closure of media
space and an election system run by a corrupt and embedded commission.

MDC-M: The illusions of legitimacy through competency

Despite the fact that the negotiations that finally led to the GPA had been
going on since as early as 2003, the GPA would have been essentially a two-
party agreement between Zanu and MDC-T. Given Zimbabwe's polarised politics,
the "kingmaker" status of MDC-M's post 2008 election presence in parliament
could in practical terms only have been used to benefit the MDC-T. However
MDC-M increasingly became of strategic value to Zanu PF. The party
leadership's sharp differences and little regard for Tsvangirai in
particular, became a tool for Zanu PF, which sees the party as a buffer zone
for mitigating some of MDC-T's demands.

For the MDC-M, especially after its March 2008 election legitimacy crisis,
the GPA would provide an opportunity to re-legitimise itself through
competence. The assumption was the party members in government would perform
well enough to sustain the party's reputational defects. But given that this
government never really moved away from Zanu PF's hold, the MDC-M strategy
has failed to bear fruit for the party -- with the exception being David
Coltart, the Education minister.

Like the MDC-T, the party has failed to use the relative safety of its
leadership in government to mobilise support and rebuild its weak grassroots
structures. As with the MDC-T, there has been no concrete national policy
proposal from the party apart from random "off-head", knee- jerk
propositions.

The party's support seems to be waning and the unity government appears to
be the only thing that provides relevance to the party. However, it could
also be appreciated that the party has been key to thawing polarised
tensions between MDC-T and Zanu PF. It has been argued that the agreement,
and unity government, in itself owes existence to the machinations of the
MDC-M.

Contesting the transitional government

There are two variables of transition that dominate Zimbabwe's politics. For
the parties, especially Zanu PF and MDC-T, transition can be narrowly
defined as a process leading to an aftermath where the other party is
vanquished and out of power. This narrative sustains the petty
intra-government contests: the scramble for credit for government gains and
blame for government failures.

Yet for the majority of Zimbabweans, the conclusion of this government
should bring an open and democratic order. They do not expect this to be
delivered by the party that denied them freedom and inflicted on them so
much suffering. To be precise, their hopes are with the MDC-T. The MDC-T
presents the best chances Zimbabwe has of unseating Zanu PF and setting the
country on the path to democracy.

But for the transition to take effect and be realised, the MDC-T has to go
back to the basics and understand that the struggle is not yet over nor has
it been won. The party has to creatively take advantage of its station in
government to rebuild its structures, mobilise the masses and reconstruct a
policy narrative that inspires hope in the millions of our people. It has to
draw a fine line between being in government, albeit with little if any
power, and remaining a popular front for the establishment of a free, open
and democratic country.

Being in government provides the party's leadership significant protection
and immunity to travel across the country and into communities, in
particular rural areas, previously deemed NO-GO zones by Zanu PF. Reaching
out to grassroots is important in reassuring communities and in ensuring
that confidence in the promise of democracy remains.

This challenge also includes reaching out to all the disaffected, including
those who have formed or are finding expression in other parties. The main
strategic interest of the MDC-T should be to lead and provide leadership to
a broad democratic alliance. Relations with progressive mass-based civil
society, in particular the ZCTU, NCA, Zinasu and the churches, should be
restored and strengthened.

The party's station in government should serve no other greater purpose than
this. The guiding interest of our time is establishing a democratic order.
This can become elusive if those in search of it remain divided whilst
fighting a consolidating dictatorship.

Tapera Kapuya writes in his personal capacity.

By Tapera Kapuya

Land reform has failed in South Africa

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 30 September 2010 17:45

LAND reform in South Africa is still having major problems. No positive
outcome seems possible in the foreseeable future. Government is unhappy
about the situation, new (mostly black) farmers are dissatisfied, and
commercial farmers try to continue “in a state of constant stress and
uncertainty”. This is the view of Dr Jan du Plessis in the latest issue of
Intersearch, a Pretoria-based think-tank publication.
Dr du Pless’s comments coincide with renewed pressure by the ANC Youth
League on the government to speed up not only the transfer of rural land to
Africans, but also to give them access to urban properties. ANCYL president,
Julius Malema,  said recently: “We no longer want townships and rural areas.

We want our people to live as equals. They should have access to land
anywhere, “even if it is in the beachfront of Cape Town. Let’s use this land
for the benefit of our people and let’s not sell it to the foreigners.”

In 2001, a “New Strategic Plan for Agriculture” was signed between the
government and the farmers’ organisation, Agri-SA. Very little, if any,
progress has been made. The intention was to ensure that 30% of all
agricultural land would be in the hands of black farmers by 2014. However,
Agri-SA stated recently that only 5% has been acquired, and an incredible
90% of land reform projects have failed. The government has been unable to
support new farmers and owes some 389 new landowners about R3,6 billion.

Dr du Plessis contends that “functional decay of governing capabilities” has
changed the “farming environment” and that very few of the core strategies
in the 2001 plan have materialised. Instead of more land being transferred
to new black farmers, “productive farming has become increasingly difficult.
The government focused on land transfer, but completely neglected the
enabling strategy of ‘knowledge and innovation’.”

Dr du Plessis comments: “The failed expectations regarding land reform by
2010 is a result of misdirected expectations and wrong assumptions — largely
due to the application of a political ideology that has become outdated. The
central issue was not  ‘farming’  but ‘land transfer’; as a result, the
‘farming component’ basically collapsed from day one”.

Over the decade, government and commercial farming “tolerated” each other in
the hope that one would eventually accept the other’s position. However,
neither of them was willing to state in public that they were not talking
about the same thing and that “land reform” in its present form was
unworkable.

Dr du Plessis says outright that “land transfer” has not been a success and
no solution seems to be in sight. However, he believes that some form of
land transfer is necessary. “If correctly applied, property rights enhance a
form of social stability and economic development. It is not so much about
the ‘what’ but the ‘how’. In its latest Green Paper, government proposed a
review of landownership in South Africa. Commercial farmers with too much
land may be requested to share it with black farmers”.

So, says Dr du Plessis, the issue at stake is not just land, but “commercial
land”. Hectares of land by themselves do not seem to produce expected
results. “Land in itself cannot produce anything. It may have a certain
potential if expertise and skills are introduced and the land is turned into
a productive unit where value is added to the land. The key to the creation
of ‘commercial land’ is the introduction of human capital  —  skills and
expertise!

“Over the past decade, government pursued the transfer of land without the
pre-condition of expertise and skills. Government in itself did not have the
human capital to support the new farmers and the (new) farmers themselves
did not have enough expertise and skills to continue with ‘commercial
farming’ on their newly acquired farms.”

Tension between government, commercial farmers and new farmers was basically
inevitable, as government focused on “land” and commercial farmers
emphasised the requirements for “farming”. Dr du Plessis explains that
“farming” can be described as the process where “land” is transformed into a
commercial enterprise. However, the 2001 key strategies had either been
neglected or just sidelined.

“In this regard the decay of good governance is certainly one of the most
important and complex to explain. The ANC has maintained its strong
political profile over the past decade, but its governing capability has
steadily declined. This decay has been largely self-inflicted. The ANC
victory over apartheid introduced the final destruction of all former
apartheid structures — and therefore also the presence of whites in the
public service. The departure of whites from the public service also implied
a severe decay of expertise and skills — and basically a total collapse in
some departments.

“The ANC won big in political terms, but it has lost great in terms of
governing capability. In practical terms it implies that society has been
subjected to a loss of good governance and particularly law and order.
Commercial agriculture has been trying to convince government that farm
murders are steadily creating a no-go scenario in farming and, at the same
time, government has been unable to do anything about it.

“This implies that the farming environment over the past decade has not
improved; it has, in fact, deteriorated even further — along the border with
Lesotho, commercial farmers have lost large tracks of farmland due to
smuggling and stealing — there may be ‘land’ available, but ‘farming’ is
slowly becoming impossible in certain areas.

“Local government landed itself in a process of functional decay due to
cadre deployment, corruption, nepotism and sheer brutal incompetence.
Eventually, the process of local mismanagement has started producing some
serious consequences for the physical environment.

“In January it was disclosed that only 32 of the 970 sewage plants in the
country were still functioning properly.

“In a report to parliament in February it was revealed that ‘when it comes
to fresh water’, only 30 municipalities out of 283 have the capability to
supply clean water to the inhabitants.

“In July parliament’s water affairs portfolio committee was told that
“millions of litres of highly acidic mine water was rising up under
Johannesburg and, if left unchecked, could spill out into its streets some
18 months from now. If government does not intervene effectively, up to 70
million litres of acidic mine water could spill into the Vaal River system
daily.

In the short term, at least R218 million is needed for the rehabilitation
process, although government has only R14 million at its disposal.
“In June 2010 the minister for Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries, Tina
Joemat-Pettersson, responded to a question in parliament that ‘only 4% of
the budget of the Agricultural Research Council was spent on research, with
the rest going to salaries’. Agri-SA, the Democratic Alliance and the
Freedom Front  called it ‘a disaster in the making’. Agri-SA president
Johannes Möller said the ‘best practice was for 10% of the national budget
to be spent on agriculture, but in South Africa it was 0,5%.’ — about R2,2
billion (should be spent on) agricultural research, but the current budget
was less than half of that at R938 million.”

Intersearch can be contacted at: mb@intersearch.co.za

Empowerment: Common sense must prevail

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 30 September 2010 18:14

ENERGY minister Elton Mangoma's claims at a function hosted by the British
Embassy this week that  government's  economic empowerment regulations do
not compel foreigners to cede controlling stakes in businesses valued at
US$500 000 or over, is not only misleading  but short on facts.
Politicians have, over the past week, been hiding behind a finger. First,
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai told delegates to the Institute of
Chartered Accountants of  Zimbabwe that the same regulations were
misunderstood, arguing that citizenship empowerment should not be a problem
for foreign investors. He argued that the law and regulations can attract
investment and achieve its empowerment objective at the same time.

"Nobody is going to be asked to part with any share without negotiating for
the value of the share," Tsvangirai said.
This is far from the truth. One only has to look at the ZSE to take a cue.
The wariness of investors is evident in the fact that market capitalisation
on the ZSE declined from close to US$4 billion to around US$3,2 million
since February because of the regulations.

Against such a background it seems Mangoma and Tsvangirai have not taken
time to go through the regulations. A quick glance would have revealed the
ugly face of the state's empowerment ambitions; that they carry mandatory
and threatening clauses. Contrary to Mangoma's  opinion expressed at the
meeting that companies are not obliged to sell 51% shareholding as required
by the Indigenisation  and Economic Empowerment Act, chapter 14:13, the
opposite is true.

This is perhaps the most dangerous inference of the empowerment legislation
that needs to be dealt with through amendments.
In order to sanitise the law and bring investors back on board, government
could rephrase clauses and change certain words contained in both the
regulations and the law itself.

For example, instead of phrases such as "government shall", the words
"government may", can be used. This won't be an entirely new exercise.
Earlier this year business organisations raised concerns over the wording of
economic empowerment regulations. In place of "cede", "dispose" was found to
be better sounding and connotes some kind of transaction, unlike the former
which implies giving away for free or even surrendering.

The Chamber of Mines says government should also consider empowerment
credits as a form of empowerment. This, the chamber feels, would encourage
mines to make corporate social investments as they chase empowerment
projects. Business feels the empowerment credits need to be captured in the
enabling legislation and not in a ministerial instrument because a
ministerial instrument cannot be used to alter enabling legislation.

Zimbabweans, who are the ultimate beneficiaries of such policies, recognise
the importance of balancing investor interests and those of the communities
in which the investors operate.  As such, government must create new
enterprises and empower small and medium scale enterprises into world class
corporations but this should be done through mutual partnerships with
existing businesses. If government does not steer away from its course of
compulsory partnerships, economic growth will remain minimal.

Zimbabwe has already begun to witness through the ZSE the effects of the
indigenisation policy in its current form where investors are sitting on the
fence because of misconceptions arising from the legislation in question and
its general implication for foreign investors.

The negative perceptions generated by the compulsory measures can only
discourage much needed investment. Though the mines chamber sold the idea to
government, the wheels of bureaucracy have been turning very slowly. Instead
of narrowing its differences with business, government, through the National
Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment Board, fired a key business
representative from an advisory committee. This kind of lone gun attitude
will deprive the exercise of open and frank dialogue and will be the
Achilles heel of the policy.

In another instance, the world was shown how the empowerment law can be used
to settle shareholder disputes between black and white shareholders where
John Moxon, a Zimbabwean by birth, has been threatened with loss of his
shareholding to banker Nigel Chanakira by President Robert Mugabe himself.

This once again demonstrates the threat posed to Zimbabweans of all hues.
Foreigners will take a cue from the predicament of locals and stay away.
Common sense must prevail.

Editor's Memo: GNU implementation progress stuck in the mud

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 30 September 2010 18:14

IT'S the politics stupid! This is what the three-member Zimbabwe delegation,
which held discussions with representatives of the European Union and the
United States in a bid to normalise relations with the West, should have
realised after their meetings in July and last week.
Despite public utterances to the effect that relations between Zimbabwe and
the West should have been normalised with the formation of the inclusive
government last year, it is clear that more is yet to be done - especially
on the human rights, governance and rule-of-law fronts.

Last week, Energy minister Elton Mangoma, Justice minister Patrick Chinamasa
and International Integration minister Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga met
the US Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Johnnie Carson to
review the progress made since the institution of the unity government 18
months ago.

A statement released by the US authorities after the meeting is emblematic
of the thinking of the development partners and donors who froze relations
after our country descended into anarchy at the turn of the century.

The statement reads in part: "The United States recognised and applauded the
economic advances that have occurred in Zimbabwe, but remains concerned that
political progress has not been as successful...

"The United States pointed out that the current political and human rights
environment in Zimbabwe remained troublesome, pointing to the recent
harassment of Woza members and the disruption of constitution-making
meetings in Harare."

There was a convergence between what the US said and the EU pronounced this
week when allocating 138,6 euro million to Zimbabwe under the 10th European
Development Fund.

Disbursement of this fund, the EU said, is subject to the signature of a
Country Strategy Paper with Zimbabwe which should be preceded by a revision
of measures, which currently limits direct cooperation with the government
of Zimbabwe.

"These steps will accompany further progress in the fundamental reforms set
out in the GPA," said the EU.
It is clear from what the US and the EU said that any effort to restore
relations between the West and Zimbabwe is dependent upon how far the three
political parties that are signatories to the GPA go in implementing the
agreement.

This would lay the foundation for the success of all the other efforts the
country, the southern African bloc, the continent through the African Union
and all other forums are making to have the relations normalised.

It would thus be futile to call, even from the top of Mount Kilimanjaro, for
the removal of sanctions and restrictive measures without first registering
substantive progress in implementing the GPA.

South African President Jacob Zuma's efforts to have relations normalised,
during his current visit to Europe, will come to naught for as long as there
is no progress in implementing the GPA.

It is interesting to note that despite shouting from the rooftops for the
normalisation of relations, the parties seem oblivious to what is required
of them to fulfil their end of the bargain.

A sober reading of what the US and EU have said leads one to conclude that
it is after presenting a clean balance sheet that serious progress would be
made towards removal of sanctions. The EU and the US have not been ambiguous
on this issue. What is needed is to have a credit when the balance sheet is
being prepared. As it stands now, there are more debits than credits in
terms of the implementation of the GPA.

Economic reforms, however good, are not enough and it is up to the political
leaders to remove impediments towards the fulfilment of the GPA. It is
salient to note that the measures required need no money to implement. It is
only the political will that is lacking on the part of the leaders. We need
no funds to heal the nation and repeal repressive legislation. It doesn't
cost anything to open up the airwaves. In fact government would benefit from
the income.

It needs no dollars and cents to have citizens freely express their opinions
during the Copac outreach programmes.
It is only after we, as a country, have made this simple realisation and
implemented these measures that we will be able to call upon the EU and US
to review their position.

Until then, the political leaders may as well climb Mount Everest and shout
from there because nothing will move. There is no need to climb mountains
but to institute elementary reforms regarding respect for human rights and
the rule of law, and the rest will fall into place.

Constantine Chimakure

Candid Comment: Tell us what you are doing, Minister Mpariwa

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 30 September 2010 18:11

ZIMBABWEANS are increasingly becoming impatient with the slow pace of
economic recovery which, unfortunately, has become intertwined with the
politics of change in the country. Politicians, for obvious reasons, are
creating the impression that elections will be the magic wand that is needed
to remove the curse that has reduced the country to a basket case.
The result has been that very little discussion is being allowed for policy
issues that will stimulate economic growth because parties across the
political divide are playing their cards close to their chest for fear of
cleansing their strange bedfellows in the inclusive government. One area
that has suffered is the development of policies to ensure the regeneration
of skilled manpower. Government officials, together with players in the
business sector, have lamented the flight of skilled labour to the diaspora
and wish that those who left the country would return to play their part in
nation-building.

However, in spite of all the rhetoric about economic recovery, not much has
been done to fill the void left by those who were forced to flee the
country. The reality that Zimbabwe has to face is that those who left the
country did so in pursuit of a better life - and they have found just that
in the diaspora, making it unlikely that they will return for the sake of
patriotism.  Government and industry are culpable for neglecting the issue,
to the extent that employers are scrounging for the scarce skilled labour in
a hostile fashion that has rendered even mediocrity critical to operations.

The obvious solution is an investment in vocational training - itself
compromised by the flight of lecturers and mentors. The ministry in charge
of manpower development should tell the nation what it is doing about
developing critical skills. In the 1980s and 90s, apprenticeship training
was a major source of vocational skills but the downturn in the economy has
meant that companies are unable to provide training as they prioritise
survival. It is in this light that the government should consider coming up
with incentives for companies that prioritise increasing the national pool
of skilled manpower.

Labour and Social Welfare minister, Paurina Mpariwa should engage her
Finance counterpart, Tendai Biti, on incentives that would make industry
commit more resources to the development of human capital now so that when
economic recovery moves into top gear, the requisite resources to support
recovery would be available.

The other way could be for the government to put in place incentives for the
generational transfer of skills from diasporans so that those who wish to
assist the country could come back home for a limited period during which
they would impart knowledge to trainees. However, this would only work if
the incentives are attractive. The long and short of it is that Mpariwa
should realise that her ministry has to do more than negotiating for public
servants' salaries or lounging around. She has to engage stakeholders to
craft policies that will move the nation forward.

One wonders if people like Mpariwa really understand what is expected of
them in the reconstruction of the country because their deafening silence on
critical issues in their portfolios is quite shocking. In other countries
such as Britain, the issue of manpower development is so critical that there
is constant debate and review of policies to ensure that they keep up with
developments.

An example is the proposed graduate tax that has made Britain's Business
Secretary, Vince Cable, unpopular. Zimbabwean government officials seem only
to be preoccupied with political positions that do not put food on the table
of most Zimbabweans who, quite frankly, do not care who runs the country as
long as they are competent and democratic. Talking of economic recovery
without looking at the supply side of human capital is pointless.

Edwin Dube