The ZIMBABWE Situation Our thoughts and prayers are with Zimbabwe
- may peace, truth and justice prevail.

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Zim Independent

Can Zanu PF outlive Mugabe nemesis?

Dumisani Muleya

PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe’s suc-cession struggle is a serious challenge to the
ruling Zanu PF — but it also offers the party an opportunity for
regeneration if carefully handled.

The succession debate threatens the party with damaging divisions and
possible disintegration. Lately the ruling party has been embroiled in a
clumsy succession row that has widened already existing fissures in the
crusty Zanu PF edifice.

Before the emergence of a broad democratic movement in the 1990s, Zanu PF
was able to entrench itself in power because of a highly unbalanced
relationship between civil society and the state. The state was exceedingly
powerful while civil society was weak and disorganised.

The middle class was fragile and unable to form independent associations or
networks that could limit state power. There were no viable alternative
centres of power that could effectively compete for political space and
support with Zanu PF.

In a country where the aggregation of political interests was along narrow
self-serving lines, there was an inherent tendency towards statism.

The state tended to incorporate rather than represent different interests.
It formulated what it thought was the public interest instead of
synthesising it from conflicting demands and interests.

Mugabe, who always wanted a one-party state, used the sources of coercive
power — the army and other security agencies — to govern by force as opposed
to consent.
Zimbabwe’s political culture — the manner in which people perceive the state
and their role in it — has generally been that of subservience and
gullibility. But much has changed due to new political and economic
conditions. The succession conflict provides testimony to a radically
altered political environment.

Through systematic and purposeful debate, Zanu PF can adopt a new democratic
culture, with strong checks and balances on the exercise of power, aimed at
transforming itself from an autocratic outfit clinging to an outdated
one-party state system, to a popular organisation.

The party can also repackage itself and cut a new image that can save it
from becoming archival material sooner rather than later due to its failure
to cope in a multiparty situation.

Behind the scenes, Mugabe’s succession battle has been raging for some time
now and appears to be escalating in the wake of a committee recently
constituted to spearhead the debate that previously was held as taboo in the
party.

The committee that comprised party heavyweights had become a theatre of
struggle where a battle of wills ensued with potentially dangerous
consequences.
Party bigwigs slugged it out in a bid to gain advantage over one another and
position themselves for a final assault on power.

However, Zanu PF czars intervened and party chair John Nkomo announced at
the weekend that the committee had been disbanded because it was causing
divisions among senior members.

“There are laid-down procedures of the party that have to be followed when
important issues are discussed,” Nkomo said. “So it is important for any
member to raise any critical issue for discussion at either the politburo,
central committee or the national consultative assembly.”

He said Zanu PF members could raise key issues, including succession, at the
party’s congresses or as other business during conferences. Zanu PF will
hold its annual conference in Masvingo in December.

It is expected, even though it is unlikely, that the Masvingo gathering
could confront the succession matter if it is raised by party members who
feel that it is about time the issue is dealt with head-on.

But as it is, the most realistic forum where the issue would be dealt with
is during Zanu PF’s congress next year. The ruling party holds its congress
meetings after every five years and the last one was in Harare in 1999.

Nkomo said on Monday when the appropriate time comes, whenever that is, Zanu
PF would “through the usual process choose its candidate”.

The Zanu PF chairman, who is now seen as one of the frontrunners to take
over from Mugabe, said the procedure was that the party’s 10 provinces would
vote and the winner would carry the day.

Zanu PF secretary for administration Emmerson Mnangagwa is seen as the other
trailblazer although his star might be waning as a result of in-fighting.

Despite the dissolution of the succession committee that was rocking the
boat within Zanu PF, the political dynamics in the party remain volatile.

This political uncertainty has been aggravated by the death of
Vice-President Simon Muzenda who was Mugabe’s buffer against ambitious
lieutenants, two weeks ago.
Muzenda, whom Mugabe described as his “right hand man”, was a stabilising
factor, just as the late Vice-President Joshua Nkomo was. A year after his
death Zanu PF lost nearly all its parliamentary seats in Matabeleland.

Muzenda’s demise is likely to fuel the succession crisis which is now posing
untold political peril to the ruling party and the country at large. It
could also intensify the power plots that have been acknowledged by several
senior party officials.

This in turn would jeopardise the informal talks between Zanu PF and the
opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) aimed at resolving the
country’s political and economic crisis. The outcome of Zanu PF’s succession
battle has a serious bearing on the end result of the talks.

If not properly handled, the upshot of the growing succession conflict could
further destabilise the country and undermine efforts to achieve economic
recovery.
Mugabe himself confirmed in an interview with ZBC to mark the country’s
Independence anniversary in April that he was aware top Zanu PF officials
were manoeuvring along “ethnic and personal lines” on the succession issue.

Sensitive to the dangers of that development, Mugabe warned that he would
not tolerate that sort of jockeying for power.

Subsequent to that, he also said, much to the dismay of some party members,
senior Zanu PF officials had resorted to divine intervention and were
approaching traditional healers to enhance their chances to take over from
him.

While some Zanu PF luminaries are embroiled in the succession row, others
are registering their dissatisfaction with the succession wrangling in
public.

Zanu PF deputy national political commissar Sikhanyiso Ndlovu took the
unusual and yet revealing step of trying to air his views on succession
through a letter to the editor in the government-controlled Sunday Mail.

“When President Mugabe said party members can talk about succession he did
not mean that there should be clandestine meetings by a few with some
tipping themselves and others tipped by newspapers aimed at causing disarray
in the party,” Ndlovu said.
“ Proper party procedures and principles must be followed. Above all, the
people of Zimbabwe should be consulted properly rather than have future
leaders thrust upon them.”

Having said that, Ndlovu tried to blame the media for what is happening in
his party.
“ Some opposition papers are wrongly attacking Professor Jona-than Moyo for
allowing interviews with some party leaders on the succession topic, saying
it is because he was left out of the discussion teams with MDC,” Ndlovu
claimed. “It is unfortunate for such writers not to understand the role of
the press.”

Moyo, considered a “stranger and visitor” in Zanu PF by some senior party
members, had been fighting the dissolved succession committee through the
state media using pliable party members.

The explosive succession struggle — a political powder keg — could split
Zanu PF if it is allowed to degenerate into a messy row. It is also possible
Zanu PF could emerge from the battle rejuvenated and powerful once more.

But this would be difficult in a situation where the country is heading
ominously towards a potential state of collapse.

In the end the question of whether or not Zanu PF will come out unscathed
from the succession crisis, which is now intertwined with all the other
crises besetting the country, and survive, remains to be seen.
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Zim Independent

A fixed faultline
Iden Wetherell
I WONDER how many readers feel the way I do about the poor standard of
service delivery we are currently getting from a number of prominent
companies in Zimbabwe.

This week our Internet service provider M-Web has been having difficulty
with communications to addresses outside Zimbabwe. They are dependent on a
Tel-One link which was not operational on Tuesday and Wednesday because it
developed a fault.

As a result most of the country's international e-mail communications came
to a standstill. The consequences for businesses such as ours can be
imagined.

Part of the problem is that Tel-One, formerly part of the now-disbanded PTC
of late unlamented memory but now functioning as an independent state-owned
company, has a monopoly of fixed-line communications in and out of the
country. That includes e-mail lines to South Africa from where e-mails are
on-routed to further destinations.

Last week work on the South African link led to delays in the service to
South African addresses. I found some e-mails taking over 48 hours to get
there.

We got a message on Monday saying that problem had been cleared up. Then on
Tuesday evening the latest snarl-up occurred. This time it was the so-called
international link between M-Web and Tel-One which transmits data from the
M-Web server to the Tel-One satellite link.

We have yet to discover whose problem this was - apart of course from
several thousand subscribers who were immobilised.

I recently had e-mail installed at home. It was far from a seamless exercise
lasting several weeks due in part to confusion over the sort of modem
needed. When I tried to contact M-Web's misnamed Customer Care Centre over
the difficulties I was experiencing with M-Web's sub-contractor, I had to
hold on for 30 minutes (their estimate, not mine) while the person I needed
to speak to claimed she was on another call. I suspect she was hiding.

Finally a manager agreed to assist me and after that things were sorted out.

At the end of this ordeal, the first e-mail message I got was from M-Web
saying they had put their charges up!

On Wednesday their Customer Care lines were simply not functioning because,
I presume, they were having difficulty fielding complaints about the
break-down in the e-mail service.

Everybody I talk to says the same thing: M-Web's Customer Care department
takes too long to answer their phones as they entertain you with their
musical recordings. Getting a technician to explain what is wrong is a
mission.

And getting somebody to call you back is impossible. I know that from my own
experience. Only when I get through to a manager do things happen.

M-Web needs to polish up its act. Zimbabweans today depend on e-mail for
much of their daily tasks at work. And many need it to keep in touch with
family and friends. It is literally a lifeline.

M-Web is the largest ISP operating in this country. It is a division of a
much larger company in South Africa. It needs to train its staff to deal
with the occasional crisis, extend its Customer Care Services department,
and above all get back to customers who want answers to their problems.

Wednesday was a test case and M-Web failed it. While I received a message on
my home computer telling me of their difficulties with Tel-One, I heard
nothing from them where it really matters - at my work place.

Then there is the other structural faultline the size of the San Andreas.
Despite the reported award of a licence to TeleAccess, Tel-One still has a
monopoly of the lines it had difficulty fixing this week, thus making all
ISPs its hostage.

In an era of rapid communications and information exchange the shortcomings
of an old-style state monopoly were dramatically evident to all!

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Zim Independent

Eric Bloch

Land reform an abysmal failure

GOVERNMENT’S trumpet-blowers, its apologists, and virtually all who compose
the hierarchy of government repeatedly contend that not only will the land
reform programme eradicate the poverty suffered by the majority of Zimbabwe’
s population, but also that it will be the propellant of great economic
growth and well being.

Whilst it is not difficult to ascribe extreme stupidity, naivety or
deliberate intent to misrepresent, falsify and deceive to some of those in
government who endlessly hold forth on the wonders of the land reform and
its great promise for a very distressed population, it is difficult to
believe that that can be the case in respect of all in government — they
cannot possibly all be so stupid and naïve, or so unethical and so uncaring
for the Zimbabweans they are supposed to care for and protect, as to lie
blatantly on a continuous basis as to the progress of reform and as to the
future that it holds for Zimbabwe! Charity can only suggest that even if the
facts do not dupe the populace, they have certainly deceived most of the
country’s leaders.

The hard facts are that not only has the accelerated implementation of land
acquisition, redistribution and resettlement over the six years since the
president directed that the programme be “fast-tracked” been a total failure
and of absolute, tragic consequences for millions of Zimbabweans, but it
continues to be a hindrance to the restoration of a viable economy and to
the uplifting of Zimbabweans from the depths of poverty to which government’
s actions have cast them.

Those facts speak for themselves. In a short three-year period, production
of tobacco has fallen by approximately 65%, and in so doing there has been a
massive shrinkage in critically-needed foreign exchange generation. In that
same period the commercial production of maize has decreased by almost 90%,
reducing most Zimbabweans to great poverty, malnutrition and starvation. The
lifespan expectancy of many infected with HIV/Aids is being severely
curtailed.

Nationally, the average life expectancy was 59 years in 1990, and is now a
mere 36 years. And it is unarguably the direct and indirect consequences of
a criminally mismanaged land programme that has been the primary cause of
this disastrous state.

As government conceived that programme, was the midwife at its delivery, and
was responsible for its weaning, government must be held responsible.
Effectively, government is guilty of mass murder, of genocide, by its
ill-considered acts, by its even more ill-considered methods of those acts,
and by its cavalier dismissal of all advice which was seen to be counter to
its predetermined path for the land programme, irrespective of whether that
advice emanated from those who have successfully farmed for years, from
political opponents, from the international community, or from others.

Government’s arrogance, its conviction of its own infallibility, its
paranoiac conviction that anything in conflict with its actions is
attributable to actions of its enemies, whether real or imaginary, has
enabled it to blind itself to realities and, therefore, to its perpetual
adherence to proven destructive policies and modalities. And, as a result,
government has inevitably cast far and wide to attribute blame to others and
to causes beyond its control. It has alleged that much of the failure of its
land reform has been due to droughts. In doing so, it conceals from itself
and others that Zimbabwe’s stored water resource is of sufficient magnitude
as to counter very substantially the consequences of drought in Zimbabwe’s
principal areas of food production.

Another target for blame that government continuously avails itself of is
the former white commercial farmers. It castigates them for not assisting
those newly settled on the lands formerly farmed by them, for not imparting
to them the necessary skills and knowledge, and not releasing to them
tractors, ploughs, other farm machinery and irrigation equipment. First
government displaces them from their homes of many decades, deprives them of
their livelihoods, and of most for which they have worked vigorously for
most of their lives, enables others to have a contemptuous disregard for law
and order and to drive the suddenly near-impoverished, homeless and abused
farmers into the cities and towns, and to more welcoming countries, and then
it seeks to blame them for the situation wrought by government.

The Minister of Lands, Agriculture and Land Resettlement, Joseph Made
unhesitatingly casts aspersions against the former farmers for having had
the brazen effrontery to have sold their used equipment in order to put the
machinery beyond the reach of the poorly funded new farmers, sabotaging
efforts to resuscitate the economy. He obviously considers it irrelevant
that those former farmers had to settle debts with banks, finance houses and
suppliers, and had been forced by hastily enacted legislation to pay
considerable retrenchment packages to their former workers (whose
retrenchment was solely occasioned by government). Equally irrelevant was
that he had deprived them of their livelihoods.

He, and many of his cabinet colleagues, now also try to evade the realities
of the lack of inputs that are desperately needed by those of the new
farmers who do, in fact, wish to farm, instead of expecting others to do it
for them. For more than two years government has strenuously endeavoured to
suggest that the non-availability of inputs was solely due to the malevolent
unwillingness of the financial sector to provide loan funding to the new
farmers. In the perceptions of the minister, of his staff, and of almost all
in government, banks should have hastened to make all necessary funding
available without regard for good and sound banking practice, and in
disregard for the inability of the new farmers to provide security for
borrowings or assurances of any ability to service the loans. Similarly, all
suppliers of inputs should have unhesitatingly provided the much-needed
imports on credit, although they had nothing other than the farmers’
promises that payment would ultimately be forthcoming.

Then, when the belaboured recriminations of the former farmers, the bankers,
the financial institutions, and the suppliers of inputs yielded almost no
results, the minister assured the distressed new farmers that, in the next
season, government would provide all necessary inputs. Tractors would be
plentiful, as would be irrigation equipment, fuel, seeds, fertilisers,
chemicals and whatsoever else would be required. The promises were
plentiful, but the deliveries were not.

Some tractors were imported, and were mainly destined to those A2 farmers
well connected in the corridors of government, and in any case they were
insignificant in number as compared with requirements. Some ploughing was
done for A1 and A2 farmers by the DDF, but that too was minimal in relation
to the required ploughing of the new farmers.

But government unreservedly assured all that the 2003/2004 agricultural
season would be different. Inputs would be plentiful. Behind-the-scenes
pressures, combined with economic pressures and justifiable self-interest
motivated many in the private sector to be forthcoming with pledges of
funding support for inputs. Massive pledges were forthcoming from the cotton
ginneries, from Innscor, National Foods, and others, aggregating to more
than $50 billion. Various banking institutions close to government were also
forthcoming with promises of special facilities to fund inputs. In all, more
than $80 billion was pledged. Concurrently, government threatened — through
its Minister of Lands, Agriculture and Rural Development, Joseph Made — to
steal the niggardly $8 billion held for grossly inadequate compensation for
the theft of legitimately owned farms, also to be applied to the funding of
inputs.

But most of these promises of funding for inputs are meaningless, for the
inputs are not available, irrespective of whether or not funding is
provided. Most of the inputs are dependent upon imports, be they of
components of fertilisers, such as ammonia, or be they chemicals, or
machinery and equipment. And such has been government’s diabolically
dogmatic destruction of the economy, with complete disregard for
well-intentioned, reasoned and soundly-based advice, that the economy has
been wholly unable to generate the foreign exchange required to fund the
essential imports to produce the required inputs.
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Zim Independent

Muckraker

Mahoso’s Media Circus mum on mandate

LAST week this paper published the names of those serving on the Media and
Information Commission. They are former Sunday Mail editor Pascal Mukondiwa,
former Chronicle assistant editor Jonathan Maphenduka, UZ media studies head
Rino Zhuwarara, Mkoba Teachers College principal Sephath Mlambo, and retired
civil servant Alpinos Makoni. Former Polytech lecturer Tafataona Mahoso is
chair.

These are the individuals who have denied Zimbabweans their right to receive
and impart information by rushing with indecent haste to deny the Daily News
a licence.
Which three were nominated by media bodies as required by law? Affidavits
submitted in court by a variety of media organisations in connection with a
Misa challenge would suggest none. But Mahoso insists media organisations
were consulted. So why is he so reluctant to say which ones?

And which of the six commissioners enjoys the confidence of the media — or
indeed anybody else apart from the minister himself? Some worked at
semi-literate newspapers where professional standards are unknown. One is a
former media lecturer who doesn’t know that when his rambling column
continues “next week” there should be a short introduction to say what point
he was making when he came to an abrupt halt the week before. Another was
last seen running a village store in Mt Darwin.

These people will now presume to regulate us and dictate professional
standards. Purleez!

The Sunday Mail, which likes to lecture us on sovereignty and independence,
on September 21 carried an interesting map of Africa on its back page.
Accompanying an article on the draw for the 24th African Cup of Nations in
Tunis, the map showed countries such as “German East Africa”, the “Gold
Coast”, “French Equatorial Africa” and the “Belgian Congo”.

It clearly pre-dated the First World War! Is Jona-than Moyo aware of this
heresy being perpetrated by his mischievous subordinates? And how will the
Warriors from “Southern Rhodesia” fare against German colony Kamerun,
British protectorate Egypt and French colony Algeria?

The map showed a ribbon of British colonies stretching from Cape Town to
Cairo. Cecil Rhodes’ attempt to paint Africa red has finally succeeded, it
seems, in the offices of a Zanu PF mouthpiece!

The ZRP is feeling sorry for itself. That’s if a supplement headed “The
Commissioner’s Funfair”, carried in the Herald last Saturday was anything to
go by. Wayne Bvudzijena led the self-pitying. Individuals and groups had
emerged which believed their objectives should take precedence over
ever-ything else including the laws of the country, Wayne whined.

“New Euro-centric phrases have saturated the social environment,” he
complained.
“ We have heard of democracy, rule of law, selective enforcement and
politicisation of the police,” he said.

“Using unverified reports and with dirty hands, some of the advocates of
these principles have approached the local and international communities
trying to convince them that indeed Zimbabwe does not observe these
principles.”

So instead of talking about the duty of the police to be impartial,
professional and non-partisan, Bvudzijena took it upon himself to criticise
civil society for exercising its constitutional right to freedom of
expression.

“Being vocal as they are,” he said, “such groups hijack these freedoms and
drum them as an absolute standard that should be observed by government and
its arms…”
Surely not? Insisting the police do their duty? And there was more:
“Usurping the whole intentions of democracy, vocal publications as well
shout abuses (sic) at the police to make citizens think that the police are
corrupt, brutal, highly inefficient and not to be trusted.”

Gosh. Next he will say the public believe police spokesmen have their
speeches written for them by unelected ministers! Is there no end to these
calumnies?

It’s not only the police who are feeling unloved. The Herald carried an
editorial last Saturday headed “Zim’s judiciary independent”. Judges
appointed over the past three years have been “ridiculed and their
reputation as judicial officers maligned for accepting appointments to
replace white judges”, the editorial said.

It is important to remind the Herald’s editor that only some of the
newly-appointed judges replaced white judges. Black judges were replaced as
well. Many judges left the bench as a result of threats made against them by
ministers and war veterans. Ministers said at the time the new judges were
appointed that they would be expected to advance government’s legislative
agenda. Ministerial patronage has included the award of land leases, a move
that is widely seen as compromising judicial independence.

While the Herald may wish to cultivate the view that the previous white
judges sided with commercial farmers, it conveniently forgets that the
tradition of judicial independence Chief Justice Anthony Gubbay upheld was
inherited from Chief Justice Enoch Dumbutshena.

The finest judges in this country are those of any colour that can think for
themselves. If the reputation of the judiciary has been tarnished of late,
it could be because there is a growing perception that some judges are
beholden to the executive; that they have refused to uphold rights to which
applicants are constitutionally entitled; that they have dragged their heels
in hearing cases where applicants should expect early redress; and that they
have leant over backwards to accommodate the claims of the state, even when
the state has difficulty making its case.

That perception will not have been helped by the Herald’s intervention on
their behalf!

Our reporter Dumisani Muleya appears to have struck a raw nerve in his story
last week on the ructions Zanu PF’s succession committee has been causing as
bigwigs battle for power. A furious Nathaniel Manheru used his Herald column
on Saturday to heap Muleya with personal scorn before dismissing his article
as “fictitious”.

“Muleya definitely lives in his own utopia because these so-called battles
only exist in his own small mind,” he spat.

The same day the Herald announced on its front page that the succession
committee had been disband-ed “after it emerged that its activitieswere
causing divisions in the party”.

We think in future the Herald’s editor might tell Manheru what he is
carrying on the front page, especially when it emanates from the party
chairman, so Manheru doesn’t look quite such a fool when denying the same
story inside the paper!

We have discovered, by the way, that any reporter who pushes the button
marked “succession” is likely to see Manheru go ballistic. What is the
connection here?

Manheru’s alter ego “Under the Surface”, who was so far under it he
disappeared entirely last week, was busy attacking Muckraker on Sunday for
showing insufficient respect to the late Simon Muzenda.

“This Muckraker moron has got (sic) a bit too far this time around”, the
spooky state spokesman said of our proposal that Muzenda’s collection of
cardigans be put on display.

“Does anyone call that rubbish a joke?” Cde Under pompously admonished.
“ Under the Surface, like many people out there, doesn’t really care about
the hogwash Muckraker churns out weekly,” he declared before devoting 12
paragraphs to hissing and spitting over our column last week. He didn’t
mention reports of people in Mbare and Warren Park being forced to attend
the funeral last Wednesday.

Despite his impeccable credentials as the spokesman for a rotting party, Cde
Under, like Manheru, often finds himself overtaken by events. On Sunday,
September 14 he wrote in the Sunday Mail that Muckraker had been “misfiring”
by telling readers there was a consensus in the Commonwealth that Zimbabwe’s
suspension should not be lifted at present.

“Muckraker in his wild dreams thinks that the views on Zimbabwe of Sadc,
Nigeria, and even the ACP countries do not matter and only his stinking
opinions matter,” Cde Under fulminated. “Who’s fooling who?”

He got his answer the next day when the Nigerian government said President
Mugabe would not be invited to the Abuja Chogm.

Which Sadc states came to Zimbabwe’s rescue? Apart from some fighting talk
in Pretoria which soon evaporated as the Nigerian position became clearer,
no Sadc, ACP or any other state spoke up for Zimbabwe. All we were left with
were Stan Mudenge’s idiotic remarks about Australian racism which, coming
from a government that advertises its racist credentials every day, proved
less than convincing.

Stan may appreciate the following remark overheard recently: “I don’t
approve of political jokes. I’ve seen too many of them get elected.”

World Food Programme spokesman Richard Lee appears confused about Zimbabwe.
Talking about the food deficit in this country, he said if donors could be
made to cough up, then all would be well. He spoke about the “distress
migration” of Zimbabweans to South Africa.

“Obviously, if we get the funding we are asking for, there will be no need
for migration,” he said.

Evidently he hadn’t thought that you could have a full belly and still wish
to migrate to escape torture and gang rape, find a job without joining the
militia, or just to exercise plain freedom of speech.

Naturally, the well-paid WFP bureaucrats cannot look beyond their noses.
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Zim Independent

Adrift and abandoned, foreign policy fails

WHILE diplomats are required to calm the fears of their host governments,
they must be careful not to mislead them about just how far their leaders
are prepared to go in providing support.

It was reported yesterday that acting Nigerian High Commissioner Emmanuel
Engwuatu had assured Acting President Joseph Msika that the Nigerian
position on Zimbabwe’s suspension from the Commonwealth had not changed.
However, it was bound by the organisation’s rules when inviting nations to
the heads of government meeting in Abuja in December, he quickly added.

In the same week that Zimbabwe’s spin doctors were taking what little
comfort there was in those remarks, President Olusegun Obasanjo said
President Mugabe would not be invited to Abuja unless there was a “sea
change” in Zimbabwe. Asked how he viewed the closure of the Daily News,
Obasanjo said that was a sea change in the wrong direction. If anything, it
was of the “negative” sort, he said.

This doesn’t sound like an apologist for Zimbabwe’s rulers. It sounds more
like a leader coming to terms with the reality that the regime in Harare can
no longer be defended. It is beyond the pale.

As we pointed out last week, this represents a watershed of sorts. Much has
been made of the fact that on the troika set up in Coolum to address the
Zimbabwe crisis, two out of the three leaders sought an end to Zimbabwe’s
suspension. But the fact is a large majority of Commonwealth states agreed
that Harare had not met the conditions laid down for lifting the suspension.
It was that majority that mattered.

No country apart from South Africa has complained about the decision.
Zimbabwean diplomacy is now adrift. Everything has been tried. Appeals to
regional and racial solidarity, claims of a conspiracy led by Britain and
the United States, and a torrent of explanations of how the rule of law had
been restored, 300 000 people resettled on the land and human rights
violations investigated — all to no avail.

The African, Caribbean, and Pacific states are not coming to Zimbabwe’s
rescue. The response to Mugabe’s opportunistic speech at the UN General
Assembly was muted. It was greeted with polite applause.

President Chirac had made all the salient points that needed to be made in
his reference to unilateralism a few days earlier. Mugabe tried to do the
same thing, situating himself as the voice of developing countries but they
don’t seem to have been inclined to fall in behind him. His speech went
largely unnoticed except in Zimbabwe’s state media. All that could be
extracted from this hugely expensive visit was some remarks on diminishing
rates of HIV/Aids infection by Kofi Annan and an exchange with the shadowy
December 12 Movement, a group regarded with derision by most African
Americans.

That a once-respected academic like Stan Mudenge has been reduced to hurling
childish abuse at John Howard tells us all we need to know about the status
of Zimbabwean foreign policy. And attempts to prevent the truth about Mugabe
’s misrule getting out have been equally unsuccessful.

Deportation of foreign correspondents, in the latest case in contempt of a
court order, and denial of work permits have simply compounded the
impression of a regime unable to cope with the truth.

The same is true of militia gangs burning independent newspapers or
preventing their distribution, the arrest and harassment of journalists, and
now the closure of the Daily News and its stablemate.

None of this is the behaviour of a government comfortably ensconced in the
affections of its people.
And it must be asked, what does the government think it has achieved? Is
President Mugabe regarded with any more respect at home or abroad than he
was three years ago? Is it the view of the international community that
Zimbabwe deserves to be rehabilitated under its current leadership? Is there
a groundswell of support in the African diaspora?

Have all those travel writers brought into the country at considerable cost
managed to persuade potential visitors that Zimbabwe is really a law-abiding
country where the police do their duty professionally and impartially and
where there is no racial incitement by the government?
Have investors been persuaded that Zimbabwe offers a climate conducive to
growth?

However you look at it, Zanu PF’s propagandists have failed — and failed
miserably. The country has never been so isolated. Obasanjo said it all: It
will take a sea change in official thinking to get Zimbabwe accepted back
into organisations like the Commonwealth.

That is an epitaph we should write for Zanu PF. There can be no more
pretence. They have lost this particular struggle. When their own media
writes that Zimbabwe should not bother attending Chogm because “it’s not
worth attending anymore” — after months of strenuous diplomacy to have the
ban lifted — you know this is a regime in headlong retreat.

Instead of posturing at the UN, Mugabe should be considering ways he can
help his prostrate country — like getting out of the way of recovery. In the
meantime, please, no more lies from his courtiers as to how successful they
have been.
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Zim Independent

Zimbabwe makes IMF history
Ngoni Chanakira
INTERNATIONAL Monetary Fund(IMF) boss Horst Kohler has awarded Zimbabwe his
association's wooden spoon for arrears for the year 2003.

The Bretton Woods institution, in a survey for the period ending September
8, said while the arrears of other countries, with the exception of Sudan,
continued to rise, the most notable of these was Zimbabwe.

It said this was the first new case of significant arrears to the Fund's
General Resources Account since 1993 and the first case of "protracted"
arrears to the Poverty Reduction and Growth Facility (PRGF) Trust.

The PRGF is the IMF and World Bank's low interest lending facility for its
"poorest members".

Zimbabwe's quota with the IMF currently stands at SDR353, 4 million from a
world total of SDR212 794 million as of August 31. The country has however
been in continuous arrears to the Washington-based organisation since
February 2001.

As of the end of May this year, Zimbabwe's arrears to the IMF amounted to
SDR164,9 million (US$233 million), or about 47% of the country's quota in
the Fund.

On June 6 the IMF suspended Zimbabwe's voting and related rights, after
having determined that the country had not sufficiently strengthened its
cooperation with it in areas of policy implementation and payments.

As a result of the decision, Zimbabwe can no longer appoint a governor or
alternate governor to the IMF, participate in the election of an executive
director for its board, or cast its vote in decisions on IMF policy or
country matters.

Kohler said protracted arrears to the IMF decreased in financial year 2003
to SDR2,01 billion, from SDR2,36 billion a year earlier.

He said this reflected mainly the clearance of arrears by the Democratic
Republic of the Congo in June 2002 and the Islamic State of Afghanistan in
February this year.

"However, the arrears of other countries, with the exception of Sudan,
continued to rise," the IMF boss said.

"The most notable of these is Zimbabwe, which is the first new case of
significant arrears to the IMF's General Resources Account since 1993 and
the first case of protracted arrears to the PRGF Trust. The two countries
with the largest protracted arrears to the IMF - Sudan and Liberia - account
for more than 78% of the total overdue financial obligations to the IMF -
with Somalia and Zimbabwe accounting for most of the remainder."

If a member does not actively cooperate with the IMF in seeking a solution
to its arrears problems, a timetable of remedial measures of increasing
intensity is applied.

Remedial measures begin with suspending a member's access to the use of IMF
resources in the PRGF or Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Initiative.

If the country fails to take appropriate measures, the executive board then
issues a declaration of non-cooperation in the case of arrears to the PRGF
Trust.

Ultimately, in the case of overdue financial obligations to the General
Resources Account, the member's withdrawal from the IMF is compulsory.

Most recently, further remedial measures were applied to Liberia and
Zimbabwe, when their voting and related rights in the IMF were suspended in
March and June this year, respectively.

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Zim Independent

Govt debt to Byo reaches $1b
Loughty Dube
THE cash-strapped government's debt to the city of Bulawayo has reached the
$1 billion mark as the council intensifies efforts to recover the money it
is owed by various departments.

According to a council report released early this week the government total
debt is an accumulation of service charges that arise from unpaid health
grants, water sampling charges, rates for leasing property, sewerage and
refuse collection charges by government departments in the city.

The Ministry of Rural Resources and Water Development is the biggest debtor,
owing council over $144 million closely followed by the Ministry of Home
Affairs which owes $84 million while the Ministry of Education and Culture
owes a further $45 million.

The Bulawayo city treasurer Middleton Nyoni said council would resort to the
traditional methods of sending constant reminders and if those failed then
council would disconnect water supplies and terminate other services in
government departments.

"After the increase of tariffs this year the government debt to council rose
as a result of the new tariffs and other unpaid bills but we are making
frantic efforts to persuade the government to pay up," Nyoni said.

The latest figure of $1 billion is an increase of the government debt to
council from $893 million that it owed council at the beginning of May this
year.

However, the Bulawayo council is owed a further $3 billion by residents and
local rate-payers in unpaid bills, but this is a reduction of the $4 billion
residents owed council in May this year.

The council late last year disconnected water supplies to government
departments in a bid to recover the money it is owed by government.

The Bulawayo city council has had to resort to going into the money market
to seek over $2,5 billion it needs to finance its capital projects that have
been stalled as a result of lack of funds.

Four financial institutions - Century Advisory Services, Intermarket
Building Society, Scotfin Ltd and Kingdom Financial Holdings Ltd - in August
won the tender to raise the $2,5 billion for the council's capital projects.

Council capital projects that have been shelved as a result of cash
shortages include the sewer repairs project, water reticulation, repair of
public infrastructure and the council's Millennium Housing Project.

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Zim Independent

Sorry, still no cash!
Ngoni Chanakira
DESPITE frantic efforts by the discredited Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) to
solve the worst cash crisis in the country's history by offloading bearer
and traveler's cheques and new $1 000 notes to disgruntled customers,
kilometres of queues still exist countrywide.

Scenes of jostling and impatient customers in Harare's central business
district this week resembled those of spectators awaiting entry into a
football stadium.

The cash fiasco, which has affected everyone in one way or another, resulted
in the introduction of bearer's cheques in denominations of $1 000, $5 000,
$10 000 and $50 000 onto the market in tandem with new $500 notes last
Friday.

On Wednesday a new $1 000 note, the highest since Independence, was also
dished out by the RBZ to a worried public that has been forced to wait in
queues from as early as 5:00 am daily for sums as little as $5 000 - enough
for four loaves of bread.

Economists maintain that government needs to plug spiraling inflation, now
standing at 426,6% for August, for the cash situation to normalise. They
have already predicted inflation will continue increasing to surpass the 1
000% mark by year-end.

Trust Holdings Ltd chief executive officer William Nyemba told analysts at a
briefing on his institution's results that what was needed in Zimbabwe were
higher denominations "full stop". He said hyperinflation was "killing the
economy".

While presenting his $672 billion Supplementary Budget to parliament last
month the Minister of Finance and Economic Development Herbert Murerwa
admitted that the difficult macroeconomic environment characterised by
"persistent high inflation", had necessitated the need for government to go
cap in hand to the 150-member august House.

Murerwa said as inflation escalates and economic performance worsened, a
growing proportion of the country's population was now living below the
poverty datum line - further deteriorating standards of living.

"Mr Speaker, I believe that it is important that our policies must fight
inflation," Murerwa said. "Continued failure to do so threatens to destroy
the very social fabric of the nation."

In its analysis of the hyperinflationary environment and high money supply
growth NMB Holdings Ltd (NMB) said the hyperinflationary trend was driven
mainly by the partial relaxation of price controls, excessive credit
expansion, shortage of foreign currency and consequent effect and widespread
indexation in the economy.

In January, representatives of government, the business community and labour
signed a Prices and Income Stabilisation Protocol.

"The protocol's objective was to manage prices of basic commodities,
salaries and wages, through a tripartite price monitoring and surveillance
sub-committee, which would negotiate with producers on viable prices for all
basic commodities," NMB said.

"The spiraling inflation is evidence of the protocol's failure to arrest the
pace of price increases in the economy."

It said unless monetary policy was tightened during the second half of this
year, money supply growth was expected to accelerate.

Bearer cheques have been more acceptable to retailers unlike the traveler's
cheques, which have been occasionally rejected.

Both the bearer and traveler's cheques are, however, deemed "illegal tender"
on commuter omnibuses operating in the capital.

Analysts said while the idea to introduce more money onto the market was
noble, government did not educate the public on time and sufficiently about
the new mode of money, especially individuals in the rural areas where the
majority of the nation's population resides.

Thousands of the nation's farmers - both new and old - who produce cash
crops such as cotton, tobacco, maize, and groundnuts which are delivered
daily into town and payment given on delivery reside in the rural areas.

Analysts said it was these individuals who needed to be educated about the
new money and not only those living in major cities and towns who have
access to plastic money such as credit cards and Automated Teller Machine
cards.

Zimbabwe Farmers' Union president Silas Hungwe this week encouraged
small-scale farmers to accept bearer and traveler's cheques as payment
because they are "instruments of the government and are legal tender".

The sentiments were expressed after several farmers were uneasy about
payments being made using cheques. Cotton farmers are notorious for blowing
their "hard earned cash" immwdiately after receiving it.

The cash crisis has driven the country's economy further down the drain.

The complications have encouraged a thriving dealer's market with
individuals now buying and selling money as a form of employment.

The informal sector seems to be the hardest hit at the moment as traders are
hesitant to accept payment in cheques. They prefer cash which they use to
order more goods.

Flea markets have also suffered. Traders at flea markets prefer cash which
they also use to order their goods from Botswana, South Africa and Malawi.

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Zim Independent

Closing down Daily won't solve our problems

SO the Daily News has been shut down! And - according to Jonathan Moyo and
his newspapers at Silundika Avenue - may never be licensed.

Good political gambit by Zanu PF in its fight against the independent media
and the opposition.

On the surface it seems to be the best piece of news for them this year. But
is it good news for anyone else that the Daily News has been closed?
Obviously not.

It is not deniable that the paper helped shape the political map of Zimbabwe
against the ruling party. Introduced just on time as Zimbabweans found their
voice through the MDC, the paper went on to become the voice of the
voiceless in their quest for a truly democratic Zimbabwe.

Now, almost everybody who is in the pluralism camp is asking what exactly is
going to happen to the country, assuming that the paper will not be hitting
the streets again - at least not in the short run? Here are the scenarios
that I believe will rule supreme from now until the paper comes back or the
ruling party burns itself out of existence like Daniel arap Moi's Kanu and
Kenneth Kaunda's Unip did in Kenya and Zambia respectively:

Most likely, journalists like Bill Saidi, Fanuel Jongwe and others will look
for work at other independent papers or overseas papers - and find it,
because they are good journalists. Some fence-sitters and those with no
clear ideology will most likely go grovelling to Moyo looking for work and
be asked to apologise for attacking him or associating with his enemies.
They will likely find work if they promise to pummel their former colleagues
in the independent media.

Of course this will be a classic case of "if God pays me I will fight the
devil but if the devil pays me I will fight God".

Those who fail to find work somewhere because of inconsistency of quality of
their work will have to wait for the return of the paper - which cannot be
ruled out.

Meanwhile the ruling party will now lower the fence thinking that the coast
is clear and they can do what they want with the country because there is
nobody to report on their sins. They will also decide to increase attacks on
opposition supporters while the paper is still in a swoon.

Alternatively, the ruling party could decide that the MDC is as good as dead
because, as they said in the past, the MDC's public relations chief is in
hospital.

The MDC will most likely be grieving for some time to come - until the paper
returns or another truly independent paper is launched, say from Trevor
Ncube's Zimbabwe Independent stable, which is the only paper that is not in
the clutches of the ruling party.

The MDC will be without a daily platform from which they can communicate
with their members. The only silver lining in that cloud is that the MDC
will now move from their laurels and start campaigning seriously, finally
getting in touch with their supporters who don't know where their MPs are
now.

Meanwhile, at the Herald and Sunday Mail it's party time as the papers try
to reclaim their lost market share. In real terms that is easier said than
done.

The country is currently heavily politically polarised and there are people
like myself who will not buy the Herald until the Daily News returns. Some
advertisers may also decide to keep their adverts on their desks in protest.

The bottom line is: the situation at Zimpapers hardly improves.

Those who are afraid of Moyo can discard their decency and resort to the
political pornography that we are now used to from Zimpapers. While the
Daily News is in Moyo's electric chair, self-respecting independent media
should rise from their knees and shine more than ever before.

They at least can save the country from the tragedy that started with the
appointment of Moyo to the cabinet. While the government can assume that
their political fortunes will now turn around because of the closure of the
Daily News, it is clear that this will not stop shortages of basic
commodities. It will not stop the economic tailspin that we are in.

The Daily News was not there when the government decided to bribe war
veterans with unbudgeted gratuities in 1997. It was also not there when the
government decided to join the DRC war in 1998, thereby starting that
economic haemorrhage that we still find ourselves in, six years after.

Josiphat Gwezhira,

Mt Pleasant.

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Zim Independent

Land saga epitomises all that is rotten

I AM surprised at the outrage being expressed at heavyweight members of
Zanu-PF who have been caught ejecting the current occupiers and helping
themselves to hundreds of farms.

To me, the whole land saga epitomises all that is rotten in Zimbabwe.

When the land grab started after Mugabe's defeat in the 2000 referendum, I
was a member of the Mazowe Rural District Council.

At the last meeting I attended, councillors were being encouraged to shout
out the names of farms in their wards to be "seized".

I was disgusted at what amounted to a feeding frenzy as councillors fell
over themselves to shout out the names of farms. Only one councillor, a
black colleague with strong principles from the rural areas, declined to be
involved. I walked out of this meeting in rage and disgust, and subsequently
resigned. I felt deeply ashamed at the behaviour of my fellow councillors.

What was so disappointing at the time was that no one, not even the MDC
said: "This is wrong. This is theft. These people, like it or not, bought
and paid for their farms. They did not steal the land from anyone."

Actually, not even the CFU had the guts to say this, to call a spade a
spade. Why was there this reluctance to speak the truth? Was it because all
black Zimbabweans harboured a deep hatred for their white compatriots? Or
was it because Zanu PF had psychologically out-manoeuvred everyone and made
it politically incorrect to challenge the lie? But that no one did challenge
the lie will forever be a shameful chapter in Zimbabwe's history.

Anyone with half a brain knew at the time that this was nothing more than a
ploy by Mugabe and Zanu PF, and that the CIO and army were involved in the
organisation of the invasions.

Anyone with half a brain also knew that most resettlement areas were a
disaster and knew as well that there was plenty of unused land for any
genuine agrarian reform. Yet no one shouted loud and clear that the emperor
had no clothes.

For this lack of moral courage at the time, Zimbabwe has suffered dearly,
and will continue to suffer until moral courage surfaces. To condone a lie
is almost as bad as telling the lie oneself, and that is what the people of
Zimbabwe willingly did.

So why should it be a surprise, why should there be outrage when the chefs
who set the whole dirty business in motion throw their pawns off the land?

Everyone stood by when the land was taken from its rightful owners. What
moral high ground can the majority of Zimbabweans claim when they raised no
voices of protest at the time?

Charles Frizell,

UK.

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Zim Independent

Tame them - kick up a fuss!

PLEASE allow me space to tell readers of an incident concerning newly-issued
bearer's cheques and the sort of reception that my $5000 cheque received at
Bakers Inn, one of the divisions of mighty Innscor, a corporation with a sad
reputation for raising prices seemingly at the drop of a daily hat.

At a Bakers Inn outlet in town, I purchased a small cake for $650 and handed
over the bearer's cheque for $5000 which is legal tender, and I believe the
lowest denomination, expecting my change.

The counterhand at first refused to give me change until I pointed out that
not to do so was illegal. He called the manager and I explained the
situation to him. This individual told me that he would only give me my
change if I purchased goods to the value of half the cheque ($2500). I told
him that was conditional selling which is also illegal.

I told him I was going to go to Innscor head office to obtain satisfaction
whereupon he did the right thing and gave me my change in full.

So readers, if you are tired of being "ripped" off by conglomerates kick up
a fuss in public and be heard, it's one small way to stop them and if we
don't do it, it'll simply carry on.

My question to Innscor and Bakers Inn is: "Has it become corporate/company
policy to treat bearer's cheques of any value differently from cash, under
the guise of conditional selling and thus devaluing them.

Or is it simply profiteering at our expense?"

I invite Innscor and Bakers Inn to reply with a simple, cogent, believeable
answer. After all, if bearer's cheques are to be potentially devalued in the
above manner - then perhaps all suppliers will jump on the bandwagon.

ANG (ry),

Harare.

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Zim Independent

Why the Daily News was denied registration
By Macdonald Chimbizi
"DAILY News denied registration," screamed the headline in the state- owned
Herald. In a way, it was a euphemism designed to celebrate the demise of the
stinging tabloid that had become a thorn in the side of the ruling Zanu PF.

So we were made to believe that the Daily News was an "outlaw" organisation
operating illegally, hence it needed to cease operation.

Why the Daily News chose not to register is debatable but I shall dwell on
the reasons why it was denied registration and why it will never re-open
again under the brutal Mugabe regime.

To unravel the whole saga, you need to understand the top Don of the Media
and Information Commission (MIC), Dr Tafataona Mahoso. I was one of the
privileged few to have spent two years with the bespectacled doctor at the
Polytech's Division of Mass Communication. I can therefore safely comment on
his hatred for the Daily News and a free press in general.

For starters, Mahoso is a man of many masks. Apart from being a fashion
disaster, he was until recently head of Mass Communication at the Polytech.

He is a Sunday Mail columnist, a historian, a pan-Africanist, MIC chairman,
a political and social commentator, and a Zanu PF consultant and government
spin doctor, third in rank after Jonathan Moyo and George Charamba.

Given the above conflict of interest, it becomes obvious that the Daily News
was denied a licence before it bothered to apply. It was a classic example
of "premature closure", Mahoso's favourite concept whereby something is
already judged before it is even heard.

That the ANZ chose to challenge the legality of the infamous Aippa and the
legitimacy of the Mahoso commission ignited an already smouldering fire.

Pressure was slowly brewing in the pressure cooker and an explosion was
expected any time.

One of the reasons cited why the Daily News was denied registration was that
it had employed an "unemployable" journalist with a criminal record who
happened to be Chengetai Zvauya.

Zvauya "committed" the offence during his stint with the Standard when he
wrote a story alleging that the ill-fated Constitutional Commission had
printed its report before its findings were tabled.

All of a sudden Zvauya was to become a good example of a bad journalist.

For the latter part of the two years I spent studying journalism at the
Polytechnic the name Zvauya was mentioned with an intensity often reserved
for hard-core criminals in the mould of Richard Gwesela, Stephen Chidhumo
and Masendeke.

That Zvauya went to work for the Daily News with that chequered past
prompted Mahoso and his colleagues to cobble up a clause that was meant to
be an epitaph on poor Zvauya's journalism career.

Put it this way, in the period I have known the well-researched doctor, he
despises anything that is anti-Zanu PF, part of the endless list that
includes infidels such as the MDC, CFU, Misa-Zimbabwe, MMPZ, NCA, Daily
News, the Standard, the Zimbabwe Independent, Lovemore Madhuku, Morgan
Tsvangirai, David Coltart, Iden Wetherell, Chengetai Zvauya, Muckraker,
Father Oskar Wermter, Basildon Peta, etc. The list is inexhaustible.

For one to pass Mahoso's Media and Ethics course, if you did not mention the
above, that was a sure repeat, thereby denting one's career aspirations.

In fact, to be on the safe side, one wrote any dirt one could think of about
the aforementioned organisations and people.

Closing down the county's top- selling newspaper which employed over 300
people shows how ruthless Mahoso is. How can he shut down a source of
employment for his students under the guise of MIC?

People have always chided us for calling him a dinosaur. To me the man makes
a good international lecturer or historian who should have nothing to do
with the noble profession of journalism.

How does the MIC chief balance his objectivity and impartiality when he
bashes the opposition and the independent press in the government-owned
Sunday Mail week in week out?

Elsewhere the MIC whose formation was meant to establish checks and balances
for the press has become a weapon for Moyo and Mahoso to weed out their
enemies. It is a Machiavellian plot to smoke out independent voices in the
wake of the diminishing popularity of their paymaster, Mugabe.

Is Mahoso the same man who stood before me a few years ago in class scoffing
at the idea of having two media organisations representing journalists in
the country? Journalists are dividing themselves, instead they should speak
with one voice, we were told. How do they expect the government to cooperate
when they are divided, he questioned referring to ZUJ and Ijaz.

Journalism students are always taught repeatedly that information is power,
as such Mahoso and his colleagues are determined to close all outlets and
make sure the society is suffocated with the Hondo YeMinda and Rambai
Makashinga spin.

So the Daily News wants to do it the Econet-way by challenging the MIC
decision in court? Well, do ordinary Zimbabweans and independent observers
expect the tabloid to challenge the ruling successfully in our highly
partisan courts?

Ask any member of the MDC how many countless trips they have made to the
highest courts in the land. A quick glance at the history books will show
how ruthlessly the regime has dealt with troublesome media houses.

The Capital Radio saga and the closure of Mugabe's own friend James
Makamba's Joy TV are still fresh in our minds.

Either way the Daily News is faced with a double-edged sword whose arch is
slowly forming and a pool of blood will soon emerge. Expecting the paper to
open any time soon would be just as good as speculating on Mugabe's
retirement date.

Time will tell.

Macdonald Chimbizi is a Zimbabwean journalist now based in the UK.

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Zim Independent

Beating the drums and blowing the trumpet
By John Makumbe
THE predicted demise of the Daily News has finally become a reality as the
Mugabe dictatorship has effectively banned that paragon of the freedom of
the media from our streets.

For most of us, the (temporary) banishment of the Daily News was more
profound, more depressing and more devastating than the passing of an
81-year-old man who was part of the leadership of the repressive regime.

The only consolation we have is that whereas the man has passed from "dust
to dust", the Daily News shall rise again, even if it will take regime
change to accomplish its return.

In the meantime though, we just have to figure out how best to communicate
information to the deprived people of this once great country. We suggest
that a number of measures and activities can be embarked upon in this
regard.

We have to find alternative sources of reliable information, such as through
the use of modern technology. The Internet, Short Wave (SW) Radio, Voice of
the People (VOP), and Voice of America (VOA) are all providing reliable news
about developments in Zimbabwe on a daily basis.

Sadly, very few of our people own radio receivers that have the short wave
band on them. VOA can however also be received on medium wave on some
radios.

We need to encourage the people of Zimbabwe to tune into these alternative
sources of reliasble information rather than waste time listening to the
sickening Rambai Makashinga rubbish.

We also need to devise ways and means of providing the people with suitable
radio sets, especially the solar or spring-powered ones since batteries are
now prohibitively expensive in Zimbabwe.

We must not forget that we still have our weekly papers that are doing a
sterling job to inform us and enable us to communicate.

The weeklies will onviously have to double their efforts to inform us and
include more news items from the political and socio-economic fronts of our
national struggles.

If we save money by avoiding buying the senseless state-controlled dailies
we will have enough money by the end of the week to buy our weeklies.

Individuals and organisations can also start printing selected e-mails and
web pages and distributing these to those who do not have easy access to
computers and other relevant gadgetry.

Such printed materials can be passed around in streets, in combis and even
within neighbourhoods. We obviously have to be cautious about how we
distribute such material as the evil regime will try to prevent us from
informing others through this means.

Both pieces of draconian legislation, Posa and Aippa can be invoked to
punish those of us who will seek to inform others through these alternative
methods.

We could also play the Aippa game as organisations or groups of determined
citizens. For example we could set up a single publication but with multiple
names and "boards".

The boards would apply for registration with the Mahoso Intensive Care (MIC)
outfit while publishing for the permitted 60 days. The MIC will obviously
try to prevent this by making very quick decisions on each application. The
next board can then apply and continue the publication, and so on.

We have to find ways of beating the demons at their own game. Although the
name of the organisation and that of the publication will have to change
each time, the people will at least be assured of quality and reliable news
and information for a sustainable period.

Efforts could also be made to change the registration specifications of such
monthlies as Parade and The Worker to make them dailies.

The Daily News staff and equipment could be harnessed to produce a daily
paper of good quality to inform the people. Further, existing organisational
publications, periodicals and even newsletters could begin to include
informative articles and news items and distribute their publications as
widely as possible.

To facilitate the generation of reliable news, currently unemployed
journalists could be hired as freelance writers for these organisations.

Perhaps we should seriously consider setting up a Media Rescue Fund for
precisely this purpose.

Pamphlets could also play a major role in informing people of the latest
developments in our country and further afield. These could be printed once
or twice a week depending on the availability of resources. They should be
printed on both sides, and distributed overnight in major urban and rural
centres.

In fact, they can just be dropped right along the streets and at Musika and
other bus termini for the people to pick up and read. State agents will have
sleepless nights trying to pick them up before the people wake up each
morning, but they will not be able to pick all of them up in time.

Finally, I am still a sucker for graffiti myself. I think we should get back
to the painting of roads, buildings, etc with the messages that we wish to
pass on to others.

This will infuriate the regime no end but drastic action is now called for
if we are to keep the news and information flowing. This regime has now
effectively reduced us to the beating of traditional drums and the blowing
of trumpets as the means of communication with each other.

First they reduced us to Stone Age scavengers, then to hunter-gatherers, and
now to trumpeters and drum-beaters. When the going gets tough, the tough get
busy. Rambai makashinga!

John Makumbe is a lecturer in politics at the University of Zimbabwe and
head of Transparency International.

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Zim Independent

Zimbabweans should look beyond Mugabe
By Tafirenyika Wekwa Makunike
FIXING our attention on the persona of Robert Mugabe seems to have induced
paralysis in the people of Zimbabwe that has stopped us from strategically
positioning ourselves as a nation in the global village.

Despite what Stan Mudenge or Jonathan Moyo say, at nearly 80 Mugabe cannot
be our future. He belongs to our history and if he intends to cling on to
power until beyond 2005 then there is a possibility that his role will be
critically rewritten in our nation's history.

We have already lost two vice-presidents to natural causes and we can not
leave the creation of vacancies in the national hierarchy to fate. It is
important that the team that is going to take over from Mugabe should hit
the ground running for we have already lost years twiddling our political
thumbs.

Political will to turn the nation back to prosperity is totally absent and
the government is ruling by reacting to problems as they cascade. There is
no monetary policy, no plan to extricate the economy and generally it is
what Tony Hawkins would call voodoo economics.

Last week I received four unrelated telephone calls from Zimbabweans wanting
me to organise packets of maize seed from South Africa. I used to drive past
ART farm along Alpes Road towards Hatcliffe Extension, witnessing the seed
maize fields for the various Zimbabwean companies.

Zimbabwe was clearly one of the best seed producers in the region supplying
many other countries. For a regime that prides itself on having brought land
to the people, the minimum they can do is make sure that seed, chemicals,
fertilisers and extension services are available across the farming areas.

Have those "highly successful" trips to Malaysia yielded any basic
understanding of the tenets of strategic planning? Of course the current
climate is conducive to a few smart alecks to make money from the crisis
while the nation groans.

Should the Lord open the sky and the rains come, what would be our excuse
for failing again? Surely it will not be the fault of British-sponsored NGOs
who did not distribute seed to our people in time.

Even for tobacco, preparation has been slow. People involved in this sector
start preparing the seedlings as early as July. Making funds available to
new farmers in October almost appears like a secret desire to fail.

By inserting spiteful characters in the murky echelons of the politburo,
Mugabe is ensuring that the life expectancy of Zanu PF as a coherent
political force would last only a few weeks after he is eased out of the
seat of power.

This leaves the MDC as the only viable political alternative although I am
not impressed by their readiness to hit the ground running. What politicians
need to be aware of is that no other person will ever be given enough rope
like Mugabe was given. A new dispensation would be on a very tight leash
from the electorate and patience would be a rare commodity.

One of the exciting surprises of a new leader is the ability to assemble a
competent leadership team to take the country forward without inhibition.

As it stands Morgan Tsvangirai already has too many 'shadow ministers' to be
able to manoeuvre. I can understand Welshman Ncube being a shadow minister
for Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs or Renson Gasela as an
Agricultural shadow minister as the two gentlemen fully understand their
sectors and can get their jobs running on day one.

One of Mugabe's legacies is the lingering patronage concept of jobs for the
boys (now I understand it has been extended to degrees for the boys).

There was a period when if your CV contained a Gonakudzingwa trip you were
assured of a government post. Even now Mugabe has never used appropriate
skill or even performance as a measure to appoint anyone to a job.

How do we explain someone with skills in school curriculum development
heading trade and commerce or a history major being asked to run a finance
ministry?

They stumble from one blunder to another while the nation bleeds. Was it not
a breath of fresh air to have someone like Bernard Chidzero with a grasp of
the job and an idea of how much we could afford to spend?

Take for example my erstwhile comrade-in-arms in ZUM, Gabriel Chaibva.
Granted, the man is a political animal but he has been involved in science
and education yet he is given the local government portifolio. Then we have
the confusion of Tendai Biti being referred to as the shadow minister of
finance.

For goodness sake the man is a lawyer and he would probably be asking for
the meaning of per capita GDP and the abbreviation NAV as used in finance
lingo.

Some may ask what experience Tsvangirai himself has, but as a leader he does
not need any. All he needs is common sense, good advisors and being
decisive. We cannot have his advisors also being advised; it creates the
abnormal condition of governance by committees almost akin to the National
Economic Consultative Forum circus being perpetrated by Zanu PF on us.

It is an abdication of duty by those who are supposed to govern.

The problem with a nation, unlike a commercial entity, is that we only have
one country and we cannot allow it to be liquidated. The future interests us
all because this is where we are most likely to spend the rest of our lives
as well as those of our children.

The MDC should learn from the mistakes of Zanu, that is a network of
patronage enriches a few people while pushing the majority into poverty and
is a recipe for a disastrous government.

What we need now are coherent strategies to take Zimbabwe out of this abyss
Zanu PF pushed us into. These strategies must be discussed openly and widely
as part of a post-Mugabe preparation. Where Tsvangirai has no appropriate
skills in his party he should look to commerce and industry for
augmentation.

I suggest he totally steer clear of the armchair critics at the university.
Many have so much theory that they do not fit into the long-term plan of
practical solutions required by the nation.

Tafirenyika Wekwa Makunike is a business consultant based in Johannesburg.
He is contactable on makunike@mweb.co.zw

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JUSTICE FOR AGRICULTURE LEGAL COMMUNIQUE - October 3, 2003

Email: justice@telco.co.zw; justiceforagriculture@zol.co.zw
Internet: www.justiceforagriculture.com

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PRELIMINARY NOTICE TO COMPULSORILY ACQUIRE LAND

Lot 114 (66 farms) and (87 farms) respectively was repeated in the Herald
of 03 October with the 87 farms repeated under a new Lot number 116.

The Herald of Friday 03 October 2003 contains new listings (Lot 116 - 15
farms and Lot 117 - 66 farms).

The Ministry of Agriculture seems to be dropping balls in terms of Lot
numbers.  Whether this is by default or design is debatable but it is
certainly resulting in confusion.  Farmers are advised to object to all
listings.

Lots 116 and 117 are listed below:

Lot 116:

BINDURA 1220/75 RICHARD MARK CHANCE SYDENHAM ESTATE 574.2088

CHIPINGA 1485/95 TANGANDA TEA CO LTD R/E OF HELVETIA 778.3579

CHIPINGA 5103/80 SOUTHDOWN HOLDINGS LTD R/E OF DAVORA OF NEWCASTLE 357.4036

GATOOMA 7646/97 MARIA D HOFFMAN, ANNA MAGDALENA MAATENS, MATHIAM JOHANNES
CORNELIUS HOFFMAN, DANIEL GODFRIED PIETER HOFFMAN, CATHERINA JOHANNA VAN
RENSBURG, ALETA ESTELLE BEUKES, MARIE DOROTHEA STANFIELD REMAINDER OF
RAILWAY FARM 7 1469.6049

GATOOMA 4616/93 SHILOH HUNDING P/L LOT 1 OF RAILWAY FARM 5 224.8543

GATOOMA 5686/94 P A P MANCHIP, J C FERRIS, S J RUSHFORTH, N C MANCHIP, S A
RUGG REMAINDER OF ESTANCIA COREA 303.4632

HARTLEY 915/96 LEPRICORN ESTATES P/L SHAMROCK 646.5369

INYANGA 35/92 JAIME INVESTMENTS P/L R/E OF CHARLES HANMER PARK OF LOT Z OF
INYANGA BLOCK 116.7955

NYAMANDHLOVU 1628/49 THE ADMINISTRATORS OF THE ESTATE OF THE LATE ALFRED
JEFFREY OLDS S/D A OF BONGOLO KNOWN AS RATHLYN 1266.0000 MORGEN 266 SQUARE
RODS

QUE QUE 1111/85 ROBERT DEREK SWIFT & JENNIFER STUART SWIFT BEMTREE ESTATE A
7461.9612

SALISBURY 475/94 GIBSON ENTERPRISES P/L ECHO OF BORROWDALE ESTATE 591.7292

SHAMVA 4383/77 MIKE BUTLER INVESTMENTS P/L MARSALA 947.4733

UMTALI 8065/71 JAMES FREDERICK FRANKLIN R/E OF TYRCONNELL 199.7876

UMTALI 5527/70 KEPPEL ESTATE P/L R/E OF ORKNEY OF HOWTH 158.2462

UMTALI 7342/95 FRANCIS GEORGE RADFORD & ROSEMARIE ELSIE SCARBOROUGH S/D D
OF ORKNEY OF HOWTH 101.1728

Lot 117:

BINDURA 659/96 FRINTON HOLDINGS P/L FRINTON OF BUTLEIGH 887.9858

BUBI 2917/84 ALEX PETER GOOSEN FETTYKIL ESTATE 969.2938

BUBI 1456/85 ALEX PETER GOOSEN DEESIDE 862.1354

GATOOMA 1894/80 VRYSTAAT ESTATES P/L FARM 10 A UMSWESWE RIVER BLOCK
3886.8418

GATOOMA 6615/90 W R EDWARDS P/L VUMBA 1408.5192

GATOOMA 8434/88 A C LUBBE INVESTMENTS P/L SAXONDALE 739.1751

GATOOMA 6615/90 W R EDWARDS P/L R/E OF RODINI 652.6668

GATOOMA 3994/76 BEATTIE'S INVESTMENTS P/L R/E OF CHERRY BANK 100.2680

GATOOMA 3648/81 LEWIS RANCHING P/L ROCK BAR RANCH 6467.5854

GATOOMA 3695/82 DANIEL GODFRIED PEITER R/E OF THE FARM HILLSIDE 1279.0837

GATOOMA 6760/72 ALFRED JOHN READ PAMENE 1253.9424

GATOOMA 4452/2000 INSPAN INVESTMENTS P/L CORYTON 1294.4500

GATOOMA 6940/88 A C LUBBE INVESTMENTS P/L EBOR 637.0671

GATOOMA 8436/88 A C LUBBE INVESTMENTS P/L ELGIYO 680.0753

GATOOMA 4085/76 MOLINA RANCH P/L MOLINA 6965.0194

HARTLEY 4319/74 JOHN MCCLEARY BEATTIE VARKPAN 760.1755

HARTLEY 4960/82 CLOUDE EDWARDS & SONS P/L WESTON 218.7276

HARTLEY 8436/88 A C LUBBE INVESTMENTS P/L WESTWOOD 719.4752

HARTLEY 6637/80 HUNYANI FARM P/L HUNYANI ESTATE 3B 2809.7374

HARTLEY 4392/85 PHILLIP ARTHUR PETER MANCHIP PRIXY COMBE 563.5426

HARTLEY 11104/98 MILANWOOD ENTERPRISES P/L MILANWOOD 798.8823

HARTLEY 3127/91 FALCON GOLD ZIMBABWE LTD CHADSHUNT FARM 1316.1442

HARTLEY 4862/74 JOHN WILLIAM MELLS EAST MEDINA 508.7931

HARTLEY 3123/48 GILSTON ESTATES P/L R/E OF THE FARM CHISANDTSA 880.0000
MORGEN

HARTLEY 1307/99 MAPANI PARK OF DEWERAS EXTENSION MAPANI PARK OF DEWERAS
EXTENSION 1274.7580

HARTLEY 3680/74 THOMAS ARNOLDUS NIEHAUS RONDORA 1699.4598

HARTLEY 7451/86 C M MALLETT & SONS P/L REMAINDER OF KNOCKHOLT 943.0982

HARTLEY 7373/96 VULCAN MINING CO P/L R/E OF BLAGDON EXTENSION 842.8660

HARTLEY 2973/92 GALLOWAY AGRICULTURAL ENTERPRISES P/L REMAINDER OF GALLOWAY
784.9684

HARTLEY 2880/95 ASSINGTON INV. CACTUS HILL CACTUS HILL FARM 769.1532

HARTLEY 7657/88 SYMINGTON ESTATE AC LUBBE INVESTMENTS 369.1593

HARTLEY 2139/87 M.E. TRACEY STRATHSPEY ESTATE 1026.0084

HARTLEY 6109/97 RORKE FARMING P/L TEMBEVALE 988.5275

HARTLEY 4585/81 J.MCALASTAIR BALDWIN REMAINDER OF MARATONGA 857.0166

HARTLEY 4585/81 JEAN MCALASTAIR BALDWIN CLEVEDON 705.3369

HARTLEY 279/82 JUST RIGHT ESTATE P/L JUST RIGHT ESTATE 2060.4990

HARTLEY 2693/88 JUST RIGHT ESTATE P/L BEXHILL 1240.2381

MAZOE 5436/84 GILLIAN B. MCCALLUM REMAINDER OF MYROSS 253.0836

NYAMANDHLOVU 3208/95 DAVID GERALD HUNT NASEBY NORTH 1265.0129

NYAMANDHLOVU 3208/95 DAVID GERALD HUNT NASEBY SOUTH 1278.4974

NYAMANDHLOVU 136/83 ESTATE A.G. OLDS YONDER OF COMPENSATION 101.5686

SHAMVA 9100/96 CARRIERS REST P/L REMAINDER OF CARRIER'S REST 494.4517

SHAMVA 3247/93 DEVELOPMENT AID FROM PEOPLE TO PEOPLE IN ZIMBABWE
GLENDALOUGH A 920.5936

SHAMVA 8297/99 LINCOSHIRE INVESTMENTS P/L LOT 1 OF CERES 555.9427

SHAMVA 4383/77 PAT BUTLER MUMURGWI 762.7298

SHAMVA 4383/77 MIKE BUTLER INVESTMENTS P/L HEREFORD ESTATE 1421.4533

SHAMVA 4383/77 PAT BUTLER INVESTMENTS P/L WOODLANDS ESTATE 1073.7597

SHAMVA 4383/77 PAT BUTLER INVESTMENTS P/L THE POORT 1047.2275

SHAMVA 1208/70 MATANUSKA P/L MOLLYVALE ESTATE 206.0116

SHAMVA 5436/84 GILLIAN BENJIE MCCALLUM ANNANDALE A 273.2293

SHAMVA 9805/89 NEW RIVERBEND P/L RIVERBEND 1281.9363

SHAMVA 683/79 IRIS ANNE LOGAN GOLDEN STAR 530.2198

SHAMVA 6848/81 CORYTON FARMS P/L CORYTON 234.4632

SHAMVA 1990/85 PETER EINAR RORBYE ILTON A 954.2515

SHAMVA 560/88 MAXTON FARM P/L TRIO OF BURNLEIGH 315.1986

SHAMVA 1990/85 PETER EINAR RORBYE OAKSEY 485.5172

SHAMVA 2507/97 FERGUSLIE P/L REMAINDER OF NYAMADOMBA 1823.9964

SHAMVA 1884/2000 DEVELOPMENT AID FROM PEOPLE TO PEOPLE IN ZIMBABWE
REMAINDER OF LOT 1 OF FREUGH OF UMFURUDSI RANCH 747.4696

SHAMVA 1884/2000 DEVELOPMENT AID FROM PEOPLE TO PEOPLE IN ZIMBABWE
REMAINDER OF FARM 10 OF UMFURUDSI RANCH 431.0946

SHAMVA 1884/2000 DEVELOPMENT AID FROM PEOPLE TO PEOPLE IN ZIMBABWE FARM 11
OF UMFURUDSI RANCH 460.8067

SHAMVA 682/79 AUBREY HAMISH LOGAN THE RANGE 1377.5424

SHAMVA 97/87 R E MORKEL PROPERTIES P/L CERES A 659.4656

SHAMVA 5866/73 CHIPOLI P/L CHIPOLI ESTATE 4801.8649

SHAMVA 6709/98 FOREMONT INVESTMENTS P/L SUNRAY 864.7044

WANKIE 1004/95 DORCKET ENTERPRISES P/L BINDONVALE 1128.0986

WANKIE 1004/95 DORCKET ENTERPRISES P/L CARL LISA 858.1603

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News24

Zim govt denies closing paper
03/10/2003 20:06  - (SA)

Harare - The Zimbabwe government said on Friday it played no part in the
controversial shutting down of the country's only independent daily paper, a
fierce critic of President Robert Mugabe, and vowed not to meddle in the
embattled paper's fate.

"No, the government of Zimbabwe did not shut down the Daily News. We have no
time to waste with things like this. We have no interest," Information and
Publicity Minister Jonathan Moyo said at a function to inaugurate a revamped
state news agency, the New Ziana.

The Daily News was forcibly shut down by police on September 12, a day after
the Supreme Court ruled that it was operating illegally because it was not
licenced by a government media commission under the country's 18-month-old
media laws.

The paper had gone to the Supreme Court to challenge the constitutional
validity of the media laws compelling all media houses and journalists to
register, but the court said it would not entertain its case until it was
registered.

"The Daily News is a victim of the rule of law about which it has been
preaching since 1999," Moyo said.

Application rejected

Since the closure and seizure of its equipment, the paper tried to register
but its application was rejected by the media commission.

It has since been shuttling between the country's courts to have the
commission's decision reviewed, and a hearing has now been set for October
16.

Moyo accused the paper of trying to be a law unto itself, of viewing itself
"superior" and said it had not submit its application to register when
others did last year.

Had the government wanted to shut down the Daily News, it would have done so
long ago, Moyo said.

"They had 8 months and 12 days to register, (but) they decided to hell with
the law.

"We did not do anything... we would have shut them down during that time
they were violating the rules, but we did not," he said.

'No political interference'

"The fate of the Daily News is in the law," said Moyo. "There will be no
political interference, we will not entertain any pressure from anybody
because we respect the law.

"Let the law decide," Moyo said.

He said 51 media organisations and individuals, some of whom he described as
"imperialist dogs" that publish "trash" about the country, had registered -
but not the Daily News.

"All of these running dogs of imperialism in Zimbabwe that have been around
got registered. They were registered because they applied to be registered,
all of them, and we know that most of them publish trash. In fact all of
them publish trash," he said.

The type of "trash" published by the organisations and individuals
registered in Zimbabwe would not be published anywhere overseas, he said.

Moyo said private and foreign media in Zimbabwe habitually insult Mugabe,
calling the long-time president, among other slurs, a thief.

"Why don't they say (US president) George Bush is a thief, and (British
Prime Minister) Tony Blair is a thief?" he queried.

"If we were serious people, who do not want to apologise for who we are...
really we would shut these papers down because they are trash, they injure
our national interest," he said.

He called the "lies" about Zimbabwe carried by the American and British
international media dangerous "weapons of mass deception".

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Business Day

Bush 'not satisfied' with Zimbabwe situation

----------------------------------------------------------------------------
----

WASHINGTON - US President George W. Bush declared himself "not satisfied"
with efforts so far to promote human rights and political reforms in
Zimbabwe and urged its neighbors to keep up pressure for change.
"The only time that this government and I, personally, will be satisfied is
when there is an honest government, reformed government  in Zimbabwe," he
told African reporters.

"That hasn't happened yet;  therefore, we're not satisfied."

Prodded, Bush said he was not pleased "with the process" and "certainly not"
with Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe, whose country lies in the grips of a
festering political and social crisis, with the economy in chaos and more
than five million people in need of donated food.

He also indicated he hoped President Thabo Mbeki - with whom he met during a
July trip to Africa - would continue to lead regional efforts to put
pressure on Mugabe.

"Our government has not changed our opinion about the need for  the region
to deal with Zimbabwe and the leadership there," said Bush, who added that
he had sent the same message to Mozambique's President Joaquim Chissano when
they met last month on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly in New York.

"When President Mbeki says they are working on it, to achieve this goal, I
take him for his word. And I am going to remind all parties that the goal is
a reformed and fair government. And that hasn't been achieved yet. And we'll
continue to press the issue, both privately and publicly," said Bush.

The US president was speaking at a roundtable with African media to set the
stage for Kenyan President Mwai Kibaki's October 6 state  visit to the
United States.

AFP
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Business Day

UN warns of deepening Zimbabwe food crisis

----------------------------------------------------------------------------
----

HARARE - The food crisis in Zimbabwe is worsening, with a majority of the
country's districts having exhausted their food stocks, according to a UN
report received.
"According to reports from 58 districts in August 2003, food is becoming
scarce, harvest stocks have been exhausted in a majority of districts and
over half report a deteriorating food situation," the report said.

The report comes a week after the UN's food agency warned that only a
quarter of its appeal for funds to feed millions of starving people in
southern Africa, most of them in Zimbabwe, had been met.

An estimated 5.5 million Zimbabweans will require emergency food aid by
early next year, out of a regional total of 6.5 million.

According to the UN humanitarian situation report families in several
districts of Zimbabwe have taken to selling household goods to make ends
meet, while others have resorted to eating wild fruit usually given to
livestock.

There are also reports of critical water shortages in the drought-ravaged
southern Matabeland province.

It said that in the Matabeland district of Gwanda "80 percent of the
families visited have lost their livestock through deaths related to lack of
pastures, water scarcity or foot and mouth disease."

According to the report the state-run Grain Marketing Board (GMB) does not
have enough food to feed people in the country's most populous province of
Manicaland, in eastern Zimbabwe.

"The province requires about 27,000 metric tonnes per month, but GMB is
expecting to receive about 10,500 metric tonnes for the entire year."

The famine in Zimbabwe has been blamed on a combination of drought and what
critics say is a poorly managed land reform programme launched by President
Robert Mugabe, which has seen former white-owned commercial farms seized and
handed over to new black farmers.

AFP
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VOA

Zimbabwean Judge Puts Daily News' Case on Fast Track
Tendai Maphosa
Harare
03 Oct 2003, 19:34 UTC

Lawyers for publishers of Zimbabwe's most popular newspaper, The Daily News,
won a small, but significant legal victory, when a judge ordered their case
against the government expedited. The newspaper, which was shut down by the
government last month, has been battling in the courts to get back on the
newsstands.
President of the administrative court Michael Major has put the case on his
urgent docket and set a hearing for October 16. He also ordered Zimbabwe's
Media and Information Commission, which refused to register Zimbabwe's only
independent daily, to answer to him for its decision.

The lawyer for the publisher, Gugulethu Majuru, was upbeat about the court's
decision, and said, "It's one very important step towards the final victory,
we believe that our case has merits and the sooner it is heard, the sooner
victory will come."

The Daily News was shut down, after it defied Zimbabwe's draconian Access to
Information and Protection of Privacy Act, which requires that publishers
and journalists obtain a government license in order to operate.

Police swooped down on the newspaper's offices on September 12, and
confiscated all its office equipment. The publisher has battled the
government in the courts ever since.

The Daily News was founded in 1999 and was Zimbabwe's most widely read
newspaper. Its frequent criticism of President Robert Mugabe, his government
and party is widely seen as the reason why the government shut the paper
down.

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JAG OPEN LETTER FORUM

Email: justice@telco.co.zw; justiceforagriculture@zol.co.zw
Internet: www.justiceforagriculture.com

Please send any material for publication in the Open Letter Forum to
justice@telco.co.zw with "For Open Letter Forum" in the subject line.

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Letter 1: Re Open Letters Forum No. 155 dated 01 October

Dear Sir

My original letter in this debate was trying to explain that everyone one
of us in this universe is FREE to make a CHOICE (on any part of life).
Having made the choice the person concerned is then RESPONSIBLE for all, or
any of the subsequent CONSEQUENCES. The formula is CHOICES = CONSEQUENCES.
It is NOT part of the bargain, that you get to choose what part of the
consequences you want!! You do not get to whinge and whine how unfair life
is etc etc. This applies to EVERYONE. It has nothing to do with whether you
are a farmer or a townie.

This debate has shown that the blanket generalisations of who's to blame -
whether it is the townies or the farmers - has opened many cans of worms.
That's great because let's get all the mush on the carpet. The secret is
not to now stand and watch the worms crawl around!! STOP the Zimbabwean
attitude of IT'S NOT ME - I AM NOT THE ONE. Instead ACCEPT that there is a
mess on the floor and EVERYONE is responsible for cleaning it up.

Get out of VICTIM MODE. Let go of yesterday. Live for the NOW and act
accordingly.

As "petra" says "Let us not point any more fingers at each other."

To the Kiwi Supporter (who hopefully has a sense of humour). I would say -
diplomacy has its place, but maybe (??) it is time for a mutiny!! At least
that would be ACTION and CHANGE. Apathy does not get better by massaging
it! As we all know, you should only watch TV after you have done your
homework, and from the reading groups, your mother will tell you that -
knowledge is power!!

Sincerely
Lady Killen

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Letter 2: Re Open Letters Forum No. 155 dated 01 October

I am what you call a "Townie". I often contemplate what I would do if I
were a Rancher/Farmer being confronted by 20 - 30 (sometimes more) rabid
thugs, trying to take what is mine and or harm those dear to me. Shoot,
Run, call a neighbour and put them into the same predicament, call on the
entire Ranching/Farming community in the area for help? Would this not give
the despot the excuse for wholesale slaughter?

I have read John Kinnaird's views on "what if the Farmers/Ranchers had"
there's those 2 letters again IF.

I had a very dear friend, a tough farmer friend, he had to leave his Farm
and everything on it. A man of his calibre and his friends around him
couldn't save it. What could John suggest he should have done?

I have known John Kinnaird for some time now and know he is a man with
great integrity and has a passion for what is right and I value his views
and opinions greatly, But should we not now help the Farmers and Ranchers
who have lost everything instead of criticising them with the proverbial
"What if".

Regards

Dave Davis

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Letter 3: Reply to Open Letters Forum No. 154 dated 30 September

I AM NOT NORMALLY PROMPTED TO REPLY TO THINGS WRITTEN AND READ PUBLICLY.I
MUST SAY THOUGH, THAT I ADMIRE JOHN KINNAIRD'S STRENGTH PASSION AND FERVOR,
EVEN THOUGH I MIGHT NOT AGREE WHOLEHEARTEDLY.

I MYSELF AM THE DEAD OR DYING BREED. A FARMER STILL FARMING AND FROM
PIONEERING STOCK. I ADMIRE AND SALUTE ALL THE FARMERS THAT HAVE BEEN
EVICTED AND SUFFERED.I DO NOT THINK IT IS OUR POSITION TO JUDGE ANYONE, OR
DICTATE ANY ACTIONS THAT SHOULD OR SHOULD NOT BE TAKEN.THE CIRCUMSTANCES
ARE TOO DIFFERENT AND THE GENERAL SITUATION TO UNSTABLE.UNTIL WE HAVE
WALKED A MILE IN THE OTHER MANS SHOES!!

AS FOR FIGHTING AS HAVE DONE OUR FOREFATHERS, I ALREADY FEEL AS IF I AM RE-
LIVING THE LIFE OF "SALLY IN RHODESIA" WITH STAFF NOT QUALIFIED, OR KNOWING
HOW "MODERN CONVENIENCES "WORK. COMPARING HER LIFE AND TIMES TO HER
OVERSEAS KITH AND KIN AND DOING THE SAME IN OUR "MODERN DAY AND AGE ", I DO
NOT THINK WE HAVE MADE AN INCREDIBLE AMOUNT OF PROGRESS, AND JUST SEEM TO
BE IN A HAMSTER WHEEL THAT TURNS ROUND AND ROUND AND PASSES TIME.  I FOR
ONE DO NOT THINK I HAVE THE STRENGTH OR WILL TO FIGHT ANYMORE, AS DID THE
PIONEERS, FOR ANYTHING HERE.JUST "DOING A DAY, TRYING TO KEEP THINGS GOING"
TAKES TOO MUCH ENERGY.

THERE IS TOO MUCH BICKERING AND CRITICISM AMONGST THE VERY PEOPLE THAT
AUGHT TO BE STANDING TOGETHER LOVING AND ASSISTING ONE ANOTHER.ON THIS
FORUM ALONE, I HAVE SEEN ENOUGH BACK BITING TO LAST ME A LIFE TIME, AND WE
DARE CRITICIZE THE "POWERS THAT BE!! THEY HAVE DONE A VERY GOOD JOB OF
DIVIDE AND RULE!! I WILL JUST CONTINUE TO TRY AND DO A DAYS WORK, ASSIST
THOSE IN NEED AND TRY AND BE SUPPORTIVE TO THOSE THAT HAVE SUFFERED, BUT
LEAVE THE JUDGMENT AND INSTRUCTION TO SOMEONE QUALIFIED.

IT WOULD BE GOOD TO WAKE UP IN THE MORNING, TURN THE COMPUTER ON, AND READ
THE JAG OPEN LETTER AND SEE THINGS THAT ARE UPLIFTING AND MAKE YOU FEEL
ENTHUSIASTIC ABOUT YOUR DAY, INSTEAD OF ANGRY FRUSTRATED AND DISAPPOINTED
IN YOUR FELLOW FARMERS FOR THE BICKERING. COULD WE NOT SEND IN "HAPPY
STORIES" THEY ARE OUT THERE YOU JUST HAVE TO LOOK FOR THEM! I WAS DONATED
SOME MONEY TO KEEP 2 OLD GRANNIES GOING FOR ANOTHER 2 MONTHS, BY SOME
LOVING AND CARING PERSON. THAT MAKES MY DAY AND INSPIRES ME TO KEEP
TRYING!!

THAT NEAR EXTINCT CREATURE
A WORKING FARMER'S WIFE

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

Letter 4:

I am trying to get in touch with Ulla and Jean Sundi who used to farm out
in Macheke. If anyone knows of their whereabouts, please let John Worswick
know at the JAG offices who can pass the details on to me.

Many thanks,

James Maberly

---------------------------------------------------------------------------
All letters published on the open Letter Forum are the views and opinions
of the submitters, and do not represent the official viewpoint of Justice
for Agriculture.
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