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Government too broke to print plastic I.D.s and passports



      By Tererai Karimakwenda
      05 October 2006

      The Registrar General Tobaiwa Mudede revealed last week that his
office does not have enough funds to print passports and identification
cards due to a lack of funds. Our Harare correspondent Simon Muchemwa told
us Mudede made the comments on the programme "Behind The Camera" which aired
on state television last Wednesday. Muchemwa said the problem is so serious
that Zimbabweans who applied for I.D.s or passports in mid 2005 are still
waiting for their documents to be issued. And the average waiting time is
now 6 months to 3 years.

      Mudede said his department does not have enough in its budget and has
had to focus its resources on elections. But Muchemwa said this is confusing
because the government created the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) which
has the mandate to compile the voters' roll and organise all elections. He
also wondered whether Mudede's comments implied that the ZEC fell under his
jurisdiction.

      The Registrar General's office used to issue metal I.D. cards made of
aluminium. But for over a year the department has had to issue plastic ones
similar to bank cards. Muchemwa said the RG is so broke that it is failing
to print even these cheap plastic cards, and is now issuing a paper version
called a waiting pass.

      Zimbabweans are automatically issued an I.D. card when they turn 18
years old. Without the card they cannot apply for a passport and without a
passport they cannot travel. Muchemwa said the long waiting periods have
made life very difficult for those who need personal identification and
travel documents.

      SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news


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Chingoka regime under attack



Steven Price in Harare

October 3, 2006

A bad week for Zimbabwe Cricket grew worse with a threat from Temba Mliswa,
the controversial Zimbabwean political activist, that he was set to
challenge Peter Chingoka, the board's chairman, and Ozias Bvute, the
managing director, with the support of the country's "highest authorities".
The board were already reeling from the resignations of Crispen Tsvarai and
Bruce Makovah and will be further alarmed by this latest development.

Mliswa, who has a chequered career, was the man widely considered
responsible for driving Tatenda Taibu into retirement last year. After
seeming to ingratiate himself with the Chingoka-led interim executive, it
seems that, as Cricinfo exclusively reported last month, he had a major
falling out with the executive's top brass.

Mliswa addressed a media conference at a Harare hotel this afternoon,
repeating virtually the same allegations that have been raised against the
ZC bosses by players and disgruntled stakeholders over the past two years.
But this time, Mliswa vowed to finally deal with the alleged
maladministration and corruption by the ZC top brass.

"We have confidence in the authorities and powers that be in this country
that they will deal with this decisively now," he said. He was sitting
alongside Makovah, the former convener of selectors who resigned earlier
this week after a fall-out with the country's board.

"I resigned because there were serious lack of transparency", Makovah said,
adding another reason was the decision by Chingoka and Bvute to allow Kevin
Curran, the coach, to dictate selection matters.

Mliswa also revealed he had held discussions with Taibu and now claimed to
be on talking terms with him. "I admit to be one of the people who had a go
at him, but I never threatened him," he insisted. "I tried to talk to him as
a brother. Tatenda is a Zimbabwean. He wants to play for his country... but
in the best environment with the best adminstrators".

He also said he had met some of the old provincial chairmen, although he
evaded he said he was independent of the former administrators.

© Cricinfo


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Zimbabwe Authorities Pursue Forced Evictions & Demolitions

VOA

By Patience Rusere
      Washington
      04 October 2006

Zimbabwean local authorities continue to evict families by force and destroy
dwellings, despite declarations by the Harare government going back to late
2005 saying that the "clean-up" campaign called Operation Murambatsvina had
been halted.

One lawyer representing residents quoted a local official as saying the
latest drive was a continuation of Operation Murambatsvina, Shona for "Drive
Out Rubbish."

The latest round of evictions took place at Porta Farm Extension outside
Harare. The residents of the exurban settlement were given  24 hours to
leave their dwellings.

Attorney Tafadzwa Mugabe of Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights said 37
families at Porta Farm were displaced by the Kuwadzana district council
before the action was halted upon issuance of a court order sought by legal
defenders. He said officials told him that the evictions were intended to
mop up after Operation Murambatsvina.

The three-month forced-eviction and demolition campaign, waged by national
and local authorities, left some 700,000 people homeless or without
livelihoods or both, said a report presented to United Nations Secretary
General Kofi Annan.

In Harare's heavily populated district of Epworth, dozens of families were
evicted and their homes destroyed last month before a court order stopped
the operation.

The Combined Harare Residents Association said dozens of families in Glen
Norah, another Harare suburb, were evicted in August and taken to Caledonia
Farm, a resettlement camp some distance outside the capital.

Attorney Mugabe told reporter Patience Rusere of VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe
that some evictions were conducted in areas spared in the 2005 campaign.


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World Food Program, Citing Funding Woes, Cuts Back Zimbabwe Aid

VOA

By Blessing Zulu
      Washington
      04 October 2006

The World Food Program said Wednesday that it is cutting food aid to
Zimbabwe this month by two thirds because funding for assistance is running
out. About 364,000 children and another 190,000 people in vulnerable groups
are affected.

The United Nations agency said food aid rations in cities will be halved.

A WFP spokesman said the agency urgently needs $US61 million or 97,000
tonnes of grain to restore distributions to previous levels.

WFP monitoring reports say food security remains precarious for those in
Zimbabwe fighting HIV-AIDS or other diseases, orphans and other vulnerable
children for whom the main source of food is distributions originating with
the U.N. organization.

And consumer inflation that ran over 1,200% in August has brought a 300%
increase this year in the cost for Zimbabweans of obtaining a basic 2,100
calories daily.

The cutbacks come just as Agriculture minister Joseph Made has admitted for
the first time ever that the country faces a food supply shortfall. Previous
official statements said domestic resources were sufficient, describing WFP
aid as supplementary.

For more on the aid cutback, reporter Blessing Zulu of VOA's Studio 7 for
Zimbabwe turned to WFP Southern African spokesman Mike Huggins.

Deputy Director Nyika Musiyazviriyo of Christian Care, one of WFP's main
partners on the ground, said it would be hard to make up the cutbacks from
other sources.


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How China controls African politics

The New Republic

      Manchurian Candidate
      by Joshua Kurlantzick
      Only at TNR Online | Post date 10.05.06

In last week's presidential election, Zambian voters should have had plenty
to complain about. Endemic poverty in this southern African nation. One of
the world's worst rates of HIV/AIDS, which affects nearly one in six
Zambians. Repeated cycles of famine. When I visited eastern Zambia, crowds
of emaciated farmers wandered the sides of the road at night, begging for
coins and stopping at huts in search of handouts of thin nshima porridge.

Yet much of the Zambian debate centered on a completely different topic:
China. Opposition candidate Michael Sata accused Chinese companies, which
have invested heavily in Zambian copper mining, of exploiting Zambian
workers and undercutting Zambian goods. "Chinese investment has not added
any value to the people of Zambia," Sata told a Zambian radio station, also
threatening to toss Chinese companies out of the country. In response,
China's embassy in Zambia became directly involved in the election, very
unusual for foreign diplomats in any country, warning that Beijing might
sever ties to Zambia if Sata won. The incumbent president, Sata's opponent
in the election, reportedly apologized to Beijing for Sata's comments.

Sata appears to have lost--he is alleging fraud--but his rhetoric resonated
with many sections of Zambian society. Over the last year, in fact, Zambian
workers in a Chinese-owned mine had erupted in violent protest against low
wages and safety standards, which may have led to an accident last year in
which some 50 miners died.

Zambia, in fact, offers a window into a phenomenon American policy makers
have only just begun to discover. In a short period of time, China has
become a major donor and investor in Africa, and it has begun to play a
major role in domestic African politics--not only in Zambia but also across
the continent. In fact, China has so quickly amassed power in Africa that it
now rivals the United States, France, and international financial
institutions for influence--and potentially damages Africa's economic and
political renaissance.

wo years ago, Stéphanie Giry chronicled the beginnings of China's African
safari for The New Republic, but, since then, Beijing has much more
aggressively wooed the continent. African states can provide the natural
resources China desperately needs to power its economy. And African
countries, especially those just recovering from years of war, also are less
likely than Middle Easter oil providers to have established relationships
with Western oil consumers. Cultivating African allies offers China crucial
support at international forums like the United Nations, where it is
beginning to have a more active presence. Perhaps most important, if China
can play a major role in Africa, it could stake its claim as a global great
power in the world, able to influence events far from its own neighborhood.

China also has developed more sophisticated strategies and tools for wooing
Africa. Beijing increasingly advertises its state-directed model of
development, which can prove alluring on a continent where neoliberal
economic reforms promoted by the West did not deliver promised poverty
reduction--and where they sometimes saddled African nations with high debt
loads. Beijing has backed up its claims of working for Africans' benefit by
signing cooperation agreements with African nations; in November, it will
host a high-profile China-Africa summit, even as American presidents
struggle to make it to Africa once a term.

China has become a major aid donor, offering Africa nearly $2 billion in
annual aid, along with at least $2 billion in loans, creating programs to
train African students, and establishing Chinese language programs at
African universities. What's more, Chinese companies invest in nations no
other major powers would consider, and the Chinese government encourages
firms to invest in select countries. Chinese construction firms have swarmed
into war-torn countries like Sierra Leone, rebuilding factories and hotels.

Many African nations have welcomed China's new safari. Since 2000, African
trade with China has quadrupled, and some African elites and publics have
welcomed China's aid, investment and model of development: Program on
International Policy Attitudes polls show strong favorable opinions of China
across Africa. Even the head of the African Development Bank has announced
that, "We can learn from [the Chinese] how ... to move from low to middle
income status." And African leaders clearly are treating China like a great
power on the continent, affording Chinese officials and businesspeople the
type of welcome and access once reserved for Western leaders.

ut, at the same moment, for the first time in decades, Africa has entered
the radar screen of international corporations and Western governments. In a
world facing a potential peak in production from major Middle Eastern oil
fields, Africa's untapped oil and gas are proving quite attractive.
Meanwhile, parts of Africa are posting some of their strongest growth rates
since independence. The continent has begun to climb the rankings of the
World Bank's index of domestic environments for doing business.

China's emergence could threaten this progress. As a Treasury Department
paper reportedly warns, growing Chinese loans to Africa, especially at high
commercial rates, could threaten billions in recent forgiveness by the World
Bank and IMF's Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Initiative. China's aid to
Africa also sometimes comes linked with Chinese investment, a practice major
donors shun. The fear is that Chinese investment could contribute to
environmental destruction and poor labor standards, since Chinese firms have
little experience with green policies or unions at home, and many African
nations have powerful union movements.

Worse, if China continues to offer aid without any conditions, it will allow
itself to serve as a wedge between developing countries and the West, and it
will support Africa's pariahs. This has already begun to occur. In Angola,
Chinese aid has helped the government avoid IMF programs designed to ensure
that aid money actually gets the poor. In the Central African Republic,
Chinese assistance helped the government weather sanctions after staging a
coup, and, in Sudan, China's refusal to countenance sanctions has rendered
the United Nations impotent.

In Zimbabwe, Chinese backing has allowed Robert Mugabe's government to
resist pressure from its democratic African neighbors to open a dialogue
with the Zimbabwean opposition. During the run-up to Zimbabwe's last
national election, in fact, China reportedly sent planeloads of T-shirts for
supporters of Mugabe's party, offered the Zimbabwean government jamming
devices to be used against independent radio, and sent Zimbabwe riot control
gear. At a rally later held on Zimbabwe's independence day at a stadium in
Harare, Mugabe touted his "Look East" policy favoring ties with China. As he
spoke, Chinese fighter planes looped over the stadium, which had been built
for Zimbabwe by China.

Joshua Kurlantzick is a special correspondent for The New Republic.


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Zim Could Degenerate Into Bloodbath, Says Coltart

zimbabwejournalists.com

      By a Correspondent

      LONDON - OPPOSITION legislator, David Coltart, is in the United
Kingdom where he is campaigning for the West to help solve the political
crisis in Zimbabwe by putting more pressure on the Zanu PF government.

      Coltart, speaking on the BBC's Newsnight programme yesterday said,
Zimbabwe could explode into a bloodbath anytime if nothing is done to help
solve the political and economic crisis that has dragged on for more than
six years now.

      He said it was sad that countries in the West have turned a blind eye
to suffering in Zimbabwe while focusing more attention on places like Iraq,
Afghanistan and Sudan's Darfur region.

      Coltart, a member of parliament for Bulawayo South and justice
spokesman in the Movement for Democratic Change faction led by Arthur
Mutambara, is on a tour of Europe lobbying for more pressure to be exerted
on Zanu PF and efforts by the West to end the political impasse in the
country.

      His colleagues, Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga and Trudy Stevenson
are also on a tour of Europe campaigning for more diplomatic efforts to be
channelled towards ending the crisis in Zimbabwe. They were in Germany last
week.

      Commenting on the attacks by the police on labour leaders protesting
about poor workers' salaries and related issues last month, Coltart said:
"In the past torture was used to extract information but this time it showed
the government of Zimbabwe is ready to use extra judicial punishment. the
regime is more paranoid than ever."

      He said the situation in Zimbabwe at the moment was catastrophic with
a debilitating HIV/Aids crisis, a shrinking economy (the fastest shrinking
economy in the world), a political crisis and related issues.
      "Zimbabwe will undoubtedly spill out of control is nothing is done
now. The country may degenerate into bloodshed," she told the programme that
also showed slips of the police severely assaulting the labour leaders.

      Speaking on the same programme was Vauxhall MP, Kate Hoey, chair of
the inter-party parliamentary group on Zimbabwe. Hoey, who has just returned
from a visit to Zimbabwe, talked of the sorry plight of people in Zimbabwe,
especially those affected by last year's Operation Murambatsvina. She said
most of the programme's victims were still without shelter while others had
either died or moved to their rural homes.

      The prominent Zimbabwe campaigner said there was so much misery
amongst most ordinary people she met on her visit to Zimbabwe.
      Asked about the impact of an opposition the journalist said lacked
cohesion, Hoey said the opposition MDC did have some problems leading to
their split last October but the groups had agreed to work together with
other civic groups and political parties to seek a solution to the country's
crisis.

      She said she was happy the British government has over the past few
months been doing more behind the scenes to deal with the Zimbabwean crisis,
What needed to be done, she added, was to get the African Union to speak
with a collective voice on the crisis in Zimbabwe. Most African leaders are
said to speak openly about the problems in Zimbabwe in private but adopt a
"softly softly" approach towards Robert Mugabe in public.

      Hoey said with the reported divisions in Zanu PF over the succession
issue, it looked like "the regime is at last vulnerable to pressure".
      Urging her government to work together with other progressive forces
and deal with the problems in Zimbabwe, she said: "We could sort out
Zimbabwe. We are not going to sort out Afghanistan and Iraq so easily but
Zimbabwe we could."

      Also on the programme was The Zimbabwean newspaper's editor-in-chief,
Wilf Mbanga. He said his newspaper was under scrutiny by Harare following
its critical coverage of the crisis in the country. Mbanga said efforts to
muzzle the newspaper will not deter him from doing his work.


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Gweru Goes Without Water for Two Days



The Herald (Harare)

October 5, 2006
Posted to the web October 5, 2006

Bulawayo Bureau
Harare

GWERU has gone for two days without water after lightning struck a power
line supplying the city's major source of water, Gwenoro Dam.

Zesa were still battling yesterday to restore power and if all went well
then the city should see water in its taps early this morning.

The Executive Mayor of Gweru, Mr Sesel Zvidzai, said the Zimbabwe
Electricity Supply Authority was working flat out to solve the problem.

"They spent the entire Tuesday night there and the whole of yesterday
working to repair the damaged lines but they are having difficulties. The
cables were extensively damaged but an engineer attending to the problem
said we should keep our fingers crossed. He said if all went well the line
would be operational again by 6pm (yesterday) but water supplies are
expected to resume four or five hours thereafter," he said.

Residents said the council should have put in place contingency plans, and
at least arranged for bowsers, as most of them were caught unawares by the
unavailability of water.

Another resident, Mr John Gumbo, of Ivene suburb said the soaring
temperatures forced him and his colleagues to buy mineral water from
supermarkets.

Some schools had to send children back home. Later in the evening, some
enterprising people, mostly at garages, who have wells were selling water to
desperate residents.

"I just bought this five litres for $300 from a garage along 9th Street.
They had the water in a well and there was a long queue there," said Mr
Tinos Shumba.


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Cops investigate The Zimbabwean

The Zimbabwean

HARARE - Four detectives from the Law and Order section of the ZRP this week
visited the distribution offices of The Zimbabwean in Harare this week and
demanded information and a statement from the proprietor.
They were particularly interested in last week's issue, although they did
not specify which article had attracted their attention. Last week's front
page story, headlined "ZNA top brass slam corrupt ZRP" outlined the tensions
between the army and the police after the arrest of a former colonel for
alleged corruption at the state grain monopoly, the Grain Marketing Board.

The detectives took away documents pertaining to the importation of the
weekly newspaper from South Africa, where the southern African edition is
printed.

"We will not be intimidated by any bully-boy tactics on the part of the
police or anybody else," said UK-based publisher Wilf Mbanga.

"Our mandate is to be a beacon for freedom of expression and of the press in
Zimbabwe and we intent to continue doing that, no matter what."

Meanwhile, government has stepped up its crackdown against perceived
opponents, ransacking the offices of the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions
(ZCTU) and the Combined Harare Residents Association (CHRA) reportedly on
the hunt for firearms and weapons of war.

The search on CHRA's Daventry House headquarters and the ZCTU's Chester
House headquarters in central Harare over the past week followed mass
protests organized by the two civic groups against government's ruinous
handling of the economy.

Plain-clothes secret police spent the whole of last week at the CHRA's head
office, monitoring the movement of people in and out of the building. - Own
correspondent


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Shamu rubs salt in Gukurahundi wounds

The Zimbabwean

The comments by veteran Zanu (PF) spokesman Nathan Shamuyarira on
Gukurahundi are a clear indication of the party's insensitivity to the
misery it has caused the people of Zimbabwe.
The systematic killing of more than 20 000 people, for whatever reason, is
something that can never be justified.
To the thousands of survivors and the families of the victims of this
appalling era in our history, Shamuyarira's comments must be like salt in a
wound.
The Zanu (PF) government owes the people of Matabeleland and Midlands an
apology for the Gukurahundi genocide.  It owes the people of Zimbabwe,
outside of its top hierarchy and favoured few, an apology for destroying
their homes, their livelihoods, their health and their children's futures.
The fact that Shamuyarira has long been regarded as one of the more
level-headed people in Zanu, with whom it was still possible to have a
rational discussion, makes his recent utterances even more shocking.
The late Eddison Zvobgo earned himself nationwide acclaim and respect
shortly before his death when he publicly apologised to the victims of
Gukurahundi and their families, confessing that the memories were giving him
sleepless nights.  As he was a senior member of the ruling party at the time
of his apology, it was deemed that he had apologised on behalf of Zanu (PF).
This was confirmed when Mugabe made a grudging, but public, statement that
Gukurahundi had been "a moment of madness" and should not be allowed to
happen ever again.
The subject seemed to have been laid to rest - but there was always the
outstanding issue of compensation. This has never been addressed. And
therefore it will never go away.
It was the thorny issue of compensation that raised its head in Vumba last
week that elicited Shamuyarira's attempted justification of the sending of 5
Brigade into Matabeleland.
The message is clear. Zanu (PF) has robbed Zimbabweans of everything they
have and it is not going to share its ill-gotten gains with anybody. Least
of all victims of its own lust for absolute power.


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Government to Receive $50,000 Worth of Medical Assistance



The Herald (Harare)

October 5, 2006
Posted to the web October 5, 2006

Harare

THE Republic of Korea, through the Korea International Cooperation Agency
(KOICA), will tomorrow provide medical assistance amounting to US$50 000 to
Government for the 2006 fiscal year.

The handover ceremony will be held at the National Pharmaceutical Company in
Harare's Southerton industrial sites, an official with the company told
Herald Business yesterday.

"Mr Jong-soon Park, the ambassador of the Republic of Korea, and Dr Timothy
Stamps, health advisor in the Office of the President and Cabinet, will
officiate at the ceremony," the official said.

Also in attendance will be the Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Health
and Child Welfare as well as NatPharm officials.

The medical assistance includes a variety of drugs, namely Amitryptylline
(600 boxes), Atenolol (320 boxes), Captopril (450 boxes), Glibenclamide (310
boxes), Adrenaline (460 boxes) and Salbutamol Aerosol Inhaler (5 400 boxes)
which were requested by Dr Stamps and NatPharm.

Since the establishment of diplomatic ties in 1994, Zimbabwe and Korea have
enjoyed cordial relations. Among other things, KOICA -- Korea's official
development assistance agency -- has played a key role, providing US$680 000
worth of assistance and inviting 47 officials from Zimbabwe for training
programmes.

"The Embassy of the Republic of Korea wishes that the medical assistance
could be of any help in addressing the health-related concerns of the people
and Government of the Republic of Zimbabwe," the official said.

Meanwhile, Ambassador Park said Zimbabwe and Korea have witnessed a
sustained expansion of trade and investment flows over the past decade as
well as enhancement of economic co-operation.

Ambassador Park said this while delivering a speech at celebrations to mark
the Korean national day on Tuesday. He said Korea had risen from one of the
poorest countries in the world in the 1950s to become the 10th largest
economy in the world today.

"This is why Korea has been endeavouring to share its development experience
with other developing countries, including Zimbabwe," he said.

The function was attended by senior Government officials, and members of the
diplomatic and business communities.


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Successful A2 Farmers to Get 99-Year Leases - Mutasa



The Herald (Harare)

October 5, 2006
Posted to the web October 5, 2006

Harare

GOVERNMENT has started issuing lease application forms to A2 (large-scale)
farmers with a minimum record of three years of production, a Cabinet
minister has said.

Minister of State for National Security, Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement
Cde Didymus Mutasa said the Agricultural Land Settlement Board has already
inspected 96 A2 farmers and successful farmers would be issued with 99-year
leases.

The minister said this while moving a motion to have the Gazetted Land
(Consequential Provisions) Bill read for the second time in the Senate
yesterday.

The Bill, which seeks to punish illegal farm invaders, sailed through the
House of Assembly last month without amendments.

He said 206 previous farm owners had since been compensated for immovable
improvements, excluding land.

"The acquisition of farm equipment and material is done in respect of idle
equipment only. It is only in the case of farms covered by
country-to-country agreements that compensation is paid for both land and
immovable improvements," said Cde Mutasa.

He said land audits have been done in all provinces and completed in
Manicaland, Mashonaland West and Matabeleland North.

The Bill validates all offer letters issued by the ministry and would punish
farmers who continue holding gazetted land after the prescribed 90 days'
notice.

Senators said it was important for the State to liaise with the new farmers
before payment for equipment is made to the former farmer.

They said some of the previous farmers were receiving payment for equipment
which they vandalised to sabotage the new farmer.

It was felt that traditional leaders should preside over the affairs of
resettled farmers since they were the custodians of the land.

Senators also noted that there was still confusion as some people had offer
letters to a farm but another person would come claiming ownership of the
same property armed with a mining prospecting letter from the Ministry of
Mines and Mining Development.

Masvingo Senator Cde Dzikamai Mavhaire (Zanu-PF) urged the State to address
the issue of double allocation.

He said one farmer had a permit while another had an offer letter on the
same farm and called upon the Government to address these anomalies.

Chitungwiza Senator Cde Forbes Magadu said the Bill was silent on what would
become of people occupying peri-urban areas.

He said town planners should not interfere with farmers practising
agriculture in peri-urban areas in their expansion of cities.

Mutasa-Mutare Senator Cde Mandy Chimene was worried by the laxity of law
enforcement agencies in evicting defiant former farmers.

She said there had not been any reported case of white farmers jailed for
defiance yet it was common knowledge that most of them were resisting
eviction.

Non Constituency Senator Guy Georgias said the State should be careful on
the long-term implications of the laws being passed, especially those
relating to eviction, because the same laws could be used against some of
them in future.

He said the Bill was not very distinct on who it applied to.

"If you remember, a former president of Zambia (Mr Frederick Chiluba) once
put laws that only allowed two terms for an incumbent president but the same
laws were used against him when he tried to seek a third term. So you need
to be very careful," said Sen Georgias.

He said the State should be cautious when evicting farmers because some of
them might have applied for loans.

There might be a double loss of both the money and the skill if the eviction
exercise was not carried out with caution.

President of Council of Chiefs Chief Fortune Charumbira said resettled
people should fall within the jurisdiction of chiefs.

Cde Mutasa said the necessary Government arm would take care of the chiefs'
concerns.

He said contract farming was allowed and going into partnership with another
person was permissible, but it was critical to inform the ministry through
the relevant arms.

He said a farmer should not use the land as collateral to borrow money from
the bank since the land belonged to the State.

The lease agreement to be given to farmers would act as title deeds in that
a spouse could take over in the event of death or the lease bequeathed to a
child.


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Role of Zimbabweans in the Diaspora put under the spotlight

By Lance Guma
05 October 2006

      What started off as a debate on the role of Zimbabweans in the
Diaspora on our Behind the Headlines series has turned out to be a very
controversial if not sensitive topic for many. Alois Mbawara a coordinator
with the Free-Zim Youth UK pressure group and Duran Rapozo from the Zimbabwe
Development Network based in Manchester started off the debate last week.
SWRA has been inundated with submissions on why many Zimbabweans do not
participate in political gatherings. And the contrasting arguments reveal a
very divided community.

      Rapozo had strong words of criticism for the opposition who he feels
ignored the diaspora for too long without recognising their political
potential. Mbawara on the other hand argued that people could still show a
commitment to their motherland without necessarily being a member of an
opposition party. His group Free-Zim Youth UK has organised aggressive
campaigns in the United Kingdom over various issues including a solidarity
demonstration for Zimbabwean students, a protest at the offices of the
British prime minister in Downing street and several other forms of action.
Mbawara urged pressure groups to change tact and become more militant
because an over-reliance on old strategies was discouraging people.

      Bekithemba Mhlanga, an academic, believes over 90 percent of people in
the diaspora are economic migrants and not political activists, 'A good
number of them still hold the man in charge of Zimbabwe's mess in high
esteem.' He further says, 'the real cadres are out there at vigils,
meetings, community groups, doing their bit. The rest could not care what
happens in Zimbabwe.' He says some of these individuals do not know what is
happening politically but are very aware when it comes to issues to do with
jobs or the latest exchange rates.

      Others interviewed, expressed disappointment with the way some of the
protests were organised saying people leading some of these often tended to
have strong ego's which discouraged people from participating. Although some
blamed poor organisation and advertising on the part of some of the pressure
groups it was noted that events like the Zim Vigil every Saturday at the
Zimbabwean embassy in London have been going on for over 4 years since being
set up in October of 2002. This has however not translated into large
numbers of people participating.

      NB: For the full debate listen to the Behind the Headlines programme
from last week on the archives (28/09/06) and the second part played on
Thursday this week.

      SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news


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China mixes rice and neo-colonialism

Asia Times

By Kent Ewing

HONG KONG - When China, one of the world's most corrupt countries, starts
dishing out tens of billions of US dollars in aid and business contracts in
Africa, the world's most corrupt continent, alarm bells go off in Washington
and other Western capitals. The fact that China turns a blind eye to
widespread human-rights abuses on the continent further heightens concerns
in the West.

To secure oil supply is a major reason for China aggressively to expand its
economic ties with Africa. To fuel its phenomenal economic growth, which has
averaged more than 9% annually for the past 20 years, China needs oil as
well as raw materials. Not rich in oil reserves, China is becoming
increasingly dependent on imported oil. According the Ministry of Commerce,
oil imports accounted for 47% of the country's total consumption in the
first half of this year.

Last year, the US Congress successfully blocked the attempted takeover of
the US oil company Unocal Corp by CNOOC Ltd, a subsidiary of China National
Offshore Oil Corp, one of China's three largest energy firms. Energy
security rose to the top of the national agenda and Chinese oil companies
became even more aggressive in search of possible petroleum sources in other
parts of the world.

Africa is home to 8% of the world's oil reserves, which has prompted Beijing
to spend billions of dollars to secure drilling rights in Nigeria, Sudan and
Angola and to negotiate exploration contracts with Chad, Gabon, Mauritania,
Kenya, Equatorial Guinea, Ethiopia and the Republic of the Congo. The
continent now accounts for 25% of China's oil imports.

In addition, the Chinese are also key investors in the copper industry in
Zambia and the Democratic Republic of Congo. And they are buying timber in
Mozambique, Liberia, Gabon, Cameroon and Equatorial Guinea.

In exchange for securing energy, mineral resources and other raw materials,
China has been doling out aid and providing technical assistance and
interest-free loans to business-friendly African governments. At the same
time, Chinese companies are winning contracts to build highways, pipelines,
hydroelectric dams, hospitals and sports stadiums and to upgrade railways,
ports and airports.

In recent years, China has been increasingly aggressive in diverting and
expanding its trade with other parts of the world as its trade frictions
with the United States and the European Union intensify. Hence China's trade
with Africa continues to soar and, not coincidentally, the long-suffering
economies of sub-Saharan Africa are enjoying their fastest growth in 30
years.

According to the Chinese government, China's trade with Africa has increased
from US$10.6 billion in 2000 to $39.7 billion last year. During that same
period, the International Monetary Fund reports, the economic growth rate in
sub-Saharan Africa has nearly doubled. This year's 5.8% rise, the IMF says,
is the best Africa has seen since 1974.

Where Western companies fear to tread because of small profit margins or
environmental or political concerns, the Chinese have plunged in. China's
state-owned companies have the ability to put short-term profit aside and
focus on the government's long-term economic plans.

As for environmental and political qualms, Chinese leaders have made it
clear that they don't have many. In that way, China's no-strings-attached
approach to doing business in Africa flies in the face of Western concerns
about democratic development and respect for human rights.

So despite the largely negative reaction in the West to China's push into
Africa, Chinese investment is clearly paying off. But how and for whom?
Those are the sticky questions.

For China, the benefits have been substantial, and Chinese leaders hope to
build on their success at the third Ministerial Meeting of the Forum on
China-Africa Cooperation, to be held in Beijing next month.

Premier Wen Jiabao summed up the Chinese strategy at a stopover in
Brazzaville during his Africa tour in June: "China has been developing
relations with Africa under principles of mutual benefit and
non-interference in Africa's internal affairs."

Wen was only reinforcing the see-no-evil, hear-no-evil policy that President
Hu Jintao had articulated during his earlier visit to the continent in
April.

The offer is clear: in return for securing the raw materials necessary to
feed its voracious economy, China will not meddle in the internal affairs of
African governments, even if those governments are known for rampant
corruption and human-rights abuses.

From Beijing's perspective, the partnership is working brilliantly.

Africa's ruling elite are also happy as the Chinese pump money and cheap
manufactured goods into their economies without the ritual hectoring about
democracy and human rights that they have grown accustomed to hearing from
Western partners.

Thanks to China, demand for African oil, copper and platinum is surging, and
everything from Chinese-made T-shirts to kitchen utensils to motorcycles is
widely available across the continent at prices lower than those for
comparable goods imported from elsewhere. Two companies in South Africa have
announced plans to sell cheap Chinese automobiles.

And certainly African leaders such as Zimbabwe's Robert Mugabe and Sudan's
Omar Hasan Ahmad al-Bashir are grateful for China's promise of an "equal
partnership" with their nations.

President Mugabe, 82, who has ruled Zimbabwe since 1980, has the Chinese to
thank for the blue-glazed tiles on the roof of his new $13 million,
25-bedroom presidential palace. The tiles came gratis, but the Chinese have
also won contracts totaling hundreds of millions of dollars to provide
hydroelectric generators for Zimbabwe's power authority, which happens to be
run by the president's brother-in-law.

In addition, China is supplying jets to the perennially mismanaged Air
Zimbabwe and buses -1,000 of them - to the country's municipalities.
Zimbabwe's air force has also been strengthened by China, to the tune of
$200 million. The Chinese are even farming about 1,000 square kilometers of
the land that has been seized from white farmers since 2000.

In Sudan, Beijing is one of Bashir's leading arms supplier and has supported
the president's resistance to the stationing of United Nations peacekeeping
troops in the Darfur region, where the United States alleges
government-sanctioned genocide has killed hundreds of thousands. Chinese
support should come as no surprise, since more than half of Sudan's oil
exports go to China. Overall, Sudan accounts for 5% of China's oil.

China National Petroleum Corp owns 40% of the Greater Nile Petroleum
Operating Co. Sinopec (China Petrochemical Corp) is building a
1,500-kilometer pipeline to Port Sudan on the Red Sea, where the China
Petroleum Engineering and Construction Group is constructing a tanker
terminal.

It's safe to say that the Sudanese president won't be hearing many
complaints from Beijing - unless, of course, the oil stops flowing.

In Washington, China's relationship with such nations as Sudan has officials
worrying that Chinese investment could, either directly or indirectly, be
used to support terrorists. To Beijing, this is just another example of
alarmist thinking from a White House that seems determined to contain
China's rise as a world power.

While Chinese and African leaders are celebrating what Beijing describes as
their current "win-win" relationship, the average African may not be so
thrilled. On a continent where nearly half the people live on less than $1 a
day, a cheap car or air-conditioner- or even a new T-shirt - is still out of
reach of ordinary people.

Africans need jobs. And while there is no question that Chinese projects
have created jobs in some places, they have also clearly taken them away in
others. In South Africa and Lesotho, for example, cheap Chinese imports are
blamed for the loss of tens of thousands of local jobs in the textile
industry, while in Angola, China has insisted on using Chinese laborers as
it upgrades the country's railways.

In Zambia, opposition party leader Michael Sata has tapped into resentment
of the Chinese with his suggestion that they be expelled from the country
along with other foreign workers who he claims have taken jobs away from
locals. Sata was defeated last week by incumbent Levy Mwanawasa in a
presidential election that his supporters claim was rigged.

In Zimbabwe, Mugabe may be admiring the blue tiles on the roof of his
palace, but ordinary citizens have coined a new phrase to describe Chinese
goods - from buses that break down to clothing that falls apart - as
substandard in quality: "zhing-zhong". Some Zimbabweans have even started
using this epithet to describe Chinese people.

Although China's Africa policy has won the hearts and minds of the
continent's rulers, the people themselves appear to lag behind. They are
waiting to see whether the Chinese model of engagement with the continent is
going to be any different than those of the exploitative colonial powers of
the past.

So far - with China using the continent as a source of raw materials and a
dumping ground for its own manufactured goods - the formula seems much the
same.

Kent Ewing is a teacher and writer at Hong Kong International School. He can
be reached at kewing@hkis.edu.hk.

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