http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 06 October 2011 18:51
Faith
Zaba
PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe is under pressure from hardliners within
Zanu PF and
security chiefs to convene an extra-ordinary congress to endorse
him as the
presidential candidate and rejig the politburo.
This
comes as Mugabe told the party’s central committee yesterday that the
MDC
formation led by Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai must resign from
government if it is opposed to the indigenisation programme.
Zanu
PF’s campaign mantra for the general election, which Mugabe wants early
next
year, is empowerment of black Zimbabweans — a message which he will
hawk at
the party conference in Bulawayo in December.
Mugabe said the
Bulawayo conference was not just an ordinary conference
because it precedes
elections, which are due after the present
constitution-making
process.
“We are two months from the national people’s conference,”
Mugabe said. “As
it precedes the year of elections, that fact necessarily
gives that
conference the status of a congress. It gives this conference a
higher
status than an ordinary conference,” he said.
But party
officials and security chiefs told the Zimbabwe Independent this
week that
Mugabe should declare the conference an extra-ordinary congress,
which they
said would allow for his endorsement as the presidential
candidate for
elections and to re-arrange the politburo so that those
exposed in WikiLeaks
cables are dealt with.
Top party officials like Vice-Presidents Joice
Mujuru and John Nkomo,
Indigenisation and Empowerment minister Saviour
Kasukuwere, politburo
members Sikhanyiso Ndlovu and Jonathan Moyo were
quoted in WikiLeaks cables
after meeting US diplomats.
One senior
party insider said: “There is nothing like an ordinary conference
with the
status of a congress. It’s either the December meeting is an
ordinary
conference or it’s a congress and President Mugabe must come out
clearly and
call it by its correct name, which is a congress. Why he should
declare it
an extra-ordinary congress is because it will allow the provinces
to
nominate their presidential candidate for the elections.”
A top army
officer said declaring it an extra-ordinary congress would allow
Mugabe to
reconfigure the politburo to deal with party officials who met US
diplomats
and told them that Mugabe must resign.
When Mugabe officially opened
the party’s central committee meeting in
Harare yesterday, he made no
mention of the WikiLeaks cables but spoke at
length about the need to speed
up the indigenisation and empowerment
programme.
He said the MDC-T was
opposed to the government’s indigenisation and
empowerment law, which forces
multi-national companies to cede 51% control
to locals.
“If they
no longer support our people-oriented policies, let them resign
from
government first and then mobilise against those laws which they
supported
and passed only yesterday,” Mugabe said.
“Anyway, those miners,
industrialists and bankers who think the MDC
formations can save them from a
national policy will only have themselves to
blame. We do not make policies
in vain. I have instructed (Indigenisation
and Empowerment) minister
(Saviour) Kasukuwere to move with full speed on
this matter which must see a
greater thrust soon. He should not be impeded,”
he said.
Mugabe
said his party would never allow foreigners to own more than 50%
shareholding in companies operating in Zimbabwe.
“Never again, Never ever
ever again should we give the majority shareholding
to outsiders. It should
be at our level of 50% and in some cases it should
be much less. Once
bitten, twice shy,” he said.
Commenting on elections, Mugabe declared
that Zanu PF would not make the
same blunder as it did in 2008 when it lost
presidential elections to the
MDC-T’s Tsvangirai.
Mugabe vowed
that elections would be held next year without fail.
“We must have polls
which put an end to this dysfunctional political
arrangement – the inclusive
government which has served this country not as
we desire,” he
said.
“Already, we have lost three years of potential development. We
cannot
afford to go on in this indecisive, if not negative, way. We must put
an end
to this ugly political scene that is in our
country.”
Mugabe said there was need for a selected number of central
committee
members from the three political parties in the coalition
government to meet
and agree on how to end politically-motivated
violence.
“Truly speaking, let us work for peace. Peace, not just
because we want to
see our elections not tarnished by violence, but because
we want to see our
societies live in peace. Let us beat them by the nature
of our policies and
not beat them by way of fists. There should be a meeting
of central
committee members and an equal body of the MDCs to discuss the
issue of
peace, especially now as we move towards elections so that people
can
canvass and campaign freely,” Mugabe said.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 06 October 2011 18:41
Faith
Zaba
THE MDC-T Harare provincial executive last week suspended its
spokesman and
Justice and Legal Affairs deputy minister Obert Gutu for
describing Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai as an inept, weak and indecisive
leader during a
meeting with US diplomats.
MDC-T Harare
provincial chairman Paul Madzore on Wednesday confirmed to the
Zimbabwe
Independent that the provincial executive had suspended Gutu last
week over
statements he made to US ambassador Charles Ray in January
2010.
“It is true that we suspended him as the provincial
executive and the
suspension was indefinite, but we are thinking of lifting
it soon,” said
Madzore. He said Don Chiringa, an official in the prime
minister’s office,
was now the acting provincial spokesman.
However, Gutu
said he was unaware of the suspension.
“Where did you hear that?”
asked Gutu. “That’s news to me.”MDC-T
secretary-general Ten-dai Biti said
the provincial executive had no power to
suspend Gutu.
“That is
not true because the provincial executive has no power to suspend
Gutu,”
said Biti. “It is the national executive that can do that. The
provincial
executive has not communicated with us on that issue so it is not
true that
Gutu has been suspended,” Biti said.
The suspension flies in the face
of the party’s national executive committee’s
decision to ignore WikiLeaks
cables which exposed four top party officials,
namely national organising
secretary Nelson Chamisa, national treasurer Roy
Bennett, Biti and
Gutu.
Tsvangirai last week dismissed the cables as mere gossip,
saying he did not
consider WikiLeaks cables as reliable information.
“Our
party regards WikiLeaks with suspicion,” said Tsvangirai. “We can’t
follow
rumours and we cannot run a country on gossip. We are not doing
anything
about that and that’s where it ends,” he said.
According to the
leaked cables, Gutu said Tsvangirai had a tendency to
listen to the wrong
people. He singled out Ian Makone, Tsvangirai’s chief of
staff, and his wife
Theresa, the co-Home Affairs minister.
“He opined that neither was a
good strategist and that the office of the
prime minister was weak due to
Ian Makone’s lack of leadership,” read the
cable.
Gutu also claimed that
Tsvangirai practised nepotism and cronyism when it
came to appointing senior
people to party and government positions.
“Gutu noted that (Murisi)
Zwizwai and Tsvangirai are cousins and this is
another example of friendship
getting in the way of governance,” read the
cable.
Zwizwai was then the
deputy minister of Mines and is now the deputy minister
of Media,
Information and Publicity.
Chamisa, the Information Technology minister, was
quoted saying the office
of the prime minister was weak.
“We
asked Chamisa about a common perception that the office of the prime
minister was weak and had failed to play a coordinating role of government
ministries. Chamisa agreed.”
Chamisa also said: “Ian Makone,
Tsvangirai’s chief of staff, was
ineffective. But Makone was a good friend
of Tsvangirai and it was unlikely
that Tsvangirai would make a
change.”
Bennett was quoted saying Tsvangirai remembered the advice
of the last
person he had spoken to, while Biti criticised his boss for
lacking a
strategic plan for the MDC in government.
Biti was
described by former US deputy chief of mission at the Harare
embassy,
Katherine Dhanani as ambitious.
“Biti is ambitious and undoubtedly
sees himself as the heir apparent and he
does differ with Tsvangirai on
tactics,” said Dhanani in a cable to
Washington in July 2009.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 06 October 2011 18:40
Paidamoyo
Muzulu
MDC-T MPs have called for the government to nationalise all
alluvial
diamonds and revise the much maligned indigenisation policy to
improve the
country’s economy and control of mining resources. This is
according to
motions introduced in the House of Assembly on
Wednesday.
The motions were moved by Eddie Cross and Alexio Musundire
opening a fresh
battlefront for the MDC-T and Zanu PF in the
chamber.
Zanu PF has for a long time made indigenisation and diamond mining
its
preserve in all debates on the national economy.
Zimbabwe
recently discovered alluvial diamonds in Chiadzwa near Mutare,
prompting a
flurry of mining activities and interest from foreign companies.
However,
marketing of diamonds in the country is done opaquely and outside
the
Kimberley Process.
Cross gave notice to the House that he would move
a motion calling for the
nationalisation of all alluvial diamonds in the
country.
“I move that the House take note that tomorrow I will move a
motion to
nationalise and prescribe all Marange diamond fields,” said Cross
on
Wednesday. “Since the discovery of diamonds in 2006, the process of
mining
has been done opaquely,” Cross said.
Finance minister
Tendai Biti has on several occasions spoken on revamping
the diamond sector
by introducing a Diamond Bill to bring transparency into
the operations at
Marange diamond fields.
Chiadzwa is presently exploited by the
government through the Zimbabwe
Mining Development Corporation in
partnership with Chinese companies. The
mines are estimated to have a
lifespan of 14 years.
The changes, if effected, would affect the
mining operations at Chiadzwa.
On the other hand, Musundire called on
the government to review the
indigenisation policy currently scaring away
foreign direct investment.
“I will move a motion seeking the review of the
indigenisation policy,” said
Musundire. “There are a number of issues that
need to be clarified and allow
the government departments to share the same
views on the policy,” Musundire
said.
Implementation of the
indigenisation policy by Youth and Indigenisation
minister Saviour
Kasukuwere has sent shivers in the market and rancour among
the coalition
partners. Kasukuwere is compelling all foreign companies to
submit their
indigenisation plans to his ministry outlining how they would
offload 51%
equity to locals.
Zanu PF MPs seem ready to defend the status quo
since their party has made
indigenisation and economic empowerment part of
its manifesto for the next
elections set for 2012.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 06 October 2011
18:22
Dumisani Muleya in Geneva
ZIMBABWE’S atrocious human rights
record will come under hawk-eyed scrutiny
on Monday at the United Nations
Human Rights Council’s periodic review in
Geneva, Switzerland, when the
country presents its national report on the
human rights situation to a
sceptical audience.
Over the past decade Zimbabwe has been hogging
international attention due
to political repression and concomitant human
rights abuses which span
President Robert Mugabe’s chequered 30-year rule.
From the Gukurahundi
massacres in the 1980s through Murambatsvina in 2005 to
the 2008 killings,
the country has seen some of the worst atrocities in the
region which have
sparked international outrage.
Although the UN
periodic review system is not adversarial, the Zimbabwe
situation is
likelyto erupt into confrontation because government and civil
society
groups have been engaged in fierce battles for hearts and minds
behind the
scenes.
Senior UN and country diplomats who spoke to the Zimbabwe
Independent off
the record said Zimbabwe’s situation continues to “worry
many countries and
their leaders around the world”.
“Naturally
Zimbabwe’s political and security situation is worrying many
leaders and
countries around the world,” a senior African diplomat said.
“As
African countries we need to ensure the country holds free and fair
elections and embarks on a democratic path where the rule of law and human
rights are upheld and respected. That is why behind the scenes there is so
much activity and manoeuvres on Zimbabwe. It’s always one of the test cases
during such high profile meetings.”
A top Western diplomat said:
“We need to be firm on these countries because
human rights abuses whether
in the United States, Syria or Zimbabwe must be
viewed seriously because
they are outrageous. The good thing about the
periodic review is that all UN
member states are subject to scrutiny and
this time Zimbabwe and other
countries are in the dock. We will take them to
task.”
While the
government is banking on the support of African countries which
are mainly
fighting in the same corner to avoid exposure over their
appalling human
rights situations, Zimbabwean civic organisations are also
pulling out all
the stops to secure support for their position. Civil
society leaders who
have descended on Geneva have been holding meetings on
the sidelines of the
main sessions to lobby for support. They have produced
photo-exhibitions
showing recent cases of political violence and brutality.
Civic
groups have compiled an advocacy charter which has been distributed to
stakeholders, including the Office of the United Nations Human Rights
Council headed by Navanethem Pillay of South Africa.
The OUNHRC
works to promote and protect human rights guaranteed under
international
law.
Their report is designed to counter Zimbabwe’s official document which
glosses over issues and paints a glowing picture of the situation. Justice
minister Patrick Chinamsa, already in Geneva, is expected to present the
official report on Monday against a background of diplomatic scepticism and
even hostility from some countries. His report is bound to cause a stir as
it seeks to whitewash the situation and claims progress in the protection
and promotion of human rights in Zimbabwe.
Chinamasa’s report,
already circulating among diplomats, claims Zimbabwe has
made progress in
improving its human rights situation, citing treaties and
international
instruments signed and ratified by government such as the
Convention Against
the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against
Women, International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, International
Covenant on Economic,
Social and Cultural Rights, Convention on the Rights
of the Child and
International Convention on the Elimination of Racial
Discrimination.
However, Chinamasa’s report does not explain why
Zimbabwe has not ratified
outstanding human rights treaties and their
optional protocols such as the
UN Convention Against Torture, Cruel or
Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or
Punishment, and International Convention
for the Protection of all persons
Against Enforced
Disappearances.
Zimbabwe has also not ratified protocols such as the
Convention Against the
Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against
Women, International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, International
Covenant on Economic,
Social and Cultural Rights, the Convention on the
Rights of the Child.
This will put Chinamasa under pressure to explain the
discrepancy between
his report and the situation on the ground. Tanzania and
Swaziland had a
tough time at their periodic review sessions, although most
of the criticism
mainly from Western countries was directed at the King
Mswati’s government.
South Africa was relatively robust on Swaziland, while
Lesotho sang praises,
which left diplomats in stitches, for the Swazi
Kingdom.
Chinamsa will also cite as evidence of progress the
formation of the Human
Rights Commission, Anti-Corruption Commission,
Zimbabwe Media Commission and
the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission. But
questions are bound to be asked about
what government has done to ensure the
legislative framework for these
commissions complies with international
norms and standards.
The minister will also cite constitutional
provisions which prohibit
discrimination on grounds of sex, gender, colour,
race, creed and ethnicity
as evidence of progress. He would also say
Zimbabwe has an effective
national gender policy which has seen high levels
of female enrolment at
institutions of learning but queries will be raised
around property rights
in all unions or marriages and inheritance
cases.
Chinamasa’s report also claims progress on economic, social
and cultural
rights. It basks in the glory of Zimbabwe’s high literacy rate,
despite
falling educational standards, the national HIV/Aids strategic
framework,
policies on housing and policies on agriculture, indigenisation
and
empowerment. The controversial indigenisation campaign is likely to
trigger
a storm.
Chinamasa’s report also claims progress based on
constitutional provisions
against torture. “Zimbabwe’s constitution
guarantees freedom from inhuman
and degrading treatment. There is a police
complaints desk in Zimbabwe.
Zimbabwe has incorporated the rights to a fair
trial and access to justice
in its legal system,” the report says. “There is
a system to support victims
of crime such as Victims Friendly Court and
units at police and hospitals,”
it says.
It also mentions the right to
liberty, genuine periodic elections, freedoms
of expression, assembly and
association, protection of the rights of
vulnerable groups such as
prisoners, people with disabilities and children.
Civic leaders are
challenging this, pointing out that while some of these
rights exist on
paper protected by constitution and laws, the problem has
been the lack of
the rule of law, human rights abuses and impunity on the
ground.
“The challenge in Zimbabwe is not such about the lack of
constitutional
provisions and laws which guarantee human rights but
implementation.
Government must respect the letter and spirit of the
constitution and the
law. It must come up with reforms to improve the
protection and promotion of
human rights,” said Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human
Rights director Irene Petras.
“It’s the political and practice which matters
most in the case of Zimbabwe
because having laws in place is one thing and
applying and respecting them
quite another.”
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 06 October 2011 18:19
Wongai Zhangazha
in Washington DC
THE US ambassador to Zimbabwe Charles Ray said the local
economy was on a
serious recovery path and has encouraged American
businesses to carry out
proper research and invest in the
country.
Ray made these remarks at the US-Africa Business Summit in
Washington DC on
Wednesday. The three-day summit was organised by the
Corporate Council on
Africa comprising large American private
companies.
In a departure from Washington’s previous policy, Ray
embarked on a crusade
to lure sceptical American investors to do business
with Zimbabwe.
Representing the Zimbabwe business community were the Bankers
Association of
Zimbabwe, Cargill Zimbabwe, Deloitte Zimbabwe, Zimbabwe
National Chamber of
Commerce, Mimosa Mine, Paramount and Old Mutual, among
others.
Addressing the summit in a forum titled “Doing Business with
Zimbabwe”, Ray
said investor interest in Zimbabwe had been affected by
serious
misconceptions about the country’s economic
policies.
“How Zimbabwe risk profile matches today with your firms
orientation is a
matter for each of you to decide, but let me assure you
that Zimbabwe is
changing and it’s changing relatively quickly with
investors from as far as
Russia, Brazil and China having visited Zimbabwe in
recent months to explore
business opportunities and America’s presence
remains fairly limited,” said
Ray.
Despite policy
inconsistencies, the International Monetary Fund has noted
that Zimbabwe’s
economy has been growing faster than any other country in
the Southern
Africa region since 2010.
Bilateral trade between the US and Zimbabwe
grew by 18% in 2009-2010. In
2010, US companies sold goods worth US$68
million to Zimbabwe, according to
official statistics.
Ray said:
“My embassy wouldn’t be focusing on building relations or these
kind of
commercial linkages if we were not confident of opportunities that
exist
throughout Zimbabwe. This is not to say that Zimbabwe is without its
own
risks or challenges. There continue to be some political divisions
within
the country. There is also willingness on our side to move the
political
processes forward and I believe a broad recognition of political
value of
stability to economic recovery.”
In his pitch to the investors, Ray
also cited his meeting last month with
President Robert Mugabe saying he was
assured that Harare was ready to do
business with the US.
Ray
said it would be pointless spending a lot of time talking and obsessing
about what happened in the past and urged that focus be put on how to
accommodate the present and move to a brighter future.
The summit
on Zimbabwe, Ray said, had been successful because it had brought
people
together who otherwise might not have come together, but more
importantly,
it had started the process of erasing some of the
misperceptions and
providing some balanced information about Zimbabwe’s
investment
climate.
In response to some of the issues raised by investors on
land reform and
indigenisation, Ray said it was a problem but one had to
examine the whole
issue.
“I like that they talk about local
empowerment. It’s a far better word than
indigenisation. Empowering local
people to benefit from their resources and
to have some say in their lives
is a perfectly laudable goal and I am a 100%
behind it. If it’s done
according to the law and when it’s done in a way
that truly empowers the
people who have been disadvantaged, I am 100% for
it,” Ray
said.
Zimbabwe’s ambassador to the US, Machivenyika Mapuranga, said
the summit
marked a new chapter in serious engagement between Zimbabwe and
US bilateral
relations.
He said the “empowerment policies pursued
by the Zimbabwe government are not
nationalisation policies let alone
expropriation”.
Mapuranga called on the US to repeal targeted sanctions
imposed on Mugabe
and his inner circle arguing that they were major
impediments to normal
business relations between the two
countries.
In response, Ray said he had no power to remove the
sanctions saying it was
the prerogative of the US Congress and
Senate.
Ray said the US was ready to engage Zimbabwe and Sadc on the matter,
although both sides should strive to reach common ground.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 06 October 2011
18:07
Paidamoyo Muzulu
RESERVE Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) governor
Gideon Gono on Monday promised to
give parliament a full schedule of his
personal and business loans from
local financial institutions, as well as
those of the central bank, amid
widespread claims that he was reluctant to
act on certain financial
institutions because of his relationship with
them.
Gono made the promise to the Budget and Finance Portfolio
Committee after
being questioned about his personal indebtedness and that of
senior RBZ
officials to financial institutions
The question arose
from speculation in the market that Gono and central bank
officials did not
promptly act on troubled Renaissance Merchant Bank’s
financial woes because
they also owed the institution substantial amounts of
money.
Gono
admitted that he owed money to RMB in his personal capacity and through
companies associated with him. He also revealed that some senior RBZ
officials had debts with troubled financial institutions.
“There
are individuals who are exposed to RMB in their personal capacities,”
said
Gono. “The governor and companies related to him are also indebted to
the
bank. I have been a client of RMB for the past nine years. In fact from
its
inception,” Gono said.
Committee chairman Paddy Zhanda asked if Gono could
avail a full schedule of
his debts before the committee to which Gono
responded: “I promise to avail
the schedule to your committee by tomorrow
(Tuesday).”
It could not be ascertained yesterday if Gono had
honoured his commitment.
The committee insisted that the request was not a
witch-hunt but just the
promotion of good corporate governance whereby
senior central bank officials
in line with the law had to declare their
interests.
The list of declarations would not be limited to RMB, but
other financial
institutions and also companies in which Gono and RBZ
officials had
interests.
The committee further quizzed Gono and his board
on progress in the disposal
of the bank’s non-core assets acquired at the
height of its quasi-fiscal
operations between 2003 and 2009.
The
central bank had interests in residential properties, commercial
properties,
and in companies such as Tractive Power Holdings, Cairns,
Homelink and Tuli
Coal, among others.
RBZ vice chairman Charles Kuwaza said the
disposal was based on the bank’s
new thrust to concentrate on its core
function as a monetary authority.
“We are disposing because we are thinning
out to remain with our
core-business, that is central banking and managing
the monetary side of the
economy,” Kuwaza said.
Board member
responsible for disposal of the assets, Justice George Smith,
said the bank
was expecting to raise US$135 million at the end of the
process.
However, Zhanda queried why some commercial properties
like Hardwicke House
and Bank Chambers were not listed for disposal even if
they were acquired
during the quasi-fiscal era like other
properties.
Gono said these were prime and strategic businesses
next to the RBZ and “we
are to rethink on these in the interest of the
state”.
However, Zhanda insisted that the properties should also be disposed
of.
The RBZ is presently saddled with a US$1,2 billion debt vastly curtailing
its ability to efficiently functioning as the lender of last resort to
banks.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 06 October 2011
16:58
LAST month Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe was telling MPs in
arliament — to loud cheers from both sides of the house — that there would
be “zero tolerance” of political violence, while outside the building,
supporters of Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai’s Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) were being severely beaten by Mugabe supporters, as police
stood by.
About 11 MDC supporters needed hospitalisation,
including MDC councillor
Victor Zifodya who sustained head injuries.
“The
police know that Zanu PF supporters are behind this but they appear to
be
afraid to arrest them,” MDC youth spokesperson Maxwell Katsande told
Irin.
Tadiwa Choto, a victim of political violence during the
2008 elections, told
Irin if Zanu PF can engage in violence while Mugabe
addresses parliament, it
illustrates “either they don’t listen to him
(Mugabe) any more or that he is
aware of these acts of violence while saying
the right things in order to
please Sadc.”
The disconnect between
political realities on the ground and public
statements was also evident
during the Sadc security troika meeting in
Zambia some six months ago which
called for “the immediate end of violence,
intimidation, hate speech,
harassment and any other form of action that
contradicts the letter and
spirit” of the unity government — but the
violence
continues.
Brian Raftopoulos, a senior researcher at the Centre for
Humanities Research
at the University of the Western Cape, told Irin
political violence was the
domain of Mugabe’s Zanu PF and sporadic acts of
violence by the MDC paled
into insignificance by
comparison.
“Violence has been a central electoral tool (of Zanu PF)
since 2000 (when
the MDC emerged as a viable opposition to Zanu PF rule), as
it has been for
most of the post-Independence period. Since 2000 it has
intensified,” he
said.
But he said Sadc was “keeping a
closer-eye” on political violence and it was
unlikely there would be a
repeat of it in any forthcoming election,
potentially as early as next
year.
Violence peaked during the disputed 2008 election in which Zanu
PF lost its
majority in parliament for the first time since Independence,
and Tsvangirai
narrowly missed securing the presidential vote in the first
round, amid
widespread claims of vote-rigging. Tsvangirai subsequently
withdrew from the
second round in protest against political
violence.
The MDC says about 200 people were killed, thousands
injured and tens of
thousands displaced during the 2008 electoral
violence.
The Zimbabwe Peace Project (ZPP) said in a recent statement it was
“appalled
by the ongoing use of violence and brutal attacks on members of
the public”
and the failure of police “to respond in timely fashion and
arrest all those
responsible”.
The ZPP said in July 2011 it
recorded 910 incidents of violence and human
rights abuses.
Raftopoulos
said Zanu PF does have levels of support, but when “confronted
with losing
power”, as in 2008, political violence becomes “a central part
of Zanu PF’s
capacity to rule”.
Zanu PF had also become “fractious”, he said —
illustrated by its desire to
hold early elections, as the party had no
“national figure” to replace
Mugabe amid mounting reports of the
87-year-old’s deteriorating health.
Mugabe’s recent announcement that
elections should be held by March 2012 at
the latest — although analysts say
the holding of a poll could no longer be
set unilaterally by Mugabe and
required consensus both from the MDC and
Sadc — led to violence across
Harare, while some members of the army went on
the rampage assaulting
civilians at random.
The National Constitutional Assembly (NCA), an
NGO campaigning for a
democratic constitution, said in a recent statement:
“We note that the
escalation of violence is as a result of President
Mugabe‘s pronouncements
that elections will be held next year in March and
it seems the political
parties are now in campaign mood.
“The
violence signals instability in our country and must be quelled before
it
fuels to the levels we saw before the 2008 elections… We are, however,
worried about the partisanship of our police force who are only shifting the
blame to the MDC while leaving those from Zanu PF,” NCA said.
Violence is
also not limited to the streets: MDC MPs and a priest were also
assaulted
inside parliament in June: Their attackers demanded that a
parliamentary
debate on the Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission Bill be
deferred.
Didymus Mutasa, the presidential affairs minister, said
his party stood by
those who attacked MDC parliamentarians inside the house,
telling the media:
“Is it possible for someone to just leave their homes to
go and beat up
people at parliament without being provoked?”
Sadc’s
ability, beyond occasional rhetoric, to curb or end political
violence in
Zimbabwe is limited both by its capacity constraints, and the
few
enforcement mechanisms it had available, Judy Smith-Höhn, a senior
researcher at the African Conflict Prevention Programme at the
Pretoria-based think-tank, the Institute for Security Studies, told
Irin.
Zimbabwe could be expelled from Sadc, but this was unlikely as
it was a
founding member of the regional body; and Sadc sanctions were
unlikely since
the organisation had been campaigning for their removal since
2002,
Smith-Höhn said.
The nearly decade-old targeted sanctions
imposed by the US and the European
Union banning travel and freezing the
bank accounts of individuals and
companies linked to Mugabe and his Zanu PF
party have become politically
expedient for Zanu PF: Mugabe routinely blames
economic woes and food
insecurity on the sanctions, and Sadc has also
pitched in on Mugabe’s side.
Raftopoulos said there needed to be a
“calibrated approach” to sanctions by
the US and EU, who should look to
reward progress with the suspension of
some sanctions. — Irin.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 06 October 2011 16:05
WELCOME to the seventh
instalment of our monthly series called Bible School
Business School (BSBS).
BSBS takes insights from the Bible and applies them
to business, leadership
and personal development issues.
Succession cuts across key
contemporary business dimensions such as
corporate governance, enterprise
risk management, talent management and
finance, for instance. The thread
that runs through these business
dimensions is business continuity,
long-term sustainability and
organisational survival.
The
Bible is a theatre of succession dynamics, providing a treasure trove of
insights into the potholes and high points of succession processes. From the
actions and reactions of Moses and Joshua in their four decades of
interactions leaps lessons that are relevant to Zimbabwe’s contemporary
corporate space.
The Joshua syndrome
Joshua was the
annointed successor to Moses. However, Joshua showed some
cracks in
character that would undermine his effectiveness as a future
leader. It
would appear that some of the weaknesses he showed pre-succession
persisted
post-succession.
Corporates can glean practical lessons from the
mistakes of Joshua so as to
minimise the risk of a post-succession failure.
Post-succession failure can
result in corporate failure.
Scarcity
mentality and impatience
To effectively govern the fledgling nation,
Moses appointed 70 governors.
The story, as told in Numbers 11:23-29, gives
us a glimpse into young Joshua’s
terrible leadership
weaknesses.
Earlier, Joshua had been given the privilege of
accompanying Moses to Mount
Horeb, where Moses would be given the moral code
or what we would today term
corporate governance code (constitution) to help
govern the newly- found
nation. Numbers 11:28 makes it explicit that Joshua
was the servant or
apprentice of Moses.
Perhaps Joshua wanted
to be among the 70 elders (governors). Sixty-eight of
the governors were
confirmed with a sign before Moses.
Suddenly, a young man rushed
towards Moses and broke the news that two men,
not present, Eldad and Medad
had shown the same confirmatory signs. Joshua
did not take kindly to that.
As recorded in verse 28, Joshua remonstrated
with Moses, saying, “My Lord
Moses forbid them.” Two cracks in Joshua’s
character are
apparent.
He had the scarcity or MBA ‘Me Before Anyone’
mentality. He was impatient.
Perhaps he thought that not being named among
the 70 would harm his chances
of becoming Moses’s successor. Fortunately,
Moses sharply rebuked his
apprentice for exhibiting a scarcity and
quickly-rise mentality. Joshua
still had a long way to go. He was not ready
for succession.
He suffered from insecurity. If not tamed, this
insecurity would blossom
into paranoia post-succession. Evidently, Joshua
was quarter-baked. He
needed more time to wait and wait upon (serve) so as
to remove his rough
edges.
Leadership writers such as John
Maxwell contend that one of the grandsons of
the legendary Henry Ford who
succeeded at Ford Motor Company suffered from
the Joshua syndrome. Ford’s
grandson would sow discord among his top
executives through
duplicity.
He surmised that if he weakened his top talent, he
would be able to control
them. Ford Motor Company lost strategic focus and
the creativity of its
founder, Henry Ford. The company bled its market share
and teetered on the
brink of bankruptcy.
Picking a successor with
a scarcity mentality is underwriting the death of
an organisation. People
are not going to buy cars just because your
grandfather was a national
icon.
Poor judgement and myopia
Joshua could be forgiven
for showing poor judgement in his early
apprenticeship days. When Moses and
Joshua were coming down Mount Horeb with
the moral code, our equivalent of
the corporate governance code, their ears
caught strange noises echoing from
the valley beneath. Moses wondered what
the bizarre noise that pierced the
desert air was about. Joshua offered a
thesis.
He surmised that
it was the noise of war. Moses disagreed. It turned out
Moses was right
after all. The outlandish noise came from hard partying. War
and
partying—surely Joshua was way off the mark. That’s terrible judgment.
Apparently, Joshua’s gifting was in the art of war.
He was a
sword and shield man through and through. He tended to see issues
with the
lens of his natural talent. The result was leadership myopia.
In the
post-succession period, when Joshua finally got to the helm, he
showed
terrible judgment. As argued by John Maxwell, a person’s weaknesses
are
magnified when they assume leadership positions. In like manner, it
might be
construed that pre-succession deficiencies are accentuated
post-succession.
Whereas pre-succession the consequences were
confined to a few people,
post-succession, the fallout affects masses. This
is what happened at the
get-go of Joshua’s reign.
Having led
his armies to a famous victory at Jericho, Joshua let the guard
down and
took an ill-prepared army to Ai, a much smaller city, assuming that
Ai would
be a walkover. Joshua got a rude awakening. His armies were
clinically
routed, much to his shock.
Four thousand years later, corporates are
not immune to Joshua’s twin cracks
of terrible judgment and functional
myopia. Talented employees from the
production side of business are promoted
into general management on the
basis of functional competence, forgetting
that at senior executive levels,
broader leadership skills are
needed.
Human Resources (HR) thinkers have recently come up with
a solution to the
challenge. They have come up with what are known as dual
career paths. For
instance, an engineer can opt to remain in engineering and
rise through this
job family without losing their seniority and
rewards.
I shared the idea of dual career paths with a friend of mine
who works in
the media. They alerted me to the phenomenon that in some
developed
countries there are news anchors or frontline reporters with more
than 20
years’ experience, who have chosen to remain in these ‘junior’ jobs.
However, they are paid senior executive salaries.
Dual career
paths can go a long way in minimising the risk of
post-succession regret.
World class organisations never get poor people
managers into the top
echelons of the company. World beaters insist on
senior executives with
mastery at the nexus of business and people.
Successor without a
successor
Joshua had had the rare privilege of being led by an
exceptional leader in
the name of Moses who possessed uncommon maturity and
security. Within 50
days of Moses’s becoming the visible leader of the
newly-born nation, he
took Joshua under his wings as his
apprentice.
Moses’s first 100 days plan involved identifying his
potential successor.
From day one, Moses was gripped with the thought of
finding his replacement.
That kind of leadership is a
rarity.
Moses knew that the foundation of leadership is integrity. So
he took Joshua
with him to Mount Horeb, where Moses would receive the moral
code/leadership
code together with his potential successor. From the outset,
the successor
had to be saved from the tragedy of a false
start.
Today, the corporate world has woken up to the need for
corporate governance
codes. Ancients of the near East, as depicted in the
Bible, understood the
importance of living by a corporate
governance-cum-leadership code. In the
twilight of his leadership, Moses
expanded the corporate governance code,
capturing wide-ranging issues. He
gave the document to the leaders of the
nation and charged Joshua to live by
the code.
However, Joshua failed to groom a potential successor. The
post-Joshua era
makes sad reading. The culture of poor succession persisted
generation to
generation after Joshua’s departure.
Walt Disney,
the people who gave the world Mickey and Minnie Mouse, escaped
corporate
death by a whisker due to poor succession planning. It took the
strategic
brilliance of one Michael Eisner to stop Disney’s funeral
hearse.
You do not want that near-death experience. Failure to
handle pre-succession
and post-succession fundamentals results in corporate
mediocrity and finally
death.
By Brett Chulu
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 06 October 2011 16:34
Chris
Muronzi
ZIMBABWE is headed for more power outages after several
generation units at
the country’s most reliable power station, Kariba, went
off owing to
various faults, a Zimbabwe Power Company report to industry
says.
According to the report, Kariba, which has largely been
operating at full
capacity for the past two years, is
struggling.
“During the week ending 25th September the
protection on Units 3 and 4
tripped. Unit 4 was isolated from the
transformer which it shares with Unit
3. Unit 3 was then brought back into
service. After meticulous trouble
shooting, it was found that switchgear and
control devices, which were
replaced by another OEM (Original Equipment
Manufacturer) during our
maintenance shutdowns earlier this year, had
failed. Repairs to these
devices are underway under guidance of the OEM from
Europe,” said the
report.
The problems at Kariba Power Station
started in June after a failure in the
generator winding of Unit
2.
Copper windings to get Unit 2 back on stream can only be
manufactured and
fitted by OEM.
The problem was compounded by a
crack that was found in one of the turbine
blades which only the OEM can
repair.
“This repair work is underway and is scheduled for completion
before
mid-October. In my view the OEM did not, and could not, be encouraged
to
respond to our crisis with the urgency demanded by our unique situation
or
with the respect that a 30year relationship deserves. Our MD has been in
Europe this week to discuss this with the OEM,” said the
report.
ZPC foresees a “significant amount of work” going into
stabilising Hwange
Power Station and hopes to float a tender once funding
becomes available to
replace key components which have lead times of up to
one year.
Hwange, according to the report, lost four Phase One
smaller units over the
last week.
“ Unit 1 due to the failure of
the “Boiler Feed Pump” which is new and under
warranty, Unit 2 due to a
failure of its thrust bearing, Unit 3 due to wear
on its induction fans
caused by the under-performing de-ashing system and
Unit 4 due to the
failure of its Boiler Feed Pump,” said the report.
The problems at Hwange
were worsened after the entire station was taken out
by a surge out of Eskom
last Tuesday.
“At the time of writing this statement we now have two Phase
Two (larger)
units and one Phase One (smaller) unit feeding the grid. We
expect to bring
another unit back overnight (Sunday) and the fifth by
Wednesday this week,”
the report said.
Thermal power stations in
Bulawayo, Harare and Munyati are also constrained
in maintaining modest
outputs due to the availability of coal from
suppliers.
“All three
suppliers assure us that their production will improve over the
next two
months. Should this not be the case we will have to consolidate and
probably
run only two of the three stations,” added the report.
Major
retrofitting and component replacement projects will continue over the
next
12 months, the report said.
Wapcos, the Indian company that provides
expert advice at Hwange, have
provided an experienced project manager to
help oversee these projects at
Hwange.
ZPC hopes the execution
of these projects would extend planned outages of
units on a sequential
basis next year.
“For example the precipitators (ash handling) on Phase
Two will be
retrofitted over the next seven months therefore from the middle
of October
until May 2012 and one of the Phase two Units will be offline,”
said report.
“At Kariba the system that governs the turbine blades,
in sympathy to the
power demand, will be replaced on each unit (six weeks
per unit) on a
sequential schedule. This means that from mid-December until
September 2012
only five of the six units will be online.”
In
addition, ZPC will over the next 12 months some units will also be taken
off
line for shorter periods to undertake unit specific upgrades or repairs,
the
report added.
“So in summary the power supply regime will for the
next 12 months will be
much the same as it has been for the last 12 months –
all in a bid to
stabilise and optimise supplies in the medium term,” the
report added.
The refurbishment of the 40km pipeline from the Zambezi
to the Hwange
station remains a priority and is a one year project. The
feasibility study
was completed over two months ago and we await the outcome
of possible of
government-to-government funding with the government of
India.
While demand for electricity is picking, nothing can be done
to augment
output for the next four years when planned power projects come
on board.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 06 October 2011
16:27
Paul Nyakazeya
TREASURY is still struggling to determine
the exchange rate to use in
settling Zimbabwean dollar account balances that
were frozen when government
decided to dollarise the economy in February
2009, according to Finance
minister Tendai Biti.
He said
Treasury was facing a dilemma in trying to come up with a formula to
use in
determining payment since there were four exchange rates in use
during the
Zimbabwe dollar era –– the official exchange rate, the cash rate,
the real
time gross settlement rate (RTGS) and the parallel market rate.
The
official rate was too low and if adopted would result in too many people
becoming millionaires in US dollar terms. On the other hand, parallel market
rates were high and attractive but were outside formal rates and government
would be breaking its own laws if it recognised these.
However,
should government eventually decide on a rate, what are the legal
implications if it is not accepted? On the other hand, will there be
litigation should government continue using the present multi-currency
system? Would companies and individuals whose huge savings were eroded after
the economy was dollarised sue the state?
How long will
Zimbabweans with quintillions trapped in bank accounts have to
wait before
they can be paid their US dollar equivalents as government
grapples with
which exchange rate should be used for payouts?
Economic analyst Eric
Bloch said none of the exchange rates applying
immediately before the
“demonetisation” of Zimbabwe’s currency can credibly
be
used.
“The Reserve Bank officially-determined rates bore no
credibility, due to
the extreme hyperinflationary environment, which
effectively devalued the
currency almost hourly. Similarly, the parallel
market and informal sector
currency markets had no stability or commonality
of rates between traders
and between transactions of varying quantum,” said
Bloch.
He said the conversion rate prescribed at the introduction of
dollarisation
was wholly arbitrary and would be equally unrealistic to
apply.
“Strictly speaking, there should be no governmental obligation to
compensate
for Zimbabwe dollar balances, for the reality is that at the time
of
dollarisation, the Zimbabwe dollar had lost all value. It was worthless,”
he
said.
However, he said at the time the change was made, a
commitment to do so was
made, “so government is, at least morally, bound to
do so. Over and above
that it will be governmentally perceived as
politically opportune”.
Using the official rate, government would
have to monetise US$50 billion, an
impossible feat.
But would government
break the law and use parallel exchange rates, for
instance the United
Nations rate of 35 quadrillion to the US dollar used in
2008?
Biti
maintains by doing so government would be breaking the
law.
“Therefore, the nearest approach to determining a fair
conversion rate would
be to apply the exchange rate prevailing in 2000 and
adjust it by the
inflation sustained from 2001 to January 2009, thus
effectively maintaining
value at the pre-hyperinflation era level,” said
Bloch.
Given that government does not have resources to fund the
beneficiaries,
whatever compensation can only be funded from borrowings (if
available), but
this will concomitantly further escalate the already
gargantuan national
debt, said Bloch.And whatever the compensation route
pursued, appropriate
Monetary Policy Laws will have to be
enacted.
In his Mid-Term Fiscal Policy Statement in July, Biti
estimated that the
demonetisation exercise would cost about US$6
million.
“This amount will need to be provided for through the budget. A
committee
comprising officials from government and the Bankers’ Association
of
Zimbabwe is currently working on the requisite details and modalities to
operationalise the process,” he said.
Economist Brains Muchemwa
said although the moral call to compensate
depositors when the currency was
changed sounds fair, the fact remains that
treasury will settle for an
exchange rate that will ensure small amounts are
credited to individual
accounts, since the government is broke and cannot
afford to compensate for
the economic loss.
“The whole thing will therefore be stage-managed
to put a face that
government is having a genuine urge to compensate
depositors. Indeed the
reported dilemma at treasury as regards which
exchange rate to use is just
but a fake drama because in fact the truth is
known already on the amount
that is available to compensate depositors,” he
said.
Economic analyst Farayi Dyirakumunda said a suitable exchange
rate for the
conversion of the old Zimbabwe dollar balances into hard
currency is the Old
Mutual Implied Rate (“OMIR”).
“This is an
objective proxy for the value of the Zimbabwe dollar to the US
dollar, based
on the relative values of shares on the London and Zimbabwe
stock exchanges.
It was a commonly accepted measure of what the real
exchange rate was given
that we had a fixed official rate in a
hyperinflationary economy,” he
said.
He said as things stand, the minister was grappling with other
immediate
budgetary priorities. “The matter should realistically be put on
the back
burner until a point where adequate financial resources can be
allocated for
the exercise,” Dyirakumunda said.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 06 October 2011
17:16
HOW many readers have heard of the “Cuban Five”? It would be
surprising if
you haven’t because the state media in Zimbabwe has given them
an inordinate
amount of publicity.
The five were arrested in
Miami in 1998 and charged with espionage. The five
claim they were helpful
to the US authorities. Whatever the case, they
remain incarcerated in
Miami.
According to the Cuban government: “In September 1998
five Cubans were
arrested in Miami by FBI agents. Their mission in the US
was to monitor
activities of groups and organisations responsible for
terrorist activities
against Cuba.”
The Herald, which carried a
sympathetic account of their ordeal last month,
reminds us of Cuba’s
contribution to Zimbabwe’s “revolutionary principles”
and the assistance
rendered at the time of Independence in the field of
education and
medicine.
We will not controvert any of this. Cuba has been generous
in its assistance
to Southern Africa over the years since the 1960s. But
what strikes us as
extraordinary is the way states like Zimbabwe, Namibia,
Angola and
Mozambique have done nothing to express solidarity with
journalists, writers
and civic activists who have been incarcerated in Cuba
and left to rot.
There was a brief episode when a handful of writers
were released following
Pope John Paul’s visit to the island, but the
beneficiaries were obliged to
seek exile in Spain.
Meanwhile, the
Cuban Five’s supporters here complain bitterly that if the
five are released
they will have to remain in Miami.
The other dimension to this is that
supporters of the Cuban Five have never
bothered to tell us what they think
of activists held in Zimbabwe’s jails.
What about the MDC officials who were
accused of involvement in killing Cain
Nkala, who was suspected of
kidnapping David Coltart’s election agent,
Patrick
Nabanyama.
President Mugabe went to Bulawayo and branded them
terrorists. They were
subsequently locked up for 21 months after Justice
George Chiweshe reversed
an order by Justice Lawrence Kamocha who had ruled
that the accused could
not be indicted for trial. They were, after a
marathon trial, acquitted by
Justice Sandra Mungwira in August 2004.
Fletcher Dulini-Ncube lost the sight
of an eye during his
detention.
Surely the supporters of the Cuban Five have something to say
about this
lest the world thinks them hypocrites.
It
was amusing to witness the turn of events in Zambia last week. Zanu PF
was
celebrating what they considered a great victory. This was a kick in the
teeth for imperialism. Acres of forests were being chopped down to produce
the pulp necessary to send the word that Michael Sata was a friend of Mugabe
and an enemy of the MDC. Columnists like Reason Wafawarova were
ecstatic.
“Closer home, Michael Sata of Zambia just won an election
against the West’s
favourite MMD and the win is an emphatic message that
indeed imperialism is
not invincible,” he crowed.
Life isn’t that
simple. One of Sata’s first moves was to tell the Chinese
they could do
business in Zambia on the same terms as everybody else. They
would not
receive any favoured treatment from his government, he made clear.
And let’s
hope the appointment of veteran nationalist Guy Scott as VP sends
a clear
message to Zimbabwe’s delinquent nationalists that you don’t have to
be a
racist to be a good patriot!
Meanwhile, we were
interested to note that cabinet had given a directive
that Finance minister
Tendai Biti release $40 million to buy inputs and
recapitalise the GMB to
pay farmers for grain delivered. Cabinet made the
directive at its weekly
meeting, we were told, on September 29.
This is all very interesting.
Don’t we recall Webster Shamu warning
newspapers not so long ago it was a
grave sin for them to disclose matters
arising from cabinet meetings?
Perhaps we misheard him. And we thought we
heard George say something
similar!
By the way, what is the status of some well-known
outstanding issues? In
addition to Charamba, there is the matter of Gideon
Gono, Johannes Tomana,
and Roy Bennett.
Have they all slipped off
the radar? And how could that happen without any
of us being
told?
On this topic, how does New Africa editor Baffour
Ankomah find his way to
Zimbabwe as soon as he gets wind of an
election?
Baffour is a dedicated disciple of the Mugabe regime. They can be
sure of
indulgent coverage when he returns to his home in London. Like other
columnists, Baffour evidently prefers the comfort of Britain to his
homeland, Ghana.
In the interests of transparency could Baffour
tell us who sponsors his
regular visits to Zimbabwe. We are sure it’s not a
secret.
Here’s a clue: “I live in London but I yield to Nathaniel Manheru for
the
great depth in which he treated the subject (of the August UK riots) in
the
Saturday Herald. If you missed Manheru’s column please get the Saturday
Herald (August 13). It deserves to be framed and put on the living room
wall.”
So there you have it! But sadly there will be few takers. The
column is
hardly a “must-read”! And we always have a chuckle when it goes
missing
whenever the president is in New York.
We
were interested in an article in the Herald on the collapse of irrigation
systems in Manicaland. Just as the president was telling an audience in New
York that agriculture had recovered, a report in the Herald said villagers
in the province were facing acute food shortages as dams lie idle. Thousands
of households were facing critical food shortages as irrigation schemes had
been vandalised.
“There is the 30ha Murambinda scheme that is not
operating to capacity while
the situation is even worse at Bonda where there
is no pump and farmers are
doing nothing,” the acting DA
said.
“In Honde Valley there are projects that were left at the
piping stage by
the EU when it pulled out at the height of the land reform
programme,” we
are told.
All very sad. But who’s the
one?
Elsewhere, Mashonaland Central governor Martin Dinha
has “rapped” the MDC
for denigrating senior Defence Forces officers who
sacrificed to liberate
Zimbabwe.
“It is disheartening that the
traitors are now spitting in the faces of
those that liberated them,” Dinha
said. “We should not allow them to do
that.
“They now have the
temerity and audacity to call for security sector reform
and pour scorn on
the service chiefs and talk about human rights.”
He was speaking at the
reburial of former freedom fighters in Chibondo.
Who is pouring scorn on the
service chiefs? Certainly not the MDC. Don’t we
recall a cable recently
quoting senior officers pouring scorn on one
particular
colleague?
Dinha should tread carefully where there are political
landmines lying
around. And why does he think that constitutional change
including the
security sector amounts to “spitting” in people’s
faces?
Dinha wants to know where human rights groups were when our
people were
being massacred. We should ask him where he was when 20 000
people were
killed in Matabeleland. Dinha said the Europeans and British had
no moral
standing to teach Zimbabwe about human rights and democracy.
Zimbabwe owes
its freedom to those lying in Chibondo he
said.
Indeed it does. And it is shocking that demagogues should
hijack such
ceremonies to seek votes. The next time Dinha mentions Chibondo
we should
all be sure to mention Bhalagwe, Antelope Mine, and Sun Yat Sen ––
as loudly
as possible.
‘A bruising legal fight is
looming between Zimbabwe and the European Union
(EU),” the Sunday Mail
reports, over the latter’s imposition of “illegal”
sanctions. This is amid
revelations that the Attorney-General’s Office has
assembled a team of the
country’s best legal minds to file papers against
the
bloc.
Attorney-General Johannes Tomana confirmed that his office was
drafting
court documents that will be used in the “unprecedented” fight
against the
sanctions.
Tomana saidpapers were being prepared for
the resumption of the “historic”
legal battles in the General Court of the
European Court of Justice for the
annulment of the
embargo.
Tomana and his colleagues doggedly ignore the EU’s clear
call for parties to
finalise the election roadmap. Zanu PF has continued to
throw spanners into
the GNU roadmap works with President Mugabe now intent
on elections even
without consummating the Global Political Agreement in
full.
Zanu PF want the sanctions to go without addressing the issues that
brought
them in the first place. They should be reminded that they cannot
have their
cake and eat it too.
And is it seriously suggested
that the country’s “best legal minds” are at
the service of Zanu PF? Hardly
likely!
Meanwhile the Zimbabwe Youth Council (ZYC) and
other representatives of
youth organisations have expressed concern over
Finance minister Tendai Biti’s
attitude towards addressing challenges they
are facing.
ZBC reports that the youths, who had booked a meeting
with the minister,
expressed disappointment after he allegedly snubbed them,
resulting in the
meeting failing to materialise.
The youths say
they are now losing patience with Biti, who is allegedly
“refusing to
release funds to spearhead youth development projects”.
This indigenisation
craze has created a leech culture whose full extent is
yet to be felt. These
“youth” organisations are now demanding an arm and a
leg from corporates for
“development projects”. This is political blackmail.
Old Mutual was
compelled to grant a 2,5% stake valued at US$10 million to
the Youth
Development Fund. An additional US$1 million will be made
available from the
Old Mutual Fund.
The fund, to be disbursed through CABS, will be
jointly administered by the
Indigenisation ministry and Old
Mutual.
“Every province will benefit from the US$11 million fund,” the Herald
claims.
This is said in the context of utterances by
Indigenisation minister
Saviour Kasukuwere to the effect that the
indigenisation programme will
benefit mostly Zanu PF supporters because
other political parties are
against it.
“They have said they are
not interested in taking companies from their white
owners, so they won’t
benefit from the indigenisation drive. So our people,
our Zanu PF supporters
will benefit and become empowered through this
programme,” Kasukuwere
said.
In the circumstances it would be a grave dereliction of duty for any
Finance
minister to give public funds to dubious outfits of this sort
sponsored by
senior party hacks.
Don’t we recall some months ago
a Reserve Bank report on all the benefits
new farmers and others received
saying there was no prospect of recovering
these “loans”? And what does Old
Mutual think it is doing collaborating with
the Indigenisation ministry in
handing out investors’ funds?
Those who have warned that
we have new colonisers on the continent in the
form of the Chinese will have
been borne out by the pressure brought to bear
by Beijing on the South
African government not to grant the Dalai Lama a
visa to attend Archbishop
Desmond Tutu’s 80th birthday party.
Pretoria has ducked and dived
over the matter of the visa. China is now one
of South Africa’s biggest
trading partners and has made it clear it will be
displeased if the visa is
granted. The Dalai Lama has had to withdraw his
application because he will
now miss the event.
It would be different if Tutu was Julius Malema
or some other rabble-rouser.
But he is a decent and thoughtful elder
statesman who has made an enormous
contribution to his country. China’s
behaviour is that of a bully while the
best that can be said of South Africa
is that it has demonstrated cowardice
where courage is
required.
China was unlikely to have withdrawn its investments in the
event that the
visa was granted. And it would have provided a good example
to Africa if it
stood up to the new colonial power as Sata is doing.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 06 October 2011 16:46
Eric
Bloch
REPETITION can be unduly odious, but on occasion becomes necessary
because
of the intentional obtuseness of those at whom the repetition is
directed.
Repetition is of necessity if done in a determined attempt to
penetrate the
blockage of those intentionally deaf (there are none so deaf
as those who
will not hear!).
The need for many to be
repetitive (including this columnist), has been
especially pronounced over
the last few years because of the determination
of the Minister of Youth
Development, Indigenisation and Economic
Empowerment, Saviour Kasukuwere,
not to heed the views and representations
of any, other than some of his
political hierarchy colleagues who suffer
from identical opinion
rigidities.
The many times that several in the private sector have
reiterated that the
minister needs to recognise realities and modify the
policies he so
vigorously pursues are countless, but almost without
exception, have been
cavalierly disregarded, usually with unconcealed
contempt.
This is notwithstanding that the submissions have
emanated from almost all
walks of society, including representative bodies
such as the Chamber of
Mines of Zimbabwe, the Confederation of Zimbabwe
Industries, the Institute
of Bankers, the Institute of Directors Zimbabwe,
the Zimbabwe National
Chamber of Commerce and many others, including
countless individuals not
directly impacted upon by the minister’s policies
and actions.
Because it is not credibly contestable that Zimbabwe
does not need to pursue
indigenisation and economic empowerment, and to do
so dynamically and
constructively, the intense representations to the
minister and his
associates have in no manner sought to discourage such
pursuit, but in fact
to encourage it. However, critics have authoritatively
asserted that the
manner whereby the minister is seeking and determined to
achieve it, is
destructive in the extreme.
Far from achieving the
intended objective, the way in which Zimbabwe is
pursuing its desired
indigenisation of the economy and the empowerment of
the populace is
decimating the already exceptionally fragile economic
operations and
endeavours, and progressively reducing Zimbabwe to one of the
world’s most
impoverished countries. It is rapidly transforming the country
into an
internationally perceived pariah state which has contemptuous
disregard for
realities.
Despite the substantive inputs given to the minister as to
the negative
consequences of his rabid approach to the issues, supported by
comprehensive
proposals as to how the desired objectives can be successfully
attained, in
the last few weeks the minister has, even more vociferously
than previously,
ignored all, and obdurately adhered to his entrenched
determinations.
Several times during the last fortnight he has
voiced intensive, dire
threats to the perceived non-conformists to his
policies, whilst
concurrently he has claimed that those policies will
eradicate the poverty,
distress and suffering which afflict most
Zimbabweans, and accord to them
their rightful ownership of the
economy.
At the same time, he emphasises that all must comply
with law (and in that
respect he is amazingly correct), but he fails to
recognise that his
legislation and its underlying regulations contain at
least 12 breaches of
Zimbabwe’s constitution and the laws of the
country.
The pronounced ministerial statements merely assert what are
alleged to be
“facts”, without in any manner whatsoever supporting them with
any credible
corroborations. As a result, one must necessarily ask the
minister to
state:
How his indigenisation policies will
reverse Zimbabwean poverty, when
they are resulting in numerous,
unavoidable, business closures and
down-sizings, with consequentially tens
of thousands becoming unemployed,
unable to sustain themselves, their
families and their dependants
With declining productivity in
innumerable enterprises, due mainly to
them being unable to access essential
working capital resources as
financiers are fearful of indigenisation-driven
non-redemption of provided
finance, it is inevitable that cost of goods to
consumers will rise.
Minister, how will that inflation alleviate
poverty?
In which manner will the economic empowerment being pursued
by him
“benefits the masses” when, in the main, shares are to be transferred
directly or indirectly to state-controlled designated entities, including a
yet-to-be established Sovereign Wealth Fund, when for more than 30 years
almost every state-controlled entity has been a dismal failure, unable to
service national needs and doing naught but to exacerbate and intensify
national debt?
How investors will continue to control the
enterprises they have
established, notwithstanding their being forcibly
obliged to hold no more
than 49% of the shares in the business? He has
tried to support this
spurious contention by saying that the holder of 49%
shares will be the
largest single shareholder in that enterprise and
therefore have control
retention. But has the minister never been told that
if the holders of 51%
of the shares vote collectively (which is especially
probable when to a
major extent they are state-designated entities), they
then wholly destroy
any control or authority from the 49%
shareholder?
In what way can his repeated undertakings that upon 51%
disinvestment,
fair intrinsic value payment will be given for the
disinvested equity, be
fulfilled? The state is bankrupt, the designated
state entities are devoid
of funds, the Reserve Bank can no longer be forced
to print bank notes, so
whence will come the funding to pay fair value?
Moreover, insofar as the
mining sector is concerned, the minister states
that the investment fair
value will be determined after deducting, from
aggregate value of the
mineral resources applicable to the mines, which are
national resources. He
contends this despite the fact that the mines have
paid, and are, paying for
those resources, through the myriad of claim
registration and licence fees,
royalties, direct and indirect taxes, and
therefore he is effectively
seeking double-value recognition for the
resources in order to diminish
amounts actually payable to the ousted
investors?
The way market confidence is to be restored in the
financial sector in
general, and the banks in particular, when his measures
deter non-resident
shareholders and other international financiers from
providing the
institutions with desperately-needed capital, loans, and lines
of credit?
The populace has been badly burnt by the instability of the banks
in the
last few years, triggered by hyperinflation, demonetisation, bank
collapses
and other factors. Few were willing to entrust their very limited
resources
to the banks and that further weakened the financial sector, and
hence the
economy. Slowly, confidence was being restored, but now the
minister is
destroying that confidence recovery. Why, Mr.
Minister?
How is it equitable that he can contentiously and
threateningly demand
that the so-called “non-indigenous” and “foreign”
investors comply with the
specious, invalid law, when he vigorously and
endlessly disregards the
constitution and enacts regulations to an extent as
exceeds his authority?
(Surely that which is sauce for the goose should be
source for the gander?).
It is long overdue that the minister emulate the
fabled Dick Whittington
(even though he was British!), by looking again.
Yes, Zimbabwe must
energetically pursue and achieve substantial
indigenisation, and wideranging
economic empowerment, but needs to do so in
a manner that can work, and
which is just and fair, and not a deterrent to
investment. Can Zimbabwe not
learn from the successes of India, Malaysia,
and others?
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 06 October 2011
16:37
Paidamoyo Muzulu
INDIGENISATION has become, over the past
few years, the most used and abused
term in Zimbabwe’s political landscape.
The dictionary describes
indigenisation as “increasing local participation
in or ownership of” or “to
adapt to local ways”.
Not a day goes
by without this word being used by some government ministers,
but in all
their usage of this buzzword, none of them have been able to
clearly define
the government’s exact indigenisation policy.
The policy initially
demanded that foreign companies “cede” 51% of their
equity to locals until a
question was raised that it was unconstitutional.
It created the impression
that the government wanted to expropriate
companies just as it had
previously done with the land issue.
The term “cede” has since been
changed to “sell”, but the question is how
many locals in an economy in the
throes of a liquidity crunch can afford to
buy such
equity.
Widespread confusion reigns over the policy since government
officials
continually pronounce uncoordinated and often contradictory policy
positions
depending on the occasion or audience.
Indigenisation
and Empowerment minister Saviour Kasukuwere, whose department
is meant to be
the custodian of the policy, seems to be operating like an
unguided missile
in the coalition government by going beyond the parameters
of the
Indigenisation Act and acting like a “super minister” with powers to
encroach on other ministries.
Economic indigenisation by its
nature needs the buy-in and shared position
of other government ministries
to succeed. Each minister controls and
oversees a segment of the national
economy.
No individual minister has overriding power over another
minister’s mandate.
Veritas, a local lawyers’ grouping which focuses on
parliamentary business
and legislation, issued a statement in September
warning that Kasukuwere’s
threats to withdraw business operating licences
was legally unsound.
“This is a legally unsound claim because the
Indigenisation and Economic
Empowerment Act does not provide for the
cancellation of business licences
for failure to submit plans,” Veritas’
statement read.
“Cancellation of business licences can be
resorted to only when, without
official approval, a business is merged or
restructured, unbundled or
demerged, or a controlling interest is acquired
or disposed of, or an
investment made in it, and the result falls short of
the statutory
indigenisation requirements [Indigenisation and Economic
Empowerment Act,
Section 5],” Veritas said.
Kasukuwere’s threats
were aimed at foreign-owned mines and financial
institutions. He went on to
announce that Caledonia’s mining licence had
been “revoked” because the
company had failed to submit an acceptable
indigenisation proposal to his
ministry.
However, this cancellation was swiftly reversed after other
government
ministers reminded Kasukuwere that he could not encroach on their
mandated
economic sectors.
Mines minister Obert Mpofu refused to
cancel Caledonia’s licence forcing
Kasukuwere to go back to the negotiating
table. On the other hand, Reserve
Bank of Zimbabwe governor Gideon Gono
waded into the debate by saying the
central bank was not going to cancel any
banking licences for failing to
present acceptable proposals to
Kasukuwere.
This threw Kasukuwere’s plan into disarray prompting him
to keep shifting
deadlines for the submission of proposals to his ministry.
In March this
year Kasukuwere gave a 45-day deadline for all foreign-owned
companies to
comply.
He shifted that deadline to the end of
September 2011 after facing severe
criticism. When the end of September came
and went, Kasukuwere announced
that some companies had been given an extra
two weeks to comply.
However, speculation is high that some
clandestine deals are being sealed
since some companies are all of a sudden
said to be compliant, even without
selling the 51% stake to
locals.
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai has spoken against the
implementation of
the indigenisation policy at local and international
forums saying equity
ownership was a panacea to the poverty of the
majority.
He argues that indigenisation should not be a fixation with
share ownership
but also embrace the issue of procurement. Equity ownership
favoured the
rich few who are able to secure loans from lending institutions
to acquire
shares.
In South Africa, the Black Economic
Empowerment policy has created a few
black fat cats. This affirmative action
policy produced millionaires such as
mining magnate Patrice Motsepe,
business tycoon Cyril Ramaphosa, ANC
treasurer-general Matthews Phosa and
Tokyo Sexwale.
The South African government only changed direction
after realising that the
“usual suspects” were the same people benefiting
under BEE. The government
then tweaked the policy to “Broad-Based Black
Economic Empowerment”, which
focused more on marginalised communities. These
communities could
participate through various community
consortiums.
Still, the new policy faced more hurdles because wealthy
blacks and those
politically well-connected used ignorant communities and
individuals as
fronts to secure lucrative government
tenders.
That is when the government decided to refine empowerment
and focus more on
procurement. Big companies and government departments were
compelled by law
to procure goods and services from small black-owned
companies or those that
met set BBEE criteria.
Gono and
Tsvangirai are of the opinion that the procurement policy is a
better option
than the Kasukuwere-led equity control. The central bank chief
and premier
argue that procurement spreads wealth widely and is most likely
to stimulate
the growth of indigenous-owned small and medium enterprises.
“What
does it benefit the locals to own 51% of a loss making big company,”
Tsvangirai asked during a visit to the US last week. Gono says the
government should learn from mistakes committed during the land reform
programme which was hijacked by a few politicians and their cronies and
dismally failed to increase agricultural production.
Analysts and
political players for once agree that the indigenisation policy
should be
reviewed and properly interrogated in relation to the results the
government
aims to achieve.
They argue that expropriation of mines and financial
institutions would lead
to capital flight and take the country back to the
pre-coalition government
era of economic decline and political
quagmire.
The market continues to see if the government will make the
objective
decision to stop Kasukuwere’s one-man indigenisation crusade
before it
wrecks the economy.
For once, politicians and business
from different political persuasions
agree that indigenisation as currently
proposed would bring more harm to the
economy than good.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 06 October 2011 16:31
By Anne
Fruehauf
DESPITE a historic 2008 power-sharing agreement, Zimbabwe is not
out of the
political woods. President Robert Mugabe’s failing health is
fuelling both
an unseemly scramble among Zimbabwe’s elites for a share of
the country’s
wealth, and also disputes over the
succession.
While an all-out asset grab is unlikely (in
part because of elite
squabbling), Zimbabwe is set to experience another
round of volatility and
uncertainty that will last at least until after the
next elections, which
are not likely to occur until
2013.
Mugabe’s Zanu PF party is trapped in an awkward unity
government with its
bitter rival, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
headed by Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai.
Both parties are
manoeuvring ahead of upcoming elections, but even the date
is disputed.
Mugabe is pushing for polls in 2012, while the MDC and the
Southern African
Development Community are pressing for 2013 in order to
allow time for
overdue political reforms.
The MDC should be able to win
minimally free and fair elections, but another
coalition government
(involving all or part of Zanu PF) seems a more
plausible outcome at
present.
Mugabe, now 87, has long been rumoured to be suffering from
prostate cancer,
raising doubts about his ability to carry on in office.
Succession concerns
and the party’s uncertain future are reinforcing efforts
to push through a
controversial indigenisation law of
2007.
The law requires foreign businesses to cede 51% of their
equity to
indigenous Zimbabweans within five years. In part, the goal is to
secure
large amounts of cash for Zanu PF ahead of the upcoming elections,
but
elites are also taking advantage of the programme to siphon off money
for
private and party gain.
Zanu PF has haphazardly implemented
the legislation and the law is weak,
riddled with loopholes, and probably
unconstitutional, according to legal
experts. It foresees no specific
timeframe for indigenisation, but
regulations issued in 2010 and 2011 give
effect to the law, implying a
cut-off point of 2015.
The MDC
does not support the scheme, which it views as a self-enrichment
scheme for
Zanu PF bigwigs, which could cost it an election and the country
much-needed
investment.
But it is unable to exert moderating pressure on Zanu
PF on this issue
despite its control of the Finance ministry and
improvements to
macroeconomic policy. This means the law’s revocation or
overhaul is
inconceivable, at least until the next elections and probably
beyond.
Disagreements within Zanu PF will make for a chaotic process,
however.
Indigenisation and Empowerment minister Saviour Kasukuwere is
already
running into opposition from Minister of Mines Obert Mpofu, whose
department
controls licensing. Although Mpofu is a Mugabe ally and supports
indigenisation, he has rejected attempts by Kasukuwere to dictate
policy.
This rivalry among Zanu PF players renders government
relations increasingly
unpredictable. Uncertainty over indigenisation will
likely stall investment
and give an advantage to emerging market investors
unencumbered by targeted
Western sanctions, which include state miner
ZMDC.
Threats to revoke licences or demands for irregular payments
are likely as
political players try to manoeuvre themselves or their front
men into
shareholder positions.
Impala Platinum, which
produces around 25% of global platinum output from
mines in South Africa and
Zimbabwe, for example, received a letter from
Kasukuwere on September 6
threatening to revoke its mining licence unless it
submitted acceptable
indigenisation proposals.
In the meantime, elites within Zanu PF
are jockeying for position given
Mugabe’s illness. Vice President Joice
Mujuru will be Mugabe’s likely
interim successor, if he becomes
incapacitated while in office, but Zanu PF
factionalism raises the spectre
of a contested political transition.
The constitution, which is yet
to be reformed, stipulates that fresh
elections be held within 90 days of
the president’s incapacitation. But the
2008 power-sharing agreement
requires vacancies to be filled by the same
party.
This means
Mujuru is next in line until fresh elections are held. However,
the
mysterious death of her powerful husband General Solomon Mujuru in
August
may embolden rival factions, such as that led by Defence minister
Emmerson
Mnangagwa, to challenge her succession bid.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 06 October 2011 16:14
By
Tendai Biti
IN his latest book, Advocates for Change; How to Overcome
Africa’s
Challenges, Moeletsi Mbeki states that leadership requires three
capacities,
namely the ability to innovate, the capacity to implement by
mobilising the
required resources and the capability to create
followers.
The Zimbabwean government, before and after the formation
of the inclusive
government has dramatically failed to lead and has in turn
exposed the
bankruptcy of exhausted nationalism, the limitations of the
Global Political
Agreement as a solution to the Zimbabwean crisis and indeed
the premium
arising out of a culture of mediocrity, impunity, indifference
and a lack of
creativity.
At the epicentre of Zimbabwe’s problems
is not the existence of political
discord, violence, the absence of or the
selective application of the rule
of law, a weak constitution or weak
institutions.
Rather the absence, at first instance, of a unified
common vision in respect
of which all citizens are genuine shareholders. A
vision that recognises
that the nation’s vital interests are for the
protection and enjoyment by
everyone and a recognition that within the
implementation of that vision
there can be unity in differences and
opposition.
Put simply we have lacked a higher-ground norm that
unites us in a vision
that is beyond party politics, our religious, tribal
or ethnic differences.
It is 31 years after Independence and the sad
reality of our situation is
that we have found ourselves as a weak fragile
state that is incapable of
fulfilling the demands and aspirations of its own
citizens. Up until 2008,
our economy had been devalued by 65% of its 1996
GDP, 85% our people were
living below the poverty datum line while surviving
on less that US two
cents a day.
Hyperinflation was
calculated to be 5 000 000 000% by December 30 2008, and
life expectancy had
sunk to below 40 years, 34 for men and 37 for women.
Two and a half years
into the inclusive government, although there has been
some modicum of
macroeconomic stability, the balance sheet is not rosy.
Political
reform is zero; capital formation is virtually non-existent as
well as
savings and foreign direct investment which is under US$300 million.
Instead, the political and the macro-political terrain is characterised by
violence, intolerance, hate speech and a virtual civil war in
government.
Yet, as Zimbabwe wallows and withers in the clutches of
attrition and
self-induced policy distortions, the rest of Africa has been
making giant
strides. In the region alone, the average growth rate in the
past 10 years
has been about 7% in real terms.
There has been
massive capital formation in Botswana, Mozambique and South
Africa which has
seen the construction industry contributing at least 35% of
gross domestic
product. Kilometres of road and railway are being built in
the region and
huge amounts of money have been spent in physical structure
construction.
Johannesburg has become a modern metropolis that competes with
London and
any other major city.
More importantly, there has been qualitative
human development in these
countries. Little Malawi, for instance, is now
producing 3,2 millions tonnes
of maize and the lives of the peasants have
significantly improved. Botswana
and South Africa have made strides in
abolishing the dual enclave economy
created by colonialism and the Hendrick
Verwoerds of this world.
On the political front, progress too has
been made in the region. New
constitutions have been written which have in
general terms guaranteed
generational regeneration, a critical lacuna in
Zimbabwe’s discourse.
Thus in the last 30 years alone Tanzania
has had four presidents in Julius
Nyerere, Ali Hassan Mwinyi, Benjamin Mkapa
and presently Jakaya Kikwete.
Mozambique too has had three presidents namely
Samora Machel, Joaquim
Chissano and Armando Guebuza. South Africa, in its
mere 19 years of freedom
is on its fourth president, Jacob
Zuma.
Perhaps the most amazing of all has been Zambia. Despite
its economic
challenges it has managed to reproduce itself. Now the
75-year-old Sata,
never mind what you think of him, is now the president of
that beautiful
country.
The question that needs to be asked is:
what makes Zimbabwe so unique in its
discord and insanity? What is within us
that can destroy an economy which
was once fourth in Sub-Saharan Africa to
the third smallest in Sadc?
Both the pre and post-Independence
leadership must plead guilty to a
blinding lack of vision that has crippled
the country. The colonial regime,
like any other colonisers, must plead
guilty of under-developing this
country and Africa by benefiting the
metropolis. A story nicely told by Ali
Mazrui and Walter Rodney among many
others.
From Cecil Rhodes to Charles Coghlan, Howard Moffat, George
Mitchell,
Godfrey Huggins, Garfield Todd, Edgar Whitehead to Clifford Dupont
and Ian
Smith, this generation must plead guilty to the unforgivable crimes
of
colonialism and imperialism. However, there was something so ruthless and
defining in the nature of colonial penetration in Zimbabwe to which we are
still paying a price.
Colonialism had many levels of penetration
and integration in African
societies and economies. The French method of
assimilation, adoption and
culturalisation was a more subtle and more
peaceful a method.
But that cannot be said of Southern Rhodesian
imperialism which was anchored
more on violence than the Bible. Right from
the onset, violence has been a
major tool of national construction,
penetration and reconstruction.
Every level of Rhodesia and
Southern Rhodesia infrastructure was permeated
and dominated by violence in
its various forms. The tragic situation is that
from 1890 – 1990, the
geographical location of Southern Rhodesia has never
had a continuous 10
years of peace.
The belief is that violence as an arbitrator in
politics has been carried
into an era where the state has transformed itself
in various stages and
convulsions of cataclysmic dislocations. Remember
Gukurahundi,
Murambatsvina, the violent land reform programme and of course
the June 2008
presidential run-off.
However, Zimbabwe is not the
only country where violence was used as an
instrument of coercion. Nothing
can be worse than apartheid and violence
associated with the same, and yet
post-Independent South Africa has shied
away from violence as a political
instrument.
The difference in my view is leadership and the quality
of leadership in the
two countries. Despite its faults and weaknesses,
former South African
president Nelson Mandela foresaw, a long time ago, the
importance of both
peace and nation building in a democratic South
Africa.
That is why he was able to rise above whatever personal
bitterness that he
may have had against the apartheid regime of robbing him
of 27 years of his
life and ruining his relationship with his wife and
children.
Mandela recognised the importance of a South Africa in
which everyone is a
shareholder. In the pursuit of his vision, Mandela
realised the obligation
and imperative of a leader in providing that
legacy. Leadership that is not
short term and that is decisive. That is why
in his must-read, Long Walk to
Freedom, he wrote:
“There are
times when a leader must move out from the flock, go off in a new
direction,
confident that he is leading his people in the right way.”
Continued
next week.
Biti is Zimbabwe’s Finance minister and
secretary-general of the MDC-T.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 06 October 2011 17:41
That government is in a
quandary over how to implement its controversial
indigenisation and
empowerment policy is now an open secret.
After years of talk, one would have
expected government to now have a
clear-cut national vision on how it
intends implement its empowerment
policy. But, alas, government appears to
be groping in the dark.
As more and more companies seek to comply
with the indigenisation
regulations, government has been left exposed after
agreeing to alternative
empowerment plans from various companies. Old Mutual
was paraded as a
shining example of how corporate citizens must behave after
the company toed
the government line after months of threats from
Indigenisation and
Empowerment minister Saviour Kasukuwere.
In as
much as the programme is a national priority, it is clearly
inconsistent,
suggesting it is not well-planned or there are ulterior
motives behind
it.
While only a few question the necessity of the programme, it has become a
haven for politicking with contradictory stances by cabinet ministers in the
unity government, resulting in varying and confusing positions on
empowerment.
Such discord in government points to lack of clear
position on policy.
Instead of ensuring the success of empowerment,
there is an underlying
battle for control of the programme. Who should be
approving proposals? Is
it the Indigenisation ministry or the National
Indigenisation Economic
Empowerment Board?
It is increasingly
clear that the board is a mere blip on the radar with the
ministry and
Kasukuwere running the show after assuming all roles and
responsibilities of
the board.
The nation should be wary of the programme being hijacked
by corrupt people
who may have personal agendas like gaining political
mileage in the face of
possible elections next year.
As we have
previously maintained, the indigenisation policy should have
checks and
balances to stop abuse for personal enrichment.
Why is there lack of
consistency in such an important national programme
which has the potential
to affect industry and much of the private sector?
Zimbabwe is struggling to
emerge from economic melancholy with unemployment
levels are as high as
70%. This is not the time to be playing Russian
roulette with the
economy.
The country should take stock of the land reform programme,
which only
benefited the well-connected few — mostly politicians — their
relatives and
a negligible percentage of the general population which is
struggling to
make the land productive.
As a result the masses
have remained poor and congested in colonial
resettlement areas post-land
reform.
Lessons from the land reform debacle must remain alive to ensure that
Zimbabwe achieves its set economic targets and is not waylaid by populist
rhetoric come electioneering time.
Government must come up with a
clear-cut position on what it expects from
companies. We have seen company A
cutting a deal with the ministry and
company B doing the same. Zimplats is
surrounded by predators.
One wonders what card government is playing?
The current drive is marred
with confusion and can be viewed as a way of
engendering further mayhem.
A perfect example is of Old Mutual which was
publicly threatened by
Kasukuwere that it would face the wrath of government
if it did not comply,
only for a deal to be struck at the eleventh
hour.
Strangely, Kasukuwere’s ministry found itself with a 2,5%
equity worth US$10
million without a plausible explanation as to why Old
Mutual had been that
generous.
The private sector should not be
fooled by the acceptance of their proposals
by government officials.
Business should remember what happened to members
of the Commercial Farmers
Union who privately negotiated deals with
politicians during the land reform
exercise.
Those farmers are still counting their losses to this
day.
The private sector, and indeed the entire nation, must demand a
clear policy
from government which is consistent with the provisions of the
Indigenisation Act and other laws of the country so as to avoid unnecessary
confusion.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 06 October 2011
17:39
Constantine Chimakure
SOUTH African President Jacob Zuma’s
facilitation team is expected in
Zimbabwe next week. Top of its agenda is
the finalisation of the roadmap to
free and fair elections. Expectations are
high that it will shed light on
the dark corners that are the envisioned
elections next year.
The three parties in the shaky inclusive
government, Zanu PF and the two MDC
formations, have since agreed on most of
the issues regarding the roadmap.
They now need to come up with feasible
time lines leading to the
much-awaited elections slated either for next year
or 2013.
While there seems to be progress in the convoluted political
negotiations,
our optimism that the three parties will implement the tenets
of the roadmap
with vigour and dedication is tempered by experience. The
people of Zimbabwe
feel betrayed by Zanu PF and the two MDC formations who
have failed before
to operationalise what they have agreed on. We have seen
that with these
three bed fellows, it is one thing for them to agree and
quite another
matter to implement what has been agreed on.
The
three parties have failed to consummate fully the Global Political
Agreement
(GPA) they signed in September 2008, which gave birth to their
marriage of
convenience in February 2009. The failure to implement
outstanding issues of
the GPA was largely a result of Zanu PF’s
intransigence and also leadership
ineptitude on the party of the main
formation of the MDC led by Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai.
In a letter dated August 5, 2010 penned
by Deputy Prime Minister Arthur
Mutambara on behalf of President Robert
Mugabe and Tsvangirai to Zuma, the
principals said they had agreed on 24
outstanding issues of the GPA and the
implementation matrix. However, to
date the implementation process has
remained a dead letter and is gathering
dust.
Mugabe has repeatedly refused to appoint provincial governors
from the MDC
formations despite being mandated do so as part of the
GPA.
Despite agreeing to media reforms, Mugabe and Zanu PF have ensured that
the
national broadcaster, ZBC, maintains its archaic
monopoly.
The land audit, which would have brought sanity and
accountability to the
land issue, remains a pipedream. The efforts of the
National Organ on
Healing and Reconciliation have been rendered useless as
incidences of
violence across the country continue
unabated.
These few examples of the outstanding issues of the GPA beg
the question:
what will change now with the roadmap? The MDC-T has failed
dismally to
continue to push for the implementation of outstanding issues.
The sticking
points are no longer on their radar. They have joined the
election roadmap
campaign, even though it is as clear as day that — without
real reforms —
the future of the party and the country is
bleak.
What we have noticed over the past year is that the three
political parties
have rarely spoken about these outstanding issues. Their
focus has been
shifted to the roadmap. It seems our rulers are now more
concerned with the
end-state (the elections) instead of processes. This is
called fallacy of
composition.
Without preamble, there should be a full
consummation of the GPA: media,
electoral and legislative reforms; security
sector reforms; and a well
thought out national healing
programme.
How do we go into an election with a security sector
not subservient to the
electorate and which threatens to subvert the will of
the people? How can we
have an election in a scenario where the mechanisms
of the transfer of power
remain vague? How can we have a partisan
public-owned broadcaster which
shamelessly churns out hate speech and
props-up one political party at the
expense of others?
Explanations are
required.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 06
October 2011 17:35
Itai Masuku
GIVEN the results that have been
reported in the just ending June earnings
season one can see that there are
signs that the economy is improving,
albeit very slowly. Of course, one
risks having brickbats thrown at them for
making such a statement. But to
again quote John Naisbit of the Megatrends
fame, things do happen, only a
bit more slowly.
So what are these improvements? Let’s begin at the
beginning. In much the
same way as colonial history tends to portray as
though everything in
Zimbabwe began only in 1890, in our case, everything
begins in February
2009, upon the adoption of the multicurrency system that
is now commonly
referred to as dollarisation.
The actual
position is that we are in a multicurrency system, where in the
Matabeleland
economy, the rand is more in use than the US dollar. But again,
just like
the politics of the country, what happens in that region does not
matter, so
we shall stick to the term dollarisation. Upon dollarisation,
there was
hardly US$500 000 in the banking system. As we now know, there is
now US$3
billion plus and indications are that this continues to rise.
The second
positive is that we have generally had price stability, with the
annual rate
of inflation remaining below 5%, having averaged 3% in the early
dollarisation period.
This is truly commendable, moreso if one
considers that for a long time the
struggle was to achieve single digit
inflation. Our Gross Domestic Product
has been growing by more than 5% per
annum, though one prefers to look this
more as economic recovery than
growth. There has definitely been a steady
increase in aggregate consumer
demand as reflected by the improving sales by
retailers.
Yes, the
margins are not what some of the retailers may desire, but there is
clearly
demand. In terms of the general retail for the low income bracket,
the
pattern is shifting from huge stores to what one may term boutiques,
small
little shops with hardly 10 square metres, evidence of Chinese and
Nigerian
influence. Owners of buildings have responded to this trend by
reconfiguring
their buildings to fit these little shops. Demand for these
boutiques is so
high that owners charge up to US$20 000 goodwill just to
rent the shop, and
monthly rentals on thereof.
In terms of investor activity, the
Zimbabwe Stock Exchange, the barometer
for such incoming investment has had
foreigners accounting for 70% of trade,
until they began to pull out in
reaction to indigenisation laws. In terms of
employment, well, again one
risks a tonne of bricks falling on them but the
fact is there have been more
jobs created in the informal sector. Others may
say this is no good, we need
more formal jobs. Well, try telling that to the
man who guards my car when I
go to Julius Nyerere Way; he’s been living off
that since I knew him as boy
in the mid 1990s.
Clearly the way forward in terms of employment in
this country is the
informal sector and the small and medium enterprise
sector. However, the
biggest letdown is the lack of infrastructure
development to support the
growing economic activity in the country. This
lack of infrastructure is
holding back growth, or rather, recovery. The
much talked about Public
Sector Investment Programme has never taken off as
all subsequent
governments in this country have been running yawning
deficits caused by
heavy recurrent expenditure.