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Mugabe orders Biti to budget for polls

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Friday, 10 September 2010 09:33

PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe has unexpectedly ordered Finance minister Tendai
Biti to set aside a staggering $200 million in his forthcoming national
budget to be delivered in November for fresh elections next year.

Biti confirmed that he met Mugabe on Tuesday and was given an instruction to
reserve funds for the referendum and fresh elections.

Biti said this means he has to make a special provision of US$100 million
for the referendum on the draft constitution and another US$100 million on
new elections in his budget.

Parties in the inclusive government agreed that they would hold fresh
elections after the constitution-making process with or without a new
constitution.

The plebiscite on the draft constitution is likely to be held early to mid
next year if the current chaotic constitution-making process does not drag
on for much longer, while no one knows when new elections would be staged.
Mugabe did not reveal to Biti on Tuesday when fresh elections would be held.

"We have got other challenges that are unique to this budget," Biti told
business executives on Wednesday at a breakfast meeting organsised by the
Zimbabwe Independent and Ernst & Young. "We have got the key issue of the
referendum that electoral experts are advising me will cost US$100 million
to run. A referendum is an election.

"Then when is the date of the next election? I went yesterday (Tuesday) and
spoke to President Mugabe. I asked him the date of the next election.The
long and short of it is that I don't know but the fact of the matter is that
I am going to budget for the election next year. That means that US$200
million is already gone in an economy such as this one, which is a disaster
if you ask me purely from a fiscal policy point of view. Whether it happens
or not, I don't know but I have to adopt a multi-layered fiscal policy
statement."

Mugabe's directive - which reveals his unflinching determination to have
fresh polls next year whatever the electoral environment - is likely to
cause a political uproar in government, mainly in parliament, and in civil
society given that Treasury is broke.

It is not clear why Mugabe is pushing for elections. There are reports that
he is rushing for elections to secure another term before his health
deteriorates.

Yesterday Mugabe (86) refused to go into details about his health in an
interview with Reuters but said only God could decide matters of life and
death. A Reuters Harare correspondent, however, described Mugabe as
appearing "fit and lively for his age". This comes after persistent rumours
that his health is failing.

Mugabe did not tell Reuters whether he planned to stand in the next
elections or not. However, he is on record as saying he would stand if "the
people" say so.

The order by Mugabe for Biti to set aside US$200 million for elections at a
time when civil servants are being paid peanuts and school children are
failing to attend classes due to lack of fees could provoke a storm of anger
among the public.

Government is failing to pay civil servants, provide adequate social
services and rebuild the economy due to lack of money. Civil servants earn
between US$150 and US$250 a month. Treasury is already under intense
pressure to meet government expenditures, civil servants salaries and
deliver basic social services.

Government is desperately looking for US$10 billion to rebuild the economy
ruined by Mugabe's failed leadership and disastrous policies. Since last
year, government has only been able to get barely US$2 billion from donors,
bilateral partners and multilateral institutions. Big multilateral
institutions are still unable to give Zimbabwe funding due to policy
differences and financial restrictions imposed by the United States and
European Union.

Zimbabwe, still recovering from the devastation caused by hyperinflation
which topped 500 billion percent in 2008 and a US$6,7 billion debt overhang,
is also unable to borrow because of its poor credit rating and serious
sovereign risk.

Currently, Zimbabwe is trying to get funding from neighbouring countries.
Last week Zimbabwe managed to secure a US$70 million line of credit from
Botswana. Biti is also negotiating for a R2,7 billion overdraft facility and
a R500 million line of credit with South Africa.

Biti said from purely a financial point of view Mugabe's directive to
reserve US$200 million was a "disaster". He said there was no "fiscal space"
for such a huge expenditure on elections.

Mugabe's spokesman George Charamba said he had not heard about the new drive
for elections. "I haven't heard about it," he said in an interview
yesterday.

Tsvangirai's spokesman James Maridari said he could not deal with the issue
and referred questions to MDC-T spokesman Nelson Chamisa who said he was not
aware of the latest development of elections.

Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara and MDC-M secretary-general Welshman
Ncube were not available for comment.

However, a row has of late been brewing within the inclusive government over
the timing of the next elections and the level of Sadc's involvement in any
such polls. Regional leaders are increasingly viewing fresh free and fair
elections as the way out of Zimbabwe's decade-long political stalemate.

Mugabe has made it clear that he wants early elections with or without a new
constitution. Mugabe's position, which he reflected at the recent Sadc
summit in Namibia, is that elections should immediately follow the
referendum on the draft new constitution whose crafting is underway.

The process is expected to be completed in the first quarter of next year
despite that it is dogged by lack of proper organisation and leadership and
financial problems. The process is also not inclusive nor cohesive.

The Global Political Agreement (GPA) provides a framework for a new
constitution led by the three political parties in the arrangement which
should lay the basis for future credible elections and political stability.

Tsvangirai wants elections but believes Sadc, guarantors of the GPA, should
play a central monitoring role.

South African President Jacob Zuma flagged the issue of elections in
Zimbabwe at the recent Sadc summit, demanding that Harare must ensure future
polls were free and fair, not dispute again.

Mutambara has said while elections were crucial, what was important at the
moment was to fully implement the GPA and create conditions for free and
fair elections, instead of harping on about polls when the situation on the
ground had not changed much.

By Dumisani Mule
 


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Tsvangirai hints at re-unification of MDC factions

http://www.swradioafrica.com/

By Lance Guma
10 September 2010

Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai used a panel discussion in Harare on
Thursday to hint at possible attempts to re-unite the two MDC formations,
which split acrimoniously in October 2005.

Addressing a forum organized by the Mass Public Opinion Institute,
Tsvangirai said; 'Any split is regrettable. There is no objection for the
MDC to come together again but it takes two to tango. If there is an
opportunity for an election pact, that would be considered. They are not our
enemies, get me right. Those who split and formed another MDC are not our
enemies.'

The MDC split in 2005 over differences centered on whether to participate in
senate elections or not. To avoid a bitter dispute over the use of the "MDC"
name in the 2008 elections, the larger faction led by Tsvangirai called
itself the MDC-T while the smaller formation led by Arthur Mutambara
retained the MDC name. Both sides traded insults as the political
campaigning got under way.

In 2006 Tsvangirai made attempts at re-uniting the parties and asked current
Water Resources Minister, Sam Sipepa Nkomo, to chair a committee that was
meant to drive re-unification talks. Although both party leaders Tsvangirai
and Mutambara agreed there was 'no substitute for unity' the talks were
eventually torpedoed by hardliners in both factions who were not interested
in unity.

SW Radio Africa spoke to Deputy Prime Minister Mutambara on Friday to get
his reaction to Tsvangirai's comments. He said he was at the World Economic
Forum in China and wanted to focus on that. He however promised to give his
response to the overture from Tsvangirai when he goes back to Zimbabwe in a
weeks time.

With a revived ZAPU led by Dumiso Dabengwa eyeing votes in Matabeleland
analysts say it will not help Tsvangirai's cause to have the Mutambara MDC
tapping votes from the same area. While both ZAPU and the MDC-M
realistically cannot upstage the MDC-T, any support they get will split
votes and help ZANU PF. There is also Simba Makoni's Mavambo party to factor
into the equation.

While Tsvangirai needs unity to shore up votes in the presidential race, the
MDC-M needs a unity pact to arrest the growing number of defections from the
party. In one instance they had to expel 3 MP's, accusing them of actively
campaigning for Tsvangirai's party. Over the last twelve months at least 27
councillors in Nkayi North and South jumped ship while another 7 councillors
in Bulilima resigned from the party. In Mashonaland Central 39 party members
also announced they had joined the MDC-T.

But political commentator Bekithemba Mhlanga shot down any chance of the two
MDC formations coming together. He said the bitter sniping between the two
sides after the last SADC summit and the death of Gibson Sibanda proved that
there were 'more differences than commonalities.' He described Tsvangirai's
talk of unity as mere 'political posturing.'

Meanwhile ZANU PF's 86-year old leader Robert Mugabe used an interview with
Reuters news agency to signal his intention to stand as candidate in the
next elections and to dispel rumours of his ill health. Asked when he will
step down he said; 'My time will come, but for now, 'no'. I am still fit
enough to fight the sanctions and knock out (my opponents).'

Analysts warned that Zimbabwe has to prepare itself for a Mugabe
life-presidency.
Already for most Zimbabweans Mugabe has been the president the whole of
their lives.


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No to unity - Ncube

http://www.dailynews.co.zw

By Staff Reporter
Friday, 10 September 2010 17:07

HARARE - Welshman Ncube, secretary general of the smaller Arthur
Mutambara-led Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), has dismissed Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai's public overtures for their two factions to
unite.

He argues that Tsvangirai's statement on unity was aimed at destroying his
faction.

Ncube said his MDC faction will not read much into Tsvangirai's comments
suggesting the possible re-opening of talks with his erstwhile comrades
ahead of Zimbabwe's next elections.

Speaking at a panel discussion in Harare Thursday evening, Tsvangirai all
but cleared the path for a possible resumption of talks with the splinter
faction ahead of the next poll, saying the two parties have never been
enemies.

But Ncube said Tsvangirai's public comments were insincere saying the MDC
leader's alleged intransigence has torpedoed past attempts by the two
parties to reunite.

"They (MDC-T) are  insincere. Their behaviour on the ground speaks for
itself," Ncube told the Daily News.

Ncube, who is being accused of having engineered the split by the party in
October 2005, accused Tsvangirai's MDC of fuelling tensions within his
embattled MDC formation.

"Attempts have been and are still being made to destroy our party," Ncube
said.

"The reasons that led to the MDC split are a matter of public record.

"That they have persistently undermined our party is a matter of public
record. That they have approached our MPs behind the backs of the MDC (M)
leadership elected at congress is also a matter of public record."

Ncube refused to comment on whether his party will turn away any proposals
of a reunion by the Tsvangirai faction saying such decisions were the
preserve of his party's decision making organs.

The smaller faction of the MDC battling to contain continued defections from
its ranks with party functionaries rejoining the Tsvangirai led MDC.

Critics say by failing to bury their differences, the two MDC's squandered
the biggest ever opportunity to unseat Zanu PF during the March 2008 poll.

A combined vote by the two would have surpassed Zanu PF's vote and
terminated President Ro0bert Mugabe's three decade long stranglehold on
power.


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Six American Doctors Arrested

http://news.radiovop.com/

10/09/2010 19:40:00

Harare, September 10, 2010 - Police on Thursday arrested six American
HIV/AIDS doctors at a Harare College where they were administering drugs to
people suffering from the dIsease.

The doctors comprising five males and a female doctor had been working in
Zimbabwe for many years and were even given a farm to operate from in Mutoko
at a place now known as Mother Faith Mission.

Their lawyer Jonathan Samkange confirmed the arrest on Friday afternoon.

"I can confirm that the police arrested the six doctors at Ranche House
College in Harare but they haven't charged them," said Samkange.

"The doctors have been working in Zimbabwe for a long time now on HIV/AIDS
projects and have a lot of patients most of whom are AIDS orpans. They are
in police custody at Harare Central Police Station."

The American doctors also operate an AIDS clininc in Hatfield Harare.

Samkange queried why the police went on to arrest the doctors and put them
in custody without charging them.

"They were arrested yesterday (Thursday) and I am wondering why the police
did not charge them and there is no complainant. The Ministry of Health
officials even vouched for them. Their work in Zimbabwe is well known. I
shall only be able to bring them to court after the mandatory 48 hours in
custody that the police  are allowed to keep suspects," he said.
 


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Zimbabwe's Robert Mugabe bans Freshlyground music group over 'chicken' song

http://www.telegraph.co.uk
 
The government of Zimbabwe has banned South African band Freshlyground over a Spitting Image-style music video which portrays its ageing president Robert Mugabe as a chicken afraid to relinguish power.
 

The band, which is made up of South Africans, Zimbabweans and Mozambicans and has a pan-African following, was due to perform a concert at the Wild Geese Lodge in the capital Harare next month.

But this week, Zimbabwe's Immigration Department revoked its working visas without explanation, just days after the launch of the "chicken to change" song. 

The song and accompanying video is the result of a collaboration between Freshlyground, best known for performing the World Cup anthem Waka Waka with Shakira, and controversial cartoonist Jonathan Shapiro, most recently in hot water for portraying South African president Jacob Zuma as "raping" Lady Justice.

It opens by hailing the Zimbabwean president as a "supernova" who pledged to faithfully reflect his people's wishes when Zimbabwe won its independentce from Britain in 1980.

It goes on to condemn him for clinging on to power for 30 years and urges him to "become the hero he used to be" by stepping down.

"You promised always to open the doors for us. Indeed it is you and only you who sleeps with the key. You are chicken to change," lead singer Zolani Mahola sings, as Mugabe, in a puff of feathers, transforms into a poultry version of his former self in the back of his presidential limo.

The rooster is a symbol of Mugabe's Zanu-PF but the chicken has also become emblematic of poverty in Zimbabwe, where fowl were sometimes given in return for change when spiralling inflation meant that basic foodstuffs were often bought for several billion Zimbabwean dollars.

The song also features Zuma chatting up women in a shebeen, observed by a disapproving wife, while Mandela and Tutu, both of whom have retired from public life, play dominoes in the background.

Thierry Cassuto, the executive producer of ZA News, the satirical news programme that features Zapiro's latex puppets and created the music video, said the "chicken for change" was not a protest song but an appeal to Mugabe's conscience.

"We knew that if there was someone watching in Harare who didn't have a sense of humour, they wouldn't have liked it," he said.

"People can read their own meanings into this video. It's a pity that Freshlyground have had their permits cancelled because they are popular in Zimbabwe. What kind of a threat does this song really represent?"

An immigration official confirmed the cancellation of the group's working visas to Radio Voice of the People in Zimbabwe but said the department was not obliged to give its reasons.

"Yes we cancelled the visas for that music group," Evans Siziba, an immigration official, was quoted as saying.

Sarah Barnett, Freshlyground's spokeswoman, said the concert has now been cancelled and the group were in negotiations with the Harare-based promoter.


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Striking Air Zim pilots given 24-hours to return to work

http://www.swradioafrica.com

By Tererai Karimakwenda
September 10, 2010

The pilots at Air Zimbabwe who have paralyzed the airline since they went on
strike Wednesday morning, have been given a deadline to get back to work.
After conducting a second emergency meeting on Thursday the board decided to
give them just 24 hours to return.

In the state run Herald newspaper Air Zimbabwe chairman Jonathan Kadzura
said: "It must be understood clearly that the industrial action is illegal
and if they do not go back to work inside the 24 hours, legal and
disciplinary action will be taken."

Kadzura also confirmed that negotiations were continuing as hundreds of
travelers remained stranded in Harare and in London. Two planes that were
abandoned on the runway in the capital when the strike began Wednesday have
not been moved and regional flights to South Africa and between Harare and
Bulawayo have been cancelled.

But the pilots are sticking to their demand for increased salaries and are
also demanding full payment of their allowances, which are estimated to be
in the millions of dollars. Board chairman Kadzura told the press that the
airline did not have enough money to pay the 60 pilots their full salaries
of $2,500 per month and they were receiving less than this, but he promised
that they would receive back-wages.

Kadzura also said that the pilots were receiving no less than $1,200 per
month, which he described as a very good salary. He is quoted as saying:
"They are failing to understand that there are people who are earning less
than $200, like civil servants in this country."

Air Zimbabwe pilots are earning much less than the regional average and they
work under the most strenuous of conditions. The planes have few spare parts
and are regularly taken off their normal routing to ferry Mugabe around.

Air Zimbabwe CEO Peter Chikumba on Thursday night said that negotiations
were still going on and nothing had yet been resolved. He is also quoted as
saying that the government, as the main shareholder in the airline, was now
involved in the negotiations.

Our Bulawayo correspondent Zenzele said that the Friday flight to
Johannesburg did not take off and people travelling to South Africa from
Bulawayo are having to go to Harare, then catch other airlines to
Johannesburg.

Zenzele said he had also spoken to cabin crew recently who said they were
unhappy flying because the Air Zimbabwe planes are old and not well
serviced.

"The airline is not making a profit and they are therefore not replacing
some parts. There is always talk of mismanagement and contracts are awarded
to friends. It is run like any other parastatal," said our correspondent.


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Air Zim leases aircraft as strike hits hard

http://www.dailynews.co.zw

By Staff Reporter
Friday, 10 September 2010 08:57

HARARE - Struggling national airline, Air Zimbabwe, was yesterday operating
one aircraft leased from South Africa as it tried to service its stranded
passengers as a result of a strike action by its pilots.

The airline's Chief Executive Officer, Peter Chikomba told the Daily News
Thursday evening that they are still negotiating with the pilots but can
only manage to fly one aircraft leased from a South African company.

"The pilots are still on strike and we are negotiating; at the moment we are
operating one leased aircraft," said Chikumba.

The aircraft is plying the Harare/Johannesburg route and the
Harare/Bulawayo/Victoria Falls route.

The airline's pilots went on strike on Wednesday demanding to be paid their
outstanding salaries and allowances.

The pilots were paid USD $ 7940 a month when the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe
(RBZ) was still subsidising the airline but this was reduced to USD $ 2347
in February when the central bank withdrew its support.

Asked if there is any possibility of a breakthrough in the deadlock with
pilots, Chikumba said, "The reason why we can't pay the pilots is that we
have no money, absolutely no money."
The pilots advised the airline management last month of their intention to
strike if they are not paid their outstanding money.

The warning was however ignored by management and the  Minister of Transport
and Communication Nicholas Goche.

Air Zimbabwe has been tottering on the brink of collapse for a number years
but was often bailed out by the state with the RBZ at one point subsiding it
to the tune of US$ 1 million a day. Currently it is
operating on an overdraft and is suffering loss of business as passengers
shun its old aircraft whose safety is now questionable.

The airline has lost many pilots over the past few years to emerging and
strong Asian airlines which pay attractive remuneration.

Apart from the strike by the pilots, Air Zimbabwe is separately embroiled in
a legal battle with about 400 retrenched workers who are demanding USD $ 1.3
million dollars in severance pay awarded to them
by an independent arbitrator.

Meanwhile,  Air Zimbabwe management threatened pilots with unspecified
action if they do not  return to work within 24 hours.
"It's an illegal act, they did not follow the correct procedures in going on
strike. We have sent notices to all of them to return to work in the
stipulated hours, if they don't they will be charged under the Zimbabwean
laws," said Jonathan Kadzura, the Air Zimbabwe Board Chairman.


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Official blames external forces for Air Zimbabwe pilot strike

http://www.apanews.net/

APA-Harare (Zimbabwe) The head of Zimbabwe's state-owned airline has accused
a "third hand" of being behind a strike by pilots and cabin staff which has
left thousands of passengers stranded since Wednesday.

Air Zimbabwe board chairman Jonathan Kadzura told state television on
Thursday that external forces were behind the industrial action by 44 pilots
and scores of cabin attendants but did not identify the alleged "third hand".

Air Zimbabwe pilots and cabin crew went on strike on Wednesday following a
dispute with their employer over salaries and allowances.

Kadzura gave the striking workers 24 hours to report for duty or face
disciplinary action.

The strike has crippled operations by the beleaguered Air Zimbabwe which has
been forced to cancel most flights.

JN/daj/APA
2010-09-10


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ZMC Seek Clarity Over Opening Of Airwaves

http://news.radiovop.com/

10/09/2010 19:42:00

Harare, September 10, 2010 - THE Zimbabwe Media Commission (ZMC) has
requested a meeting with the Broadcasting Corporation (BAZ) to seek
clarification on delays in opening the broadcasting sector to other private
players.

The Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC) continues to have the monopoly
of the airwaves despite the government of national unity agreed to roll-out
media reforms.

The three principals also agreed to reform the ZBC, which the others
partners in the Government of Nationl Unity (GNU) say is partisan in favour
of Zanu (PF).

ZMC commissioner Matthew Takaona, ZMC commissioner, told a media conference
in Harare, that the commission had resolved to meet with the BAZ board to
seek clarity over the delays in freeing the airwaves.

"One of one mandates as the ZMC is to ensure and promote freedom of the
media and expression," said Takaona.

"At our last meeting we resolved to meet BAZ and a meeting is being sought.
We are worried that not a single licence has been issues," said Takaona,
whose ZMC has licenced seven media houses to start newspapers.

Meanwhile, Nhlanhla Ngwenya, the director of the Media Institute of Southern
Africa-Zimbabwe, said on Friday his non- governmental organisation would
launch its free the
airwaves campaign in Chitungwiza, one of the country's on Saturday as
pressure mounts on the government to liecence independent players.

"The campaign is motivated by the slow-paced manner in which the coalition
government is attending to reforms in the broadcasting sector. Beyond
isolated rhetorical promises of broadcasting reforms there hasn't been
demonstrable commitment to urgently democratise the sector and enhance
access to information and citizen's full participation in the on-going
transitional processes," said Ngwenya.

The state-run ZBC has remained the sole broadcaster operating in the country
despite the 2000 Supreme Court ruling that quashed its broadcasting monopoly
and compelled the authorities to open up the broadcasting sector and instate
a three tier broadcasting system
comprising public, commercial and community broadcasting stations.

Aspiring broadcasters have had to resort to operating from foreign
countries, where they are broadcasting into Zimbabwe through Short Wave and
Medium Wave.

Ngwenya said while the stations, had been condemned as "pirate radios" by
President Mugabe and Zanu (PF) these had become one of the main sources of
alternative information despite being hamstrung by the limited amount of
time they are on air.

"Whereas ZBC is on air 24 hours daily, the stations broadcast for an average
two hours a day. While the principals undertook to reconstitute the
Broadcasting Authority of Zimbabwe within a month of the SADC conference
held in Namibia mid August, it is feared the deadline will lapse - just like
other deadlines the coalition had set in the past.

"Going by past experience, we doubt if there would be wide public
consultations on the reformation of the country's broadcasting sector,
particularly transforming ZBC into a true public broadcaster. The process is
likely to be driven by politicians in their pursuit of partisan interests.
Thus, by embarking on broadcasting campaigns MISA-Zimbabwe hopes to initiate
debate and build public consensus on broadcasting policy reforms."
 


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Cops probe Manyika death, family suspects foul play

http://www.theindependent.co.zw

Friday, 10 September 2010 09:15

POLICE are probing the death of Zanu PF national commissar, Elliot Manyika
after family members queried circumstances surrounding the accident that
claimed his life two years ago, the Zimbabwe Independent has learnt.

Family members who spoke on condition of anonymity for fear of victimisation
said police were requested to investigate the matter after the family
members said the injuries the former Minister Without Portfolio sustained
were not consistent with a road accident and the damages to his car.

Police sources  confirmed that an investigation was opened soon after
Manyika's death in a road accident on the 145km peg along the
Zvishavane-Mbalabala Road on December 6, 2008. He was travelling from Mutare
to Gwanda on a Zanu PF restructuring mission that, if completed, could have
upset some top party officials' leadership ambitions.

The results of the investigation will determine if an inquest into the death
should be launched.

A close family relative said the family long suspected that "a lot was not
adding up in the accident hence the idea to have a more detailed
investigation".
The relative also said just before his death Manyika had received threats on
his life from anonymous people.

"We had a lot of questions that we wanted answered after the accident," one
family member told the Independent this week. "Some of the information we
received was just not tallying. We were not pointing a finger at anyone but
just wanted some answers."

The family member further alleged that villagers in the community where the
accident occurred had raised questions about the conduct of the person who
collected Manyika's body from the scene of the accident.

"The villagers said that someone who claimed to be a doctor arrived at the
scene of the accident and they told the doctor that there was a nearby
hospital which was 45 km away. But he insisted on taking Manyika to
Bulawayo. It just raised questions," said the family member.

The former minister's son, Ronald Manyika, referred questions to the police
while Manyika's brother, Enos Manyika, referred questions to Zanu PF.

Ronald said: "Ask the police about the progress. They are the ones who would
know. Ask them to tell you at what stage the investigations are because they
are the ones who can help you. I cannot say anything more than this."

Efforts to get comment from Manyika's wife Madeline were fruitless.

Police spokesman Wayne Bvudzijena said the probe was normal procedure.

"It is a normal procedure to conduct an investigation when an accident or
sudden death has occurred and this does not need the approval of a family or
relatives," said Bvudzijena. "Investigations are done irrespective of the
status of the person. It is normal that after a sudden death of a person an
investigation follows whose findings will be submitted to the magistrate's
court where a magistrate will make a decision based on the findings."

The family member who spoke to the Independent said the family was initially
divided on whether to pursue investigations, but later approached several
influential Zanu PF officials, some of whom were also opposed to the idea.
Eventually, they approached a service chief who told them that an
investigation would take up to three years.

At the time of his death, Manyika was spearheading a restructuring exercise
which was seen targeting the party's divisive succession issue.
A police source said although it was normal for police to investigate
sudden-death cases, the family insisted that they were suspicious of the
circumstances.

"If someone dies in a car accident or sudden death, then a sudden-death
docket is compiled which, after investigations is submitted to a magistrate
who will determine the cause of the death," said a police source.

"However, during the course of the investigations, the family raised issues
that Manyika's accident was more than just an accident. They suspected that
injuries the politician sustained during the accident were not consistent
with a road traffic accident."

"In addition to that the family initially could not locate Manyika's cell
phone and some of his clothes he had at the time of the accident. However,
they were later handed over to them by the police," said the source.

As part of the investigations, a tyre of the late politician's official
Mercedes Benz car was sent to South Africa for forensic examination.

The police source said the docket on the investigations was yet to be
presented to a magistrate for determination as required by law though
investigations were almost complete.

At the time of his death, there were accusations that Manyika's commissariat
department had failed to mobilise support for Zanu PF, resulting in the
party losing its majority in parliament for the first time since
Independence in the March 2008 general polls.

His restructuring was also seen as targeting a faction with ambitions to
succeed President Robert Mugabe when the 86-year-old eventually leaves the
scene.

The MDC, then an opposition party, on the other hand accused Manyika of
leading Zanu PF's terror campaign.

Enos revealed at the burial of the former minister at the National Heroes
Acre that the family had a premonition of his death.

"He was warned not to go," he said. "He was told he would die if he went to
Gwanda but he refused and maintained that he had a job to do there. Many
people had warned him that if he went to Gwanda he would not come back alive
but he would not listen," he said, without elaborating why and how they had
foretold his death.

Manyika was not the first Zanu PF political commissar to die in a car crash
in recent years.

Border Gezi died in a car accident in April 2001 near Fairfield, about 120
kilometres from Masvingo. He was travelling to Masvingo to address party
supporters and reshuffle the political leadership in the province.

His successor in the portfolio, Moven Mahachi was killed in an accident near
Juliasdale, Nyanga a month later while driving in an all-terrain Land Rover
Discovery.

Fears that managed road accidents have been used in the past to eliminate
political rivals were reinforced when a widow of a top army general
questioned official information that her husband had died from a car
accident.

Widow of the late national hero Brigadier General Armstrong Paul Gunda,
Tatenda, last year sponsored several advertisements in the media insinuating
that Gunda died in suspicious circumstances.

Gunda died in June 2007 when the car he travelling in was said to have been
involved in an accident with a train off the Harare-Marondera Road near
Watershed College.

A board of inquiry set up to investigate the circumstances surrounding his
death -- in terms of the Defence Forces Disciplinary Regulations of 2003-- 
established that there was no foul play.

However, in her advertisements, Gunda's wife insisted that the board of
inquiry misled the public.

The Zimbabwe National Army had to issue a statement expressing concern over
the "unwarranted accusations" over the circumstances of Gunda's death.

Wongai Zhangazha


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Ruinous bank strike averted

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Friday, 10 September 2010 09:13

BANKS and their workers have reached a pay settlement to stop a potentially
devastating financial services sector strike.
The Bank Employers Association and the Zimbabwe Banks and Allied Union
Association (Zibawu) on Tuesday agreed on a pay structure that would result
in workers getting a "14th cheque", according to workers representatives.
Zibawu's strike notification expired yesterday, two days after a settlement
had already been reached.
"A settlement has been reached and we have made communication to our
members. Employers agreed to grant us a 14th cheque which means that our
members will have two bonuses," said Peter Mutasa, the Zibawu president.
Workers had demanded an 80% salary increment.
The compromise came after banks refused to give in to the salary demands,
arguing that they were unsustainable for the sector.
Mutasa said that the employers and the union had agreed on one-off salary
bargaining negotiations each year marking a shift from the quarterly salary
submissions currently in place
Meanwhile, Air Zimbabwe has lost about US$1,8 million in potential revenue
following the cancellation of four return flights because of a pilots
strike.
Pilots stopped work on Wednesday demanding to be paid their outstanding
allowances backdated to February last year.
The strike by 42 pilots has paralysed return flights for the airline's
lucrative Harare-London, Harare-Lubumbashi, Harare-Lusaka and
Harare-Bulawayo routes.
The Harare-Johannesburg routes on Wednesday and yesterday was serviced by a
Fokker 28 with a capacity of 70 people which Air Zimbabwe leased from Air
Aquaria last month after its Modern Ark 60 (MA 60) went for a C-Check.
The national airline yesterday also sought to lease a Boeing 737 from Air
Aquaria to service regional routes.
The potential revenue lost from these flights was US$1 779 832, according to
information obtained from Air Zimbabwe sources who don't want to be named.
These figures do not include meals that Air Zimbabwe had to pay to the
stranded passengers and hotel bills for travellers who had to be booked at
different hotels.
Air Zimbabwe CEO Peter Chikumba yesterday said negotiations were in
progress, adding that he was hopeful an amicable agreement would be reached
soon. But Jonathan Kadzura, Air Zimbabwe's chairman told state television on
Wednesday that the airline could not afford to pay the pilots. Even without
the allowances, pilots were getting between US$1 200 and $2 509  a month.
The pilots are also supposed to get up to US$10 000 in monthly allowances
before tax, according to Chikumba.

Paul Nyakazeya/Bernard Mpofu
 


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Blow to Zimbabwe's cricket future as MCC cancels fact-finding mission

http://www.guardian.co.uk
 

. Foreign Office warns visit would 'send out wrong signals'
. Setback to Zimbabwe's hopes of returning to Test arena

 
andy flower
England coach Andy Flower had asked MCC to explore the reopening of formal links with his home country, Zimbabwe. Photograph: Alan Crowhurst/Getty Images

Zimbabwe's hopes for a return to the international fold have suffered a setback after the cricket establishment followed government advice not to travel there. Marylebone Cricket Club will not even enter the country to conduct a fact-finding mission after receiving advice from the Foreign Office over the "inappropriate" message it would send. A planned tour of Zimbabwe by one of MCC's representative teams is now out of the question until the advice changes.

"There has been insufficient progress in the fundamental issues of political reform to justify sports tours to Zimbabwe by British teams, including county sides," said the sports minister, Hugh Robertson, in a letter to governing bodies through their umbrella organisation, the Sport and Recreation Alliance. "The positive signal such tours would send would not be appropriate."

The government is particularly concerned about the involvement of Peter Chingoka as the head of Zimbabwe Cricket. He has appeared on an international sanctions list and is seen as too close an associate of the discredited president Robert Mugabe to justify the approval of tours to the country. MCC's decision follows Cricket Scotland's cancellation of an Intercontinental Cup fixture there next month and is a blow to Zimbabwean ambitions of returning to Test cricket.

The Lord's fact-finding mission had been due to take place following a request from Andy Flower, the England coach and former Zimbabwe Test player, to explore the reopening of formal links. New Zealand are believed to be due to send their 'A' team there in October, with Australia hosting a Zimbabwe 'A' side next year. This followed South Africa's decision to take the first step, when they warmed up for England's visit last year by hosting their neighbouring state in two one-day internationals.

Earlier this year MCC's head of cricket, John Stephenson, met with David Coltart, Zimbabwe's minister of sport and culture, and Andy Whittall, the former Zimbabwe Test bowler and MCC member. Discussions centred on sending an MCC representative team to Zimbabwe and to conduct further investigations while there.

"We were advised by the government not to go at the present time," said a spokesman for MCC. "We are monitoring the situation as closely as possible in Zimbabwean cricket. As soon as the advice changes we'll act on it very quickly."

Zimbabwe's tour to England last year was cancelled in June 2008 at the request of the then prime minister, Gordon Brown. Since then the progressive Morgan Tsvangirai has become Zimbabwe's prime minister and cricketing figures such as Alan Butcher, the father of the former England opener Mark Butcher, have begun to take up senior coaching posts in the country.

Those developments seemed to point to Zimbabwe's return from pariah status. But with political upheaval in Zimbabwe continuing, the Foreign Office believes sports tours would confer unjustified legitimacy on Mugabe's regime.

Timeline

February 2003
England and Wales Cricket Board pulls England out of World Cup game in Zimbabwe because of fears over the players' safety.

June 2004
International Cricket Council suspends Zimbabwe's Test status for the rest of the year

January 2006
Zimbabwe cricket board bans the team's Test status for the remainder of the year, but announces the side will still play one-day matches.

May 2007
Australian Prime Minister John Howard orders Australia to pull out of a scheduled September tour of Zimbabwe.

June 2008
ECB cancels Zimbawe's tour of England because of continued political unrest.

July 2008
Zimbabwe pull out of 2009 World T20 tournament in England.

July 2008
ICC meets in Dubai to decide whether to ban Zimbabwe but does suspend them.

October 2009
South Africa host Zimbabwe for two one-day internationals.

June 2010
Australia A appear set to host a Zimbabwe A team next year.

July 2010
Following a plea by Andy Flower, the England coach, the MCC will send a 'fact-finding' team to Zimbabwe with the view of re-opening cricketing links.

July 2010
The exiled fast bowler Henry Olonga speaks out: "I think what Zimbabwe needs now is a slow and steady reintroduction to Test cricket."

September 2010
New Zealand A appear set to tour Zimbabwe next month. The Kiwis postponed a tour to the Zimbabwe last year and again this year amid concerns of health and security.



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The race is on for Zim's economy

http://www.mg.co.za

JASON MOYO | JOHANNESBURG, SOUTH AFRICA - Sep 10 2010 17:48

As forced equity sell-offs to black citizens loom, deals collapse and mass
confusion reigns

A politically charged battle for control of Kingdom Meikles Limited (KML), a
merger of old white capital and new black money, is showing how hazy
Zimbabwe's empowerment laws remain, and how tough it will be to implement
the controversial policy.

Whoever wins control of KML will have assets that includes luxury hotels in
Harare, Victoria Falls and Cape Town, a bank, one of the country's top three
supermarket chains -- partly owned by Pick n Pay -- tea plantations,
department stores and a Clicks franchise.

The Kingdom-Meikles deal had raised doubt from the start. It attempted to
blend two very different business cultures: an icon of colonial financial
power founded by Scottish merchants a century ago and a banking group owned
by a charismatic young black banker, Nigel Chanakira. It also sought to fuse
businesses as diverse as hotels, a linen manufacturer and financial
services.

But to some it made sense. It came just as President Robert Mugabe took
steps towards enacting the Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment Act,
under which foreign and white-owned businesses are required to sell majority
shares to black Zimbabweans.

But the merger collapsed as the two sides sought to stamp their identities
on the group. Now, in the legal battle to determine who gets out with what,
the row has deteriorated into a racially and politically charged mud-fight
and is attracting attention from Mugabe and an array of politicians and
pressure groups.

More than just a corporate battle, the KML controversy is giving lessons on
Zimbabwe's empowerment law: nobody knows how the regulations are supposed to
work and the forced sell-offs implied by the law are laying the ground for
more damaging fights over culture and power.

Regulations under the Act force companies valued at US$500 000 and higher to
sell at least 51% to "indigenous Zimbabweans".

The law defines an indigenous Zimbabwean as "any person who, before April 18
1980, was disadvantaged by unfair discrimination on the grounds of his or
her race, and any descendant of such person".

Uncertainty remains as to how the law will be implemented, amid conflicting
messages from the government. While reformers push for a measured approach
of lower equity targets and credits for social investment, radical groups
are pressing for complete takeovers.

In the radical camp are Zanu-PF allies such as the Affirmative Action Group,
the militant black-empowerment outfit that hosted Julius Malema earlier this
year. Last week the group launched a campaign to drive foreigners-- mostly
West African and Chinese traders -- from the low-end grocery business.

For now, though, it appears reformers are gaining ground. Empowerment
Minister Saviour Kasukuwere has had to tone down his tough rhetoric and has
set up committees involving private players to advise on how to apply the
law. A final decision on percentages is expected in February.

The Chamber of Mines wants a 15% local equity target, in exchange for
credits for employee and community share ownership schemes, skills training,
infrastructure and social spending. Kasukuwere has called the proposal
"crazy", but it appears to be gaining support.

To convince the government, mines are scaling up social investment. Alex
Mhembere, head of Implats subsidiary Zimplats, said his company has spent
US$10million on new schools near its mines and is building a US$30million
power substation.

Yet this may still not be enough. David Chapfika, head of a state board that
monitors empowerment, said the credits system was an option, but would be
dropped "if we find it complicating or compromising the goals of
indigenisation".

Confused investors are undecided on how to respond. Rio Tinto's Zimbabwe
unit is spending US$300-million to lift production sixfold at its 300
000-carats-per-year diamond operation, Murowa. But gold producer Falcon Gold
said it had been "paralysed in its operations by the uncertainty over the
indigenisation of the economy".

Zimplats plans to spend an additional US$500-million to lift output to one
million ounces a year, but may have to delay the plan until it is clear on
the law.
Mugabe told a mining conference in May he had "no intention of expropriating
any mine", saying he took "cognisance of the need to promote growth of the
mining industry, which requires new investment, particularly foreign direct
investment".

And yet government has done little else to assure investors.

Last month the government stopped Barclays Zimbabwe from transferring its
custody business to Standard Chartered, saying the deal was illegal. Engen
also saw a US$16-million bid for BP and Shell's Zimbabwe assets blocked on
the grounds that it violated the law.

Engen's Andrew Bryce said Engen will place a revised offer, but he faces
competition from a consortium of well-connected businessmen now also bidding
for the assets.

On the Zimbabwe Stock Exchange, where foreign capital drove a rally last
year, foreigners' contribution to daily turnover has fallen from 60% a month
to less than 20%.


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ZBC ordered to reinstate dismissed journalists

http://www.dailynews.co.zw

By Staff Reporter
Friday, 10 September 2010 17:22

HARARE - An arbitration tribunal has declared illegal, the dismissal of
several Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC) journalists in the run up to
the ill-fated June 2008, and Presidential run-off elections and ordered the
state broadcaster to reinstate them within 14 days.

The arbitration tribunal which was presided over by Madzwiwo Chimhuka,
ordered that former News Editor, Patrice Makova,  executive producers,
Monica Gavela and Sibongikosi Mlilo, as well as reporters Garikai Chaunza
and Robert Tapfumaneyi be reinstated to their former positions without loss
of salary and benefits.

Chimhuka ruled that retrenchment of the journalists should be in terms of
the provisions of the Labour Act Chapter 28:01 Section 12D (1) and (6) and
should be negotiated by the two parties.

He said it is common cause that  the ZBC unfairly and unlawfully dismissed
the journalists by not following proper procedures.

"The respondent (ZBC)  is in my opinion shooting in the dark. The claimants
have not been charged of any misconduct, have been dismissed and the
respondent wants to negotiate a retrenchment package with the claimant when
they are not in employment. This is certainly unacceptable and capricious at
law," reads Chimhuka's judgment.

"It is the opinion of this tribunal that Respondent did not follow the
provision of the Labour Act and the dismissal of the claimant by the
respondent is null and void."

Zimbabwe Union of Journalists (ZUJ) secretary-general, Foster Dongozi
welcomed the ruling, saying the judgment is a lesson to employers that they
should not victimise their subordinates  for doing their work in an ethical
and professional manner.

"ZUJ will continue to stand for the rights of workers. Managers must follow
the law and should  understand that tomorrow, they may also be victims," he
said.

The journalists were represented by prominent labour lawyers, Rodgers
Matsikidze and Author Marara of Matsikidze and Mucheche legal firm, while
ZBC was represented by  Norman Mahori.

Several ZBC journalists among them Makova,  were dismissed in the run-up to
the June 2008 presidential run-off after the government accused them of
providing positive coverage to the then opposition Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) during the March harmonised elections.

The government  also blamed the journalists for contributing  to Zanu PF's
poor showing in the elections.

However, the journalists argued that they were only following the SADC
guidelines and principles governing the conduct of democratic elections
which state that the state media should give equal and fair coverage to all
contesting parties and candidates.


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South Africans An Ungrateful Lot - Biti

http://news.radiovop.com

10/09/2010 16:46:00

Harare-Finance Minister Tendai Biti has castigated the South African
government for threatening to deport all Zimbabweans saying it was unAfrican
and lack of gratitude on the part of the South Africans given the fact that
Zimbabweans had been contributing to its economic growth through providing
labour over the years.

"We are all Africans living  in the same global village and Zimbabwean
labour have   been building the South African economy and rebuilding it.
Also  there is  no African who did  not  fight against Apartheid," he said.

He said it was unfortunate for South Africa to take such a  rigid position,
saying the move was Xenophobic in another way.

"Our people can come back and  we have  no  problems  about that, but the
principle  I am questioning  is  that an African Government can take a
drastic action against an African people. I think that policy needs  to be
re-looked at,"Biti told journalists in Harare  Thursday evening.

South African authorities announced last week that the deportations would
begin as of the 31st December this year, warning that all undocumented
Zimbabweans have until that date to sort out their paperwork. A moratorium
on Zimbabwean deportations was announced in
May last year, at the same time that the South African government announced
it intended giving Zimbabweans a special dispensation permit.

That permit was meant to assist Zimbabweans in regularising their stay in
South Africa, as technically, with the special permit, they no longer had to
apply for refugee status to work or receive support. But that permit was
never rolled out, and the paperwork crisis that
epitomises South Africa's Home Affairs department means most Zimbabweans in
the country remain undocumented.

Thousands  of Zimbabweans  skipped the country  at the peak  of Zimbabwean
political and economic crisis and  went to  regional and international
countries in search  of  better fortunes.
 


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Dabengwa In Door to Door Campaign

http://news.radiovop.com

10/09/2010 19:44:00

Gutu, September 10, 2010-Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU) president
Dumiso Dabengwa is in Gutu rural district where he is making door- to -door
campaigns for the party in early preparation for possible elections next
year.

Dabengwa who has since made it known that he is ready to challenge both
President Mugabe of former ruling party Zanu (PF) and Morgan Tsvangirai of
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC-T) head-on in the next elections, is the
first party president to make home visits campaigns in Masvingo province.

ZAPU national treasurer McDonald Muswere and youth chairman Tichaona Sithole
are among other senior officials taking part in Dabengwa's campaigning spree
in the politically volatile district of Gutu. Gutu is Zimbabwe former vice
president the late Simon Muzenda's home area.

Sithole said the move to visit potential supporters in the comfort of their
homes does not only reflect Dabengwa's humility but also his maturity in the
political pitch.

"A man of the people is seen by going to the people. Dabengwa is a guru in
politics and this is reflected through his interaction with our supporters.
A real leader goes to the grassroots, spend time with the people and get to
know their plight.

"That's what Dabengwa is doing and that is what will distinguish men from
boys come next elections," said Sithole.

Muswere who is also a prominent Masvingo business man said Dabengwa's
gesture is a true testimony that ZAPU is not a regional party. He said
Masvingo has a huge ZAPU following as compared to other provinces.

"We are a national brand. People must not forget that we were the first to
fight for the people's rights in Zimbabwe. Dabengwa's visit is purely a
simple confirmation that this is not a party for Bulawayo," said Muswere.

Dabengwa was officially welcomed in the district by Dhauramanzi family in
Gutu.

Due to reasons which could not be disclosed to press, Sithole said Dabengwa
decided to cancel the press conference which he was supposed to hold in
Masvingo on Friday night.

Though he could not reveal exact number of homesteads or families met,
Sithole, however, said the visit to Gutu was successful.

"Initially, we wanted Dabengwa to meet journalists in Masvingo but
unfortunately due to some reasons that I can not disclose to you, we have
cancelled the press conference. However, I can confirm that our Gutu visit
is a resounding success," Sithole said in a telephone interview.

Neither Sithole nor Muswere could be persuaded to disclose whether ZAPU had
already engaged a campaigning gear.

"Wait and see," is all what Muswere could say.
 


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Hot Seat: (Part 2) Interview with DMP Arthur Mutambara

 http://www.swradioafrica.com/pages/hotseat100910.htm


SW RADIO AFRICA TRANSCRIPT
Apologies for late posting


HOT SEAT: Mutambara says there’s a dearth of leadership in Zimbabwe


BROADCAST: 03 September, 2010

HOT SEAT: (PART 2) Interview with DPM Arthur Mutambara.
In this second part of the Hot Seat interview with the Deputy Prime Minister, Arthur Mutambara explains why the “30 day deadline”, communicated by the SADC Troika to implement the agreed 24 outstanding issues in the GPA, is meaningless. He also comments on reports of internal divisions in his party. Is Secretary General Welshman Ncube challenging Mutambara’s leadership and to what extent has the party been affected by the reported mass defections to the larger MDC-T?

farai maguwu

VIOLET GONDA: This week on the Hot Seat program we bring you the concluding discussion with Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara. Last week Professor Mutambara talked about the controversial GPA letter he wrote allegedly on behalf of the principals to President Zuma of South Africa. He also accuses ZANU PF and the MDC-T of being ‘economical with the truth’ regarding the agreement on governors and sanctions. In this concluding discussion the Deputy Prime Minister gives us his understanding of the reported 30 days deadline announced by the SADC Troika to implement the agreed 24 outstanding issues. He also comments on reports of internal divisions in his party. First I asked him what will happen if the coalition government fails to meet the 30-day deadline.


MUTAMBARA: I think first and foremost already that question is a false question because you are not referring to the SADC communiqué. When you go to the SADC communiqué Violet, there’s no 30 days there indicated, there’s no word elections in the SADC communiqué, that’s another area where we are not being leaders ourselves. SADC is a very sophisticated institution; they do a summit, after the summit they draft what they want to be in the public domain. They draft what they want to be their decisions. If you go to that communiqué you don’t see 30 days written down, you don’t see the word elections written down and it’s for a good reason. If they had said in their communiqué, like they did in Mozambique by the way – in Mozambique they put a deadline. This time if you go to the SADC communiqué there is no 30 days indicated because they know that they will be setting themselves up for failure and creating unnecessary conflicts. 
The 30 days is coming from internal communication we had at the Troika, which actually was never communicated by SADC to the world and you must ask them why didn’t they do that. Ask them – we understand you’ve got a 30-day deadline that Zuma spoke about at the Troika, why is it not in your communiqué? I said this to say this is some of the problems we create for ourselves by when we go into details that are not supposed to be out there according to the institution. The institution of SADC spoke for itself but what leaders then did after the conference was to go out and give out what they felt was the SADC position. In other words I’m simply saying to you, it’s a false question because I can tell you given what happened after Maputo, that 30-day number is a meaningless number and that’s why it’s not in the SADC communiqué.


GONDA: So Professor, you are saying there is no 30-day deadline to implement the 24 outstanding issues?


MUTAMBARA: It was discussed but it is not in the SADC communiqué. Did you see it in the SADC communiqué?


GONDA: It was discussed by who?


MUTAMBARA: It’s in the Troika, but I’m just trying to encourage you to respect SADC as an institution. In the SADC communication to the world, they did not give that 30-day.


GONDA: So what does that mean then…?


MUTAMBARA: It means it is not an important number. Ask them, I think I can’t speak for them, I think I must respect that.


GONDA: Yes but as government, does this mean you’re not going to work within the 30-day deadline as discussed by the Troika…?


MUTAMBARA: We’re going to do it, we’re going to do it as an internal deadline, we’re going to do it as people who believe in the urgency of now but I’m trying to encourage you as a media practitioner, I’m trying to encourage you as a Zimbabwean to say don’t create positions for institutions. SADC as an institution did not give you that 30 days. Where did you get it from?


GONDA: But Professor that’s why we are discussing this. You mentioned that the Troika discussed the 30-day deadline, so I’m asking you as government, what does this mean to you? What happens if nothing has not been implemented within the 30 days…?


MUTAMBARA: We keep working. Remember we went to Maputo and we were given a deadline and it was six months later before it was accomplished, We keep working. Work in progress.

GONDA: So basically it’s just business as usual because so far …


MUTAMBARA: Yah but I’ve tried to encourage you to say, why don’t you have a conversation with the SADC Secretariat or the SADC leadership and ask them – we heard that you had this 30-day in your Troika discussions, why is it not in your communiqué? It means it is not an important number OK? Nothing will happen in 30 days and let’s not create unnecessary crisis, you know that’s what I’m trying to say – let’s work together, let us cooperate with each other, let us realise that we need each other. Zimbabweans across the board must put national interest before self-interest. ZANU PF, MDC-T, our party, we must all work together and create a new Zimbabwe in terms of our society, in terms of our politics, in terms of our economy. We are going to sink or swim together.


GONDA: You mentioned the Roy Bennett, Johannes Tomana and Gideon Gono issue, if there’s still a stalemate on those three issues, what does it actually mean in terms of the progress of the unity government?


MUTAMBARA: You know the best way to answer that is by concentrating on the 24 and doing them. No if we were to completely implement the 24 and do them judiciously, expeditiously, efficiently, effectively, they will make the three totally unimportant and totally non-consequential. They always remain, and by the way, they must be solved but if we were to resolve the 24 in terms of implementation, it will take the sting away from the three that are problematic. In fact it will resolve some of the issues you’ve been asking me – media reforms, electoral reforms – but those are agreed. So my answer to you is, let’s concentrate on the areas where there is agreement and do those things and try to find each other in those three. If we were to implement the 24, the three would become less painful to suffer.


GONDA: And Professor Mutambara it has been reported that your power base is under threat internally. Can you talk to us about this?


MUTAMBARA: No. no. no, when I have commented I have said this is one of the areas people spend a lot of time on irrelevant, unimportant matters. What we establish in our party is called democracy. Our party is a democratic party, our country is a democratic country so we as a party feel that we must now start walking the talk. This means in my party, any individual, any individual has the right to run for any position including the president of the party. Any individual from our party has the right to run for any position in the country, be it to be governor, to be MP, to be senator, to be president of Zimbabwe. We are trying to move away from the politics where certain positions are reserved or sacred and there’s no competition in the party. We are a very democratic party that encourages competition, that wants to walk the talk on democracy and hence that’s why there’s been a lot of discussions on is this one available for this and so on and we’ve been trying to say through our leaders, in particular our Secretary General who has been quoted in the media. The message from our Secretary General is very simple : we are a democratic party and any individual in our party has the right to run for any position. That is democracy. The other message is that any individual in Zimbabwe has the right to run for any position in the country. That is if you want to be an MP, a senator, a governor, or president of Zimbabwe. We want to build a new culture in Zimbabwe and we’re starting at home. Charity begins at home and we’re doing it in our party. Openness, transparency, competition.


GONDA: So is the Secretary General Welshman Ncube challenging your leadership?


MUTAMBARA: But I’ve already answered that. I’m saying that everyone, anyone in our party including the Professor Ncube has the right to run for any position in our party and what is wrong with that? That’s why we’ve said it’s a very interesting debate, it shows that our country has a long way to go because it’s a no-brainer, it’s a non-issue because in any democratic culture that should be permissible. So we are actually saying we are walking the talk, we are a democratic party and our Secretary General, any individual in our party has a right to run for any position including the presidency. And by the way our Congress is about six months, seven months away that’s why we’ve said really we should encourage Zimbabweans to be concentrating on the economy, on the constitution, on national building because those are the bread and butter issues that affect our country but we stand by democratic principles.


GONDA: What about the reports of massive defections from your party? It is reported that at least 35 members of your party have defected to the MDC-M.


MUTAMBARA: Yah we again respect the right of people to associate with whoever they want so if there’s anyone who wants to leave our party, we congratulate them and welcome them to take a move but at the same time, there’s also a lot of propaganda and competition where people plant individuals who are no longer members of the party, who have left the party a long time ago and then they go to the press and announce that they’ve defected and so on. It’s another manifestation of this problem where we are competing too much. This inclusive government time is a time of cooperation. MDC-T, ourselves and ZANU should not be trying to score points against each other – oh ten people have defected from you to me, I’m doing better – this is not the time for that. This is the time for national interest. Look at our students – I call them our students because they came after us – Nick Clegg and David Cameron – the Lib Dems and the Conservatives – they’ve said for five years no competition between the two of them. For five years there’ll be no vote of no confidence in parliament. It’s actually an undemocratic thing to do but what they’re emphasising is that this is the time for cooperation. We are in the same government. Let us not try to score cheap scores against each other. After the inclusive government we can take off the gloves, then go and have a good democratic fight. For now Zimbabweans must concentrate on those things that unite them. Zimbabweans must concentrate on the national interest and de-emphasise their differences and minimise confrontation and competition. This is the time for cooperation in Zimbabwe.


GONDA: Some people say there are deep problems in your party and that with the defections you’ll be left with no party. Can you comment on this?


MUTAMBARA: We don’t comment on meaningless statements and we dismiss that with the contempt that it deserves. I’ve already analysed to you that most of the things you are reporting on are falsehoods peddled by some of our opponents. Fortunately we are in the same government and we are trying to encourage those people who are doing that to say – ‘why don’t you just worry about the country, why are you concerned about my survival, why are you concerned about the survival of my party? Right now it’s not about Mutambara, right now it’s not about MDC-A or MDC-B, right now it’s about Zimbabwe’. To concentrate on what is good for all of us as opposed to pontificating on the demise or lack of it of this or the other political party. Whoever is peddling falsehoods, whoever is feeding in the gutter, must get out of the gutter and be part of the Zimbabwean agenda which cooperation, which is building a new country. I think what is happening in the country, we are all damaged now. We find insults, we find competition, we find bad news more attractive than good news. Why don’t you concentrate on what is positive about our country? Why don’t you concentrate on that which unite us and just ignore the confrontations, to ignore the differences. For the duration of the inclusive government, our concentration is on the country, not parties, not individuals.


GONDA: You mentioned elections earlier on, when are by-elections going to be held because I understand there are a currently ten vacant seats in parliament and six in the senate?


MUTAMBARA: The law of Zimbabwe must be respected and that means that we must carry out those by-elections as prescribed by our laws and I think the Speaker, the president and ZEC must do all that they are supposed to do at law and facilitate the expeditious execution of those by-elections.


GONDA: What about the agreement that you made as the three parties in the inclusive government that there would not be any by-elections…?


MUTAMBARA: No, no, no, no, you are mis-stating it. The agreement was that in the event of a by-election, we don’t contest against each other. So the by-election must still take place and so the agreement says MDC-T, ZANU PF and ourselves don’t contest each other but independents can contest, ZANU Ndonga can contest, Mavambo can contest, ZAPU can contest. So for example in the areas the three for example that we lost, we can put candidates there, what it means is that Tsvangirai and Mugabe cannot put candidates in those areas but ZANU Ndonga can, Mavambo can and ZAPU can and independents can contest. So the agreement we have which is almost a gentlemen’s agreement or lady-like agreement has nothing to do with the constitution. The constitution must be respected and the by-elections must be carried out as per the constitution.


GONDA: So when is the constitution going to be respected?


MUTAMBARA: Well I think I’ve given you the authorities on that subject – it’s the Speaker, it’s ZEC, it is the president so we can do our part to ensure that those three institutions and persons carry out the requirements of the constitution.


GONDA: And a final word Professor.


MUTAMBARA: Well as we bury Gibson Sibanda, a great Zimbabwean, a national hero, a hero of heroes, a soldier of soldiers, a leader of leaders we must take a step back and be reflective and say what is it that this man stood for when he fought in the liberation struggle, smuggling weapons between Zambia and Rhodesia, when he was detained in Hwahwa and Marondera, what is it that he stood for? In the labour movement when he toiled and worked hard with the ZCTU what was it that was driving him? When he was part of the formation of the MDC what is it that drove him? As the leader in this government, as part of the national healing and reconciliation what is it that Sibanda stood for and wanted for Zimbabwe? When we answer those questions we realise that we must embrace each other, we must find each other. Gibson Sibanda was a great stabilising force, Gibson Sibanda was a great unifier. Let us be united so that the death of Sibanda is not in vain. Let us give respect to Sibanda by closing ranks across the political divide and drive our Zimbabwean national interest and work together towards the creation of a peaceful, prosperous and democratic nation.
If we do not use this opportunity of the inclusive government to create common frameworks in our country, a new constitution, a new national vision, a new brand for our country, a new values system – if we don’t do this we would have let down brother, father, fellow Zimbabwean Gibson Sibanda.

Since we have discussed other matters let me give a parting shot again to encourage all of us to work together. The people in the Diaspora for example as I’ve indicated elsewhere, you don’t have to be in Zimbabwe to make a difference. You can do it from wherever you are in terms of ideas on the constitution, ideas on reforms in the country, in terms of being an advocate for investors to come to Zimbabwe, in terms of linking up the institutions in the country to investors, linking institutions in the country to knowledge, to other institutions, networks, remittances. We want to make sure that Zimbabweans wherever they are, in the country, in the Diaspora are working towards a collective Zimbabwean national interest. We in the country as we craft a new constitution must also make sure that the Diasporian concerns like voting rights, allowing the Diaspora to vote in our elections must be worked on. Allowing dual citizenship for the people in the Diaspora must be done so that we leverage the Zimbabweans in the country, we leverage Zimbabweans in the Diaspora, we are one big family, let us work together, let us concentrate on what is uniting us. We must all step up to the plate and be counted. We must become the change we seek to see in Zimbabwe. We must become masters of our own destiny. If we don’t, future generations will never forgive us. So it’s incumbent on all of us to step up to the plate and create a new Zimbabwe, a peaceful, prosperous and democratic Zimbabwe, that’s our mandate.


GONDA: That was the Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara speaking to us on the programme Hot Seat. Thank you very much Professor Mutambara.


MUTAMBARA: You’re welcome.

Feedback can be sent to violet@swradioafrica.com





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A Long Dry Season

http://www.ipsnews.net/

By Ignatius Banda

MBERENGWA, Zimbabwe, Sep 9, 2010 (IPS) - Headmaster Njabulo Mpofu has
weathered long dry spells before, but the water troubles affecting his
school in the arid Midlands region of Zimbabwe are severe.

Experts say the water table is receding in the Midlands Province, with
groundwater disappearing deeper into the earth, threatening the lives of
both humans and livestock.

This is where the devastating 1990s drought saw skeletal cattle roaming the
scorched earth in search of water, while some villagers fled to the cities.

The continuing water scarcity, Mpofu says, has forced school children to
invest time in fetching water instead of attending classes, with villagers
also devoting more and more of their day to looking for water from new
sources further from their homes.

Mberengwa is one of many communities in rural Zimbabwe that is feeling the
impact of low rainfall in a country where the supply of clean water to both
rural and urban populations remains a huge challenge.

According to a 2004 MDG assessment, access to clean and safe drinking water
in Zimbabwe's rural areas declined from 75 percent in 1999 to 68 percent in
2003.

While many in rural areas have long relied on groundwater - boreholes are a
familiar part of the infrastructure for schools like Mpofu's - it is
becoming increasingly difficult to draw on this vital resource amid
challenges of both poor rainfall and poor groundwater exploration.

Even though millions across the region rely on groundwater, the Southern
African Development Community's Water Division says there is generally poor
understanding in communities of how to manage this hidden resource.

SADC'S Groundwater and Drought Management Project conducted a baseline
survey in 2008 addressing groundwater issues in member states. It found that
despite the acknowledged potential of groundwater use to improve rural water
supply, its invisibility leads to a lack of sound decisions and resource
allocation that could lead to its improved use, development and management.

Sobona Mtisi, a researcher officer with the UK's Overseas Development
Institute (ODI) says what has made it difficult to harness groundwater in
the arid Midlands region and other parts of Zimbabwe is that this resource
is not as readily available as previously thought.

There is growing recognition of falling water table levels caused by reduced
groundwater recharge from rainfall, Mtisi told IPS, but groundwater remains
a practical option - where underground geology permits: "Groundwater can be
harnessed from only 25 percent of the surface area in Zimbabwe as the other
75 percent is composed of hard rocks which make it difficult to extract
ground water," he said.

Mtisi however added that rural water woes like that affecting headmaster
Mpofu's school and surrounding villages can be adequately addressed through
clear policies that seek to provide long term solutions.

"Putting in place an effective policy and institutional framework that
promotes equitable access to water for different users to enhance long term
access to water," Mtisi said. "[The] provision of low-cost water supply
technology could enable people living in arid and semi-arid areas to harness
water to points where they need it."

For Mpofu's rural school, life could be set to get even tougher with recent
projections by the country's meteorological department that this could yet
be another drought year.

It is only when schools are closed for the term when pupils get a respite
from their water fetching errands, teachers here say.

The drought threatens big urban centres as well. The Bulawayo municipality
last month reported that the city's supply dams were dangerously low because
of poor rainfall, despite previous projections that the last rains had seen
inflows enough to last the city for another three years.

In the past, acute water shortages have forced schools to close amid fears
of waterborne diseases like cholera.

Mberengwa villagers say they have been appealing for a dam to be built as a
long term solution.

"It is painful for us when there are rains but all is lost to run-off when
it could be saved by the dam," said villager Titus Mguni.

"Our water problems are as old as the hills but we survive all the same."

But dams demand money, and in a country where many development projects have
been stalled because of lack of funds, this could mean the underground water
will not be harnessed for use during dry years anytime soon.

Meanwhile, in the quiet Mberengwa hills desperate schools and villages
continue their search for oases of hope.

"The right to water for poor people should be enshrined in the country's
Water Act, to ensure that the State makes it a priority to provide water to
poor people," Mtisi said.
 


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Harvesting Water to Save Crops and Lives

http://www.ipsnews.net/

By Isaiah Esipisu

NAIROBI, Sep 10, 2010 (IPS) - Peter Kivuti, a 51-year-old farmer from
Eastern Kenya, never relied on meteorological weather predictions all his
life - until three years ago. It was then that rainfall in the region become
less predictable.

Like other farmers from Rwanguondu village, Kivuti trusted the traditional
methods of weather prediction, which had been used by his forefathers for
ages.

"Since I was a small boy, I knew that it was going to rain heavily on March
25, every year. This meant that all farms had to be prepared with everything
necessary by March 23, in readiness for planting on March 26," said Kivuti.

This trend had been observed within the entire Embu district for ages, until
three years ago when the rain patterns became unreliable.

In 2007 the rains came on Mar. 20, five days earlier. And many farmers lost
their crops because of this. "We were totally disorientated. And by the time
we planted, it was too late. The rainfall subsided long before our crops
became hardy enough, leading to losses that year," said Kivuti.

However, a new report released on Sep. 6 by the International Water
Management Institute (IWMI) warns that the changes in weather and climatic
conditions may get even worse.

It says that the erratic rainfall related to climate change will further
threaten the food security and economies of many countries, particularly in
Africa and Asia.

While the Agricultural Market Development Trust (an organisation that works
with farmers in Kenya at grass-root level) has advised farmers to prepare
for planting earlier in the month due to changing rainfall patterns,
according to the report this may not be a long-term solution.

The remedy, the report states, is that countries, organisations and
individuals must increase their investment in diverse forms of water
storage.

"Just as modern consumers diversify their financial holdings to reduce risk,
smallholder farmers need a wide array of 'water accounts' to provide a
buffer against climate change impacts," said Matthew McCartney, the lead
author of the report, in a press statement released alongside the report.

"That way, if one water source goes dry, they'll have others to fall back
on," added McCartney, also a hydrologist at IWMI.

IWMI is a scientific research organisation focusing on the sustainable use
of water and land resources in agriculture, for the benefit of poor people
in developing countries. The organisation is supported by the Consultative
Group on International Agricultural Research.

The report comes at the time the World Food Program is already implementing
a programme in Kenya, known as Food For Assets (FFA). The programme has seen
peasant farmers from the arid and semi-arid parts of the country harvest and
store water for domestic and agricultural use. The harvesting is done when
it rains - flowing rain water is directed into reservoirs and stored.

Through the programme, beneficiaries of food relief are required to do some
work geared to increasing food security in their community.

"In Eastern Province, we chose dam construction as a project to alleviate
poverty because water has always been the setback," said Jacobus Kiilu of
ActionAid Kenya, the organisation implementing the FFA project in the area.

As a result, residents still have access to water they harvested since heavy
rains subsided over five months ago. "This is the longest period we have
stayed with rain water - thanks to the dam storages," said Mwende Kisilu, a
beneficiary from Kyuso village in Eastern Kenya.

In sub Saharan Africa, the IWMI report notes, up to 94 percent of farmers
depend on rain-fed agriculture, yet rainfall in the region is highly
unpredictable.

"Lack of predictability both in the amount and timing of rainfall makes
rain-fed farming extremely tricky," notes the report.

This is because farmers find it difficult to choose when to plant. "If you
plant your crops too early, you may run into a risk of the seeds failing to
germinate in case the rainfall falters. And like in our case when we planted
too late in 2007, the rain subsided before the crops matured - leading to
losses," said Kivuti.

But if governments, specifically in Africa and Asia, organisations and
individuals were to take immediate action to increase investment in diverse
methods of water storage, then an estimated 500 million people in Africa and
India would benefit from improved agricultural water management, the report
states.

Though governments of developing countries with fast-growing economies have
invested heavily in large dams during the current decade, the IWMI study
says that more weight should be put on a range of small-scale, well-planned
storage options to improve food security.

The report cites evidence from Zimbabwe, where such basins have boosted
maize yields, with or without rainfall. In Niger, such methods have greatly
boosted the millet yields.

In the northeast of India's Rajasthan State the construction of around
10,000 water harvesting structures has made it possible to irrigate close to
140 square kilometres of agricultural fields, benefiting about 70,000
people.

However, it was noted that without proper planning of water storage
facilities, the perceived gains may easily become a burden. "Badly planned
storage will not only waste money but actually worsen the negative affects
of climate change, for example, by providing extra breeding habitats for
malaria-infected mosquitoes," notes the report.


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National Healing & Reconciliation Minister Sekai Holland on BTH

http://www.swradioafrica.com/
 

Interview broadcast 09 September 2010

Lance Guma: The National Healing and Reconciliation organ, set up under the coalition government has been described as a failure by participants who attended a workshop in Bulawayo over the weekend. One of the three ministers in the organ Sekai Holland came in for some harsh criticism from war veterans previously in the Zimbabwe People's Revolutionary Army, ZIPRA. Reports say there was a heated exchange between some of the veterans and Minister Holland who was officiating at the launch of a new governmental trust meant to assist victims of political violence. Behind the Headlines tracked down Minister Holland and asked her to respond to some of this criticism that the ministers leading the organ were incompetent and that they had done absolutely nothing since it was formed.

farai maguwu

Sekai Holland: My response is that there is an organ on national healing that is created by Article 7.1C, that our role is advisory but what we need to get every Zimbabwean at home and in the Diaspora to understand is that the question of national healing is a new thing in Zimbabwe, it's a new thought that peace is actually an option, a choice we can work towards together as a society.

It is a new thought and that we, the three of us agreed on a process that is inclusive where we would go to Zimbabweans at home and abroad to understand from them their opinions and sentiments on how they see the road map to national healing, reconciliation and integration in this country as we work towards getting an organised voice in an All-Stakeholders Conference next year, which comes out with a national code of conduct which goes to parliament where we then get the mechanisms that will create an infrastructure of peace in Zimbabwe.

We need to get that message across to Zimbabweans and that is what I was trying to do in Bulawayo.

Guma: Now that sounds all rather theoretical. Would you understand though.

Holland: It is not theoretical at all because Zimbabweans never sat down as a people to talk about peace and how Zimbabweans together, will operationalise methodologies to arrive at peace. Our job is to really get Zimbabweans understanding among themselves that the national infrastructure of peace comes from the Zimbabwean people themselves, it doesn't come from the organ.

So far we have actually got some responses which are very encouraging from those ministries and institutions where we have already enabled to dialogue with them and they've been able to respond by coming up with programmes that align their own work policy and framework to arriving at peace. So there is nothing theoretical about this.

Guma: Well for the skeptics out there can you point out to any major achievements so far since the organ on national healing was formed?

Holland: Yes. The fact that we now have, in the past three months a process with political parties where we have met with the politburos and national executive committees of all three political parties and we are meeting with the secretary-generals again next week for us to come up with the roadmap of political parties including those that are not signatories of the GPA.

Working with their members together, that they understand that politics is not about violence. We are really trying to, not even trying, sitting together to work out the dynamics of our how they operationalise a peaceful political process. This is the last three months we've been working on this, before that we were working with traditional leaders, before that churches, before that civil society.

Many that we have worked with now really have come up with their own framework of how we get to the All-Stakeholders Conference where we come up with a national code of conduct which is an agreement among Zimbabweans on the way forward to parliament and to come up with a national infrastructure of peace which will bring us the mechanisms to arrive at truth, justice and reconciliation.

Guma: The function you attended in Bulawayo was to launch a new organisation, the Zimbabwe Victims of Organised Violence Trust.

Holland: They are launching their organisation, they wanted me to witness that.

Guma: Now this organisation is aimed at assisting victims of politically motivated violence, is this alone not an indictment of the failure of your organ, that structures outside government are being formed to do something?

Holland: You know I don't know what we are talking at Lance. What those NGOs are doing is precisely what Zimbabweans are supposed to do. The job of the organ is to facilitate the process of Zimbabweans, really organising themselves for Zimbabwe to arrive at a peaceful culture. It doesn't come from the organ, it comes from the people.

I really believe that most the problems with Zimbabwe which I hope people understand and get over themselves is that we are dealing in a very Eurocentric and very divorced environment. What we need to do is to really understand our lived reality that the GPA is an opportunity for Zimbabweans to understand among themselves how we build peace together.

Here in Zimbabwe and those that are outside really need to arrive at an understanding of how collectively they also contribute to peace building in Zimbabwe. It's a job to be done by Zimbabweans so I really think that we need to understand how in Zimbabwe, we will build this together. It's not the job of the organ alone. The organ is there to facilitate that discourse.

Guma: Now in the past Mai Holland, you yourself have admitted that when the organ was set up, there was really no clear mandate drawn up and no-one knew what they really were supposed to do. Has this changed? Are you clear on what the role of the organ is?

Holland: You know the way you question me, really shows me we have failed. If you read the GPA yourself, on your own, Article 7.1C which is what gives life to the organ is very vague, so the three of us have made a major accomplishment that really if you had woken up any one of us in the past three months, we are very clear now about how to advise on the dynamics to take place for people to really arrive at peace and really how to get people to really understand that the process of peace building is a peoples' task, that organ has no business in telling people how to arrive at peace building.

People know how to do it and more and more as we are clear ourselves, people are coming up with some of the most brilliant strategies of how to arrive there. We have been at conflict for so long in Zimbabwe that it has taken time and it will take time for people to really grasp that it is their job and that as they talk and work together, they will come up with the necessary dynamics to create a national infrastructure of peace in this country.

Guma: Now it's been argued that the current national healing agenda is tip-toeing around confronting the real culprits of political violence and getting them to own up or offer some kind of apology because the argument, even as Prime Minster Tsvangirai said at one function it was going to be.

Holland: You said that this interview was going to be three minutes, the time of this interview was going to be three minutes. Let me say this to you we are not tip-toeing around anything. The GPA is a compromise agreement so we cannot work in a compromised environment to produce what ZANU PF wants or what MDC-T wants, or what MDC-M wants.

This is not a ZANU PF, it's not an MDC-T, it's not an MDC-M, it is a very compromised agreement so we have to use strategies that get us to understand the most basic common ground that we as Zimbabweans can build together to start talking about peace. This is a compromise agreement, the GPA, so it's not an ideal situation for us to talk about what MDC wants, what ZANU PF wants, what MDC-M wants. It's what the Zimbabweans would like to see as the road map towards building peace in Zimbabwe.

Guma: But are you not limited really by the fact that people feel Mugabe still wields.

Holland: It's a compromise agreement, it's a compromise agreement and it's limited. I think I'll go home, I gave you three minutes, I've given you three minutes.

Guma: OK let me just add one more question - Zimbabwe has had different parts of history where atrocities and abuses have been committed, before independence, during Gukurahundi, Operation Murambatsvina, the June 2008 presidential election to name the major one. What's the mandate of your national healing programme?

Holland: The organ is to get Zimbabweans thinking about how to articulate the truth about ourselves, our history, how to address in a just way all those atrocities and what has happened in ourselves as a people and to arrive at forgiveness and reconciliation in a 'never-again' syndrome. That is what the organ is working with Zimbabweans to understand.

We are using experts in psychology, in sociology, history to also have their input so that we come with something that will really work for all Zimbabweans. So these people who are helping us to come up with really different components to the All-Stakeholders Conference also are cognisant of the fact that our history, our written history and the past history, not just for the last 200 years, for the past 600 years, for the past 1000 years, here in Zimbabwe has been a very violent and militaristic one.

So we want to understand how we bring out of ourselves that culture of violence, whether it's institutional, domestic or whatever so that we work with that in a 'never-again' syndrome, get rid of that in our society and getting rid of it in ourselves. That comes from the people as they understand what the task is and believe me, the people we are working with are as entry points in our history, the institutions in Zimbabwe who we have already worked with and we have to work with all. Understand that and they are coming up with these operations of a national strategy towards building an infrastructure of peace.

Guma: But didn't the reception you got in Bulawayo show you that people are not happy with the organ?

Holland: It's not happiness, people have not understood that the issue of national healing is their issue which they have to understand by talking to one another. We are just a facilitator, so happiness doesn't come in this at all. It's us in the organ, getting our society to understand that we have peace as an option and we should start working on that together now.

Guma: That was National Healing and Reconciliation Minister Sekai Holland joining us on Behind the Headlines this week. Minister Holland thank you very much for your time.

Feedback can be sent to lance@swradioafrica.com or http://twitter.com/lanceguma



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Comment - Mugabe’s health interview

http://www.swradioafrica.com

Mugabe’s spin doctors may be deluding themselves if they think they have
killed three birds with one stone by sitting Mugabe before a Reuters
correspondent for maximum coverage (not the traditional ZBC or Herald
comrade) to say his wishes about the things bothering him most – his health,
sanctions and relations with the West.

The said interview does not read like a typical conventional interview such
as those we have seen on Violet Gonda’s hot seat on SW Radio Africa which
allow the reader to draw his/her own conclusions from the verbatim dialogue.
Interviews with Mugabe have been generally full of controversy for different
reasons and one wonders if this one will be an exception..

A case in point is the censorship by the State-controlled Zimbabwe
Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC) on 20 February 2007 of Robert Mugabe’s
interview on the eve of his 83rd birthday by deleting his comments on what
Dumisani Muleya described as “ Zanu-pf’s explosive power struggle” (Zimbabwe
Journalists, 26/02/07).

While in his interview with Cris Chinaka, (Reuters (09/09/10) Mugabe
reportedly laughed off suggestions that he was dying of cancer and had
recently suffered a stroke, it is said “a picture is worth a thousand words”
and we have of late seen not a few pictures of Mugabe unsteady on the stairs
in Kampala, Uganda and in China being helped by his handlers. What he cannot
laugh-off is that he is ageing while in office, hence the public’s concern.

According to Neil Moonie, (2000) Health and Social care, Oxford: Heinemann,
“When we meet people we have not seen for some time, we usually ask how they
are, and we would be quite surprised if they replied with full information
about the state of their health – most of the responses we get are usually
fairly simple and often inaccurate , such as ‘fine’ or ’not so bad’. Rarely
do people tell us about details of their health or well-being”( p.60).

The World Health Organisation (WHO) says “‘Health is a status of complete
physical, mental, and social well-being and not merely the absence of
disease and infirmity” while other writers add intellectual aspects to form
the acronym (PIES).

What Mugabe should have been asked (I know he will read this!):

GPA stalemate: In view of the fast approaching 30-day deadline set by SADC
to implement the GPA without evidence of progress, do you agree that you
could have lost an important opportunity to at least prove to the world that
you were sincere in signing the agreement in the first place?

Succession crisis: Although the succession issue is mainly a Zanu-pf matter,
there is no denying of the fact that the country and foreign investors are
daily becoming more and more anxious about the speedy resolution of who is
going to succeed you. Would you shed some light on that?

Constitution: Given the disruption of COPAC’s constitution outreach
programme by logistical problems and allegedly by the CIO, war vets,
soldiers and Zanu-pf sympathisers, would it not be more prudent to have
alternative constitutions which are already there, put to the referendum and
save time and money?

Referendum: Can you confirm that the referendum will be held sometime in
February to allow you time to rest and celebrate your birthday after what
promises to be a heavy campaign period leading to the referendum?

Elections: Is it correct that Presidential Elections will be held in March
2011, which appears to be your traditional election month and in time for a
‘victory’ speech at Independence Day 18 April by whoever will have won?

Tsvangirai: When are you going to clear space for Morgan Tsvangirai to move
into Zimbabwe House in keeping with his status as Zimbabwe’s Prime Minister?

SADC Tribunal: Would you agree that you may have shot yourself in the foot
by suspending the SADC Tribunal which appeared to be objectively resolving
the issue of compensation for dispossessed white farmers, an issue very
close to Western countries which you say you would like to engage?
Sanctions: You have called for the lifting of sanctions on a number of
occasion, but the European Union has already responded by saying that
because they are targeted smart sanctions, let the affected people make
their cases individually which will be considered on their merits. What is
your comment?

Jamming: Some people are disappointed that Zimbabwe has no community radio
and that your government is jamming news broadcasts by the SW Radio Africa
which is a legitimate independent radio station run by Zimbabwean exiles
based in London. In fact there is a strong perception that jamming of SW
Radio Africa is a violation of the human right to access information,
education and entertainment from various sources of the individual’s choice
without government intervention. What do you say to that?

Indigenisation: There is a growing perception in Zimbabwe and indeed abroad
that the ongoing indigenisation or partial take-over of foreign businesses
is just a means of rewarding or compensating your supporters in Zanu-pf for
enduring Western targeted sanctions allegedly for their role in propping-up
your government during alleged widespread human rights abuses?

Century Bank: Recently, you were quoted as advising Nigel Chanakira to use
the indigenisation act on his dispute with fellow shareholders of Kingdom
Holdings and Meikles Group. What would be your advice to the exiled
Zimbabwean banker Mr Gilbert Muponda whose Century Bank was allegedly
illegally seized by government and later re-branded into CFX Bank before
being sold on against his wishes?

SA Loan: Zimbabwe is reported to be seeking US$450 million in loan and
overdraft from South Africa because Western countries are withholding
critical funding, is the country not becoming over-borrowed when others are
actually engaging in austerity and abandoning deficit budgeting as they try
to recover from the recession?

Hero Status: Do you regret the decision to deny hero status for Gibson
Sibanda?

Nkomo’s Statue: When is Joshua Nkomo’s statue going to be unveiled?

Land reform: Despite what your Government and party view as major successes
in the land reform programme, your critics argue that apart from being
bloody, haphazard and racist contrary to your promise of reconciliation in
1980, the government has given out just over a hundred 99-year leases with
only two being processed this year. What is your comment?

Zimbabwe's Forgotten Children: Just to conclude this interview, have you
ever watched the film called “Zimbabwe's Forgotten Children” which was shot
here by a Zimbabwean and broadcast on BBC 2 a fortnight ago? What are your
reflections? Here is the link:
http://zimbabweschildren.org/index.php/about-the-film/

Thank you for your time, Your Excellency.

Clifford Chitupa Mashiri, Political Analyst, London UK,
zimanalysis2009@gmail.com


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No power to the people

http://www.dailynews.co.zw

By Francis Harawa
Friday, 10 September 2010 18:19

HARARE - In the late 1990's, as Zimbabwe's economy began to stutter, the
Zimbabwe Electricity  Supply Authority (Zesa) chief executive Simbarashe
Mangwengwende began to worry about the organisation's advertising punchline
"ZESA: the power that drives the economy."

He felt that it could be misconstrued that the economy was slowing down
because there was not enough power to drive it. He was right to fret.

As the decade wore out, Mangwengwende realized that inordinate delays in
implementing the utility's System Development Plan (SDP) -- a comprehensive
plan to beef up power generation, strengthen the grid and ensure the system's
robustness - were going to impact negatively on the country's power needs
going forward.

Mangwengwende had helped draw the SDP in the wake of one of the worst
droughts in the region in 1992. That year, Lake Kariba, one of the biggest
man-made lakes in the world, recorded the lowest inflows since records
begun.

The then minister of energy, the late Herbert Ushewokunze went to Zambia to
negotiate with that country's power utility, ZESCO, to provide electricity
from their Kariba North power station. Ushewokunze returned to Harare to
consult with government officials only to find that the Zambians, aware
Zimbabwe was desperate for power, had increased the price.

A furious Ushewokunze had no choice but take the power at the price he had
been offered.

Approved by Cabinet in 1992, the SDP became the blueprint to resolve the
looming power shortage which had the potential of crippling, agriculture,
industry and commerce. To cushion the Zimbabwe system from the vagaries of
weather, the SDP sought to link the country's grid to the South African
system which relied on coal and was not affected by the vagaries of
weather -- but cost more.

But the SDP soon ran into problems.

The interconnector projects to South Africa and Mozambique took off, albeit
with some delays, ensuring steady power imports until 2003 when contracts
were to be renewed.

Power imports from the two neighbouring countries - SA and Mozambique -- and
the volatile Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), were to be used as a
stop-gap measure while Zimbabwe built new generation capacity. South Africa
had indicated they would not be in a position to provide power beyond 2003
when import contracts expired because their demand trajectory showed there
wouldn't be enough power for the country, let alone to export.

But South African President Thabo Mbeki decided  that the new power
generation projects for SA  should be shelved, only admitting the fact after
the country faced severe shortages which threatened industrial growth and
the hosting of the World Cup.

For Zimbabwe, it had been planned that Batoka, down stream from the world
renowned Victoria falls, be a run-of-the- river power project to come online
by 2004 - it required no water reservoir to minimize environmental impact.
It would have a north (for Zambia) and south bank (for Zimbabwe), each
generating 800 MW, to be buildt at a cost of US1.6bn.

The Zambians were not interested. They claimed they had been short-changed
in the sharing of the assets of the Central African Corporation (Capco)
which included the Kariba and Munyati power stations. Capco had been formed
during the failed Federation of the Rhodesias and Nyasaland and had built
the two power stations.

In addititon, the Zambians felt they did not need more power because copper
prices then were depressed. When it was suggested that they sell the cheap
hydro power to South Africa to earn foreign currency until such time as they
would need the power, they would not budge.

Zambia is now building a new power station at a higher cost when it could
have built one at a lower cost. Hydro power stations last longer and are
cheaper to maintain.

Failure to implement the Batoka affected the Kariba South extension project.
It had been planned to maximize water usage so that water used at Batoka
would pass through an extended Kariba down river.

The next project planned for implementation was the extension of Hwange by
adding two new 300MW generators to be operational by 2001 and 2003. The
World Bank was prepared to fund the project. But when tenders had been
adjudicated, Government decided the tender be given to YTL of Malaysia, a
company that belonged to the son of then Malaysian premier Mahathir Mohamed.

The problem was that YTL was not a power construction company: it
specialized in high-rise buildings.

Government later changed its mind and decided to sell Hwange thermal power
station to Malaysia for a paltry US$350m. At that time, the station provided
half of the country's 1 800 MW power needs

It had taken ten years to build Hwange power station. The late rebel leader,
Ian Smith had started building Hwange in 1976 during the height of the
guerrilla war and mandatory UN sanctions. The station was completed after
independence in 1986 when the power utility ZESA was formed.

Smith had mixed technologies from those willing to bust sanctions. By the
mid-1990s it was decided to refurbish the power station to improve its
operational efficiency, standardize equipment and computerize controls. The
World Bank provided US$800 for the refurbishment.

The Malaysians, opted out of the deal by refusing to pay the World Bank
debt. After the collapse of Batoka, yet another opportunity to increase the
country's generation capacity had gone begging.

1997 was a watershed year for Zimbabwe for a number of reasons.

President Mugabe sent the then agriculture minister Kumbirai Kangai and then
Party Chairman John Nkomo to London to ask for funds to buy land from white
commercial farmers for redistribution to land-starved blacks.

They came back empty handed. Relations between the British and Mugabe
chilled, then froze. This affected a number of Zesa projects. Sengwa in
Gokwe North, which has 100 years of coal reserves had been brought forward
and its capacity increased to 1 400MW. Four new 350MW coal-fired units were
to be built for commissioning by 2003 and 2004.

The international mining giant Rio Tinto was to mine the coal while National
Power of the UK was to build the power station on a Build Operate and
Transfer basis. Also on the cards, ware the Lupane Gas turbines, to be built
by the British.

Both projects froze in the political chill.

In November 1997, Mugabe buckled under pressure from war veterans and paid
them Z$5billion of printed money, after his party's big wigs had looted the
first Z$5bn in the early 90s. The second amount was looted too. But money
printing eventually devastated the country's economy which ended up with a
worthless currency.

Zesa was asked to contribute Z$88m to the war veterans' pay packets, despite
the printed money. Government said the contribution was a dividend or half
of the annual profits for the years 1995 to 1997. The utility didn't have
the money. Organisations don't keep profits locked away in vaults for future
use. Zesa had to borrow the money from the expensive money markets despite
the fact that, government had not put a cent in Zesa, except to guarantee
loans from international
organisations.

As it turned out, the guarantor later failed to pay back loans from the
World Bank, IMF and the African Development Bank.

The printing of the Zimbabwe dollar sent the currency into a downward
spiral. Zesa's power import bill jumped overnight from Z$360m, to over
Z$700m and kept increasing. The increases could not be met from tariff
hikes. In one fell swoop, the parastatal, once regarded by the World Bank as
one of the best run power utilities in Africa, lost its profitability and
began its descend to mediocrity.

Planning became a nightmare under a currency whose value kept receding. Debt
servicing became impossible as the local equivalent of the US dollar
ballooned disproportionately.

On the day the war veterans were paid, 11 November 2007, the local bourse
crashed and there was a nationwide blackout - an event that became known as
"Black Friday" and marked the beginning of the dark ages for the country.

In order to implement the SDP, it had been planned to factor the cost of the
new projects into the tariffs. A study called the long run marginal cost
pricing (LRMCP) had been carried out to protect consumers from sudden sharp
increases. This was to be done over a three-year period from 1997 to 2000.
Government never acceded to the implementation of the LRMCP tariff; neither
did it allow the utility to implement cost-based tariffs, fearing the
political implications of the increases.

As a result, consumers got electricity below cost price when they could
afford to pay in the mid 90s up to about 2000. And when they could not
afford to pay, because of a collapsed economy following a ten-year meltdown,
the utility tried to charge electricity at cost price.

Politicians had pretended they were protecting the consumer and were acting
in the public interest, but the consequences of their decisions have come
back to haunt the public which is suffering prolonged blackouts and the use
of costly alternatives -firewood and paraffin for the poor and generators
and gas for the well-heeled.

The Zimbabwe's power crisis can only be solved by building new generation
capacity. Unfortunately, a lead time of up to five years and massive capital
is needed to build a power station. The Zimbabwe government cannot raise the
sums required and independent power producers are reluctant to invest in the
country with skewed property rights and new indigenisation rules which
require foreign firms to cede 50 percent of the shareholding to locals.

Political talk is that the Chinese will build Sengwa, but many are
skeptical. There is reluctance from Mugabe's eastern friends to invest after
he failed to pay back moneys owing on the refurbishment of Zisco's furnace
number four. Vice President Joyce Mujuru recently said the Chinese were not
keen to take up projects given to them on a silver plata.

Some questions remain unanswered. Are the Chinese going to build the power
lines that are going to carry power from the Sengwa to the power demand
centres? That too requires massive investment?

Finance Minister Tendai Biti recently came back from a visit to China with a
briefcase full of bilateral agreements and no funds.

It has become clear that unless the country has enough electricity,water and
a credible property rights policy, the much talked about  industrial take
off will not materialise.

Meanwhile, there is no power to the people.

 


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A letter from the diaspora



Friday September 10th 2010
It was inevitable I suppose, given the endless stories in the media of
Mugabe's supposed ill-health, that the Dear Leader should go public to
reassure Zimbabweans that he was still, in his words, "fit enough to fight
the sanctions and knock out my opponents." In an interview with Reuters News
Agency, the 86 year old conceded that "My time will come but for now 'no' "
and of course he could not resist the opportunity to remind us that "Bush is
out, Blair is out" adding dismissively if rather vaguely, "and the others
are persons of no consequence." The implication being that after thirty
years in power and despite his octogenarian status, he, Robert Mugabe was
still there in office and had no intention of leaving State House any time
soon - if at all.
Thanks to the efforts of an enterprising civil rights activist, I was
fortunate enough to get hold of the following breakdown of African leaders'ages
and it reveals a very interesting contrast between Africa and the west. At
86 Mugabe is the oldest , followed by Senegal's Abulai Wade at 83 and Egypt's
Hosni Mubarak at 82.  The remaining listed African leaders are all in their
seventies: Malawi's Bingu Wa Mtalika is 76, Namibia's Hifikepunye Pohamba
74, Zambia's Rupiah Banda 73, Kenya's Mwai Kibaki is 71 and Ellen Johnson
Sirleaf of Liberia is 75. Jacob Zuma of South Africa and Gadaffi of Libya
are the youngest, both 68 years old. The average age of African leaders
listed here is 76 years.
Compare that to western leaders - who are democratically elected - and you
see a remarkable contrast. The President of the United States is 48, David
Cameron of the UK is 43, the Russian President, Dimitri Medvedev is 45,
Canada is represented by a 51 year old, Australia by a 49 year old. Nicolas
Sakozy of France is 55, Spain's Luis Zapatero is 49 and Portugal' Jose
Socrates is 53 while Angela Merkel of Germany is 56 and at 62 Herman Van
Rompuy is the oldest western leader. The average age of these leaders is
51years, a staggering 25 years older than Africa's leaders.
Quite apart from the decline in physical strength which is an unavoidable
consequence of the ageing process, it is generally accepted that older
people tend to get very set in their ways and are often resistant to fresh
ideas - and opposition of any kind! African culture respects old age we know
but wisdom and age do not necessarily go together.
Ironically, this week a man was sentenced to one year in gaol for referring
to Mugabe as "a wrinkled old man". This remark was deemed by the magistrate
to be disrespectful of the President but the one year sentence was commuted
to eight months on condition that the offender made no more disparaging
remarks about the president's age for the next five years! By which time
Mugabe will be 91 and wrinkles will surely be evident for all to see, botox
or no botox!
Underlying these apparently trivial stories about Mugabe's advancing years
is the question of who will succeed him when he finally moves on. An
incident occurred this week which illustrates the turmoil within Zanu PF as
the battle for succession escalates. On Thursday morning the Council Offices
in Chitungwiza were invaded, quite literally, by men waving AK 47s who
proceeded to beat up the municipal guards, accusing them of being supporters
of Emmerson Mnangagwa. The gun-toting thugs were apparently supporters of
Solomon Mujuru - himself a War Veteran of note and another 70 or 80 year old
if I am not mistaken. He and Mnangagwa are both contenders for the top job
when the Old Man dies and the two factions are daggers drawn. The police
were called in to quell the violent disturbance at Chitungwiza Council
offices and they too were overpowered by the well-trained Mujuru followers.
The most worrying aspect of this incident was the fact that Mujuru's people
were actively supported by soldiers from the ZNA based at Cranborne
barracks. Interestingly, the Herald reported the incident but said nothing
about it being a direct result of faction fighting inside Zanu PF over the
succession issue. Age may be just a number but in Zimbabwe Mugabe's age -
and health - are crucial issues which could propel us into civil war.
Yours in the (continuing) struggle PH, aka Pauline Henson.

 

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