Zimbabwe central bank governor 'must be sacked before aid can flow'

The Telegraph

The governor of Zimbabwe's central bank must be sacked within a fortnight if
the country's new power-sharing deal is to be credible and reconstruction
aid is to start flowing, a senior Western diplomat has said.

By Louis Weston in Harare and a Special Correspondent
Last Updated: 8:22PM BST 13 Sep 2008

The removal of Gideon Gono, 48, a key ally of President Robert Mugabe, is
"one of the key indices" that western governments will use to judge whether
the newly constituted government is genuinely reformed and a fit recipient
for aid, the official said.

As the controller of Zimbabwe's finances since 2003, Mr Gono has played a
key role in shoring up the edifice of the ruling Zanu-PF party and Mr
Mugabe's own position, printing ever more cash to meet the government's
needs.

The policy has been one of the main drivers of the country's hyperinflation,
officially over 11.2 million per cent but estimated by independent analysts
to be far higher. This week he effectively abandoned the currency,
legalising the partial dollarisation of the economy in a move seen in some
quarters as an attempt to preserve his power base.

The diplomat said that Mr Gono had "less than zero" credibility and while
the international community has offered billions in aid to a reforming
Zimbabwe, it was essential that the power-sharing deal agreed last week must
first be seen to work.

Under the deal, details of which are to be announced tomorrow, Mr Mugabe
remains president with Morgan Tsvangirai, the Movement for Democratic Change
leader, becoming prime minister.

An expectation that the foreign aid tap would be turned back on to help the
country recover from its current economic chaos was one of the most powerful
pressures that forced Mr Mugabe finally to share power with Mr Tsvangerai.

Asked if Mr Gono's sacking was a necessary step before aid was released, the
diplomat said: "Everyone knows it is. It's one of the key indices.
Tsvangirai has said it is one of the first things he will do, if he doesn't
flee the country first."

He added that Mr Gono, whose term of office expires in November, should go
within two weeks. It is understood that under the terms of the power-sharing
agreement, appointments to such senior posts must in future be made jointly
by the president and the prime minister.

With the world waiting to see the exact nuts and bolts of the power-sharing
deal, the diplomat's comments reveal one of the yardsticks that will be used
to judge it in Western capitals.

"There is very little time left for the country as a going concern," he
said. "If this government is going to have any momentum it needs to start
doing things early. Tsvangirai is keen to get going with the beginnings of
stabilising the economy and unless that happens he will not have the
confidence of donors.

"If that doesn't happen it's a lost chance and the chance is gone because
with it would have gone Tsvangirai's credibility."

Diplomats estimate that around $2 bn could be poured into Zimbabwe in the
new government's first year, with more to come later, from the IMF, World
Bank, and individual Western countries.

Under the power-sharing deal, sources have said that a council of ministers,
chaired by Mr Tsvangirai and including all ministers except Mr Mugabe and
his two vice-presidents, will set government policy and strategy, while the
cabinet, chaired by the octogenarian president, will oversee its
implementation.

Opinion remains divided, with optimists saying Mr Tsvangirai has a key
position in government, but pessimists concerned that Mr Mugabe will
out-manoeuvre him despite his office.

"Mugabe sees this as a kind of unity deal from 1987, when he devoured
Nkomo," said the diplomat. "Few people think Zanu-PF are going into this in
good faith.

"But this is not 1987, the regime has never been weaker, the country is on
its knees, the economy is disintegrating before our very eyes. There's more
to play for than many of the cynics would admit, but it's touch and go."

On the streets of Harare the mood was cautious. "We are waiting to see what
the deal really is," said one businessman. "I think it can work. It has to,
we are so poor."

One potential problem for the prospects of a power-sharing government is
hostility from Mr Mugabe's henchmen. Army and secret police chiefs fear they
could lose the fortunes they have accumulated under Mr Mugabe's corrupt
rule, including formerly white farms which have been confiscated and mines
that they now own.

Mr Mugabe's lieutenants have become some of the richest and most powerful
men in the country, regarded by many as the real power.

They harbour a personal hatred of Mr Tsvangirai. One senior official with
the Central Intelligence Organisation said: "The bosses will either have to
ship out, or salute Tsvangirai. There is a general belief that most of the
big guys will resign to make way for a new dispensation. The bosses are
threatened by the deal because most of them have many properties and they
are afraid of what may happen to them."

Security is first test of Zimbabwe deal

The Sunday Times
September 14, 2008

The opposition wants British troops to help curb Mugabe's ruthless army
RW Johnson
A CALL for British troops to return to Zimbabwe and train its army will
provide a crucial early test of whether an agreement to be signed tomorrow
by President Robert Mugabe and his opponent Morgan Tsvangirai is a
power-sharing deal or merely a fig-leaf for continued despotic rule.

The Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), led by Tsvangirai, who will become
prime minister under the agreement, will demand the return of the British
military advisory and training team, which trained Zimbabwe's security
forces after independence.

About 200 British troops were based in Zimbabwe from independence in 1980
until they were withdrawn after the seizure of white farms began in 2000.

Their presence would reassure the MDC, whose leaders are worried about the
deal's viability, particularly after Mugabe told tribal chiefs this weekend
that putting his Zanu-PF together with the MDC was "like mixing fire and
water".

Foreign Office and Ministry of Defence officials said they were aware of the
call for military assistance but had not had a request from Harare. After
independence the British training force provided intelligence capacity and
the ability to extract foreign nationals in an emergency.

Under the deal, Mugabe will retain control of the army, while Tsvangirai
will run policing. The army, which has been ruthlessly used with the
so-called "war veterans" to attack MDC campaigners, will need to be
depoliticised to restore law and order.

Already the war vets, who have made it clear that they do not feel bound by
the deal, are angry that they were not consulted and some have accused
Mugabe of "selling out".

The decision on British troops will have symbolic significance, given Mugabe's
frequent railing against Britain and his insistence that "Zimbabwe will
never be a colony again". Britain has kept a low profile during the
negotiations and other Commonwealth countries have offered help with
training.

"We'd all feel a lot safer with even a small number of British personnel on
the ground, keeping an eye on things and making sure the old professional
ethic is restored," said an MDC MP.

There are grave doubts in Harare that the agreement mediated by South Africa's
President Thabo Mbeki can be made to stick. Professor Tony Hawkins, a
leading Zimbabwe-an economist and an adviser to the International Monetary
Fund (IMF), is unconvinced.

"All the economic policies the Mugabe government pursued need to be reversed
and the question is, will the national unity government be able to do it?"

According to Hawkins, everything depends on what the big donors and the IMF
think of the deal. "The IMF will have to decide, 'How viable is this
gov-ernment?' And I think they might say, 'This is not going to be workable.'
 " Mugabe will chair a cabinet of 31 ministers - 15 from his Zanu-PF, 13
from Tsvangirai's MDC, and three from Arthur Mutambara's breakaway faction
of the MDC.

This division of power is hardly generous to the MDC, considering that
Tsvangirai ran well ahead of Mugabe in the March 29 presidential election
and that the opposition has a 110-99 majority in parliament.

It will be balanced by a council of ministers, chaired by Tsvangirai, which
will supervise the cabinet's work, though how this double system of
government will work is anyone's guess, according to officials close to the
negotiations.

Mugabe was forced to the table because Zimbabwe's economy is in meltdown.
More than 1m people face starvation. With inflation estimated at more than
11m%, the government agreed last week that shops could price and sell goods
in foreign currency.

Already doctors are on strike, demanding their salaries in foreign currency.
Everyone will now want the same, and Mugabe lacks foreign exchange to pay
even the police or army.

The settlement will be guaranteed by a monitoring commission, on which the
parties will be equally represented. But the opposition's main hope rests on
a condition that the new government must reform the constitution and hold
fresh elections in 18 months. If these are free and fair, Mugabe and his
party could be swept away.

The MDC also sees the big aid donors as guarantors of the deal. The
so-called Fishmongers Group, set up on Britain's initiative and including
America, Japan, Germany, France, Sweden, Holland, Norway, Canada and
Australia, will fund an immediate "stabilisation" plan with humanitarian
aid. Since the government will depend on their cash, they will be able to
use their leverage to prevent any backsliding by Mugabe.

The US has in effect led this group during the negotiations, and the tough
American ambassador to Zimbabwe, James McGee, a black Vietnam veteran,
received hourly briefings on the talks and approved the new settlement
almost line by line.

Among the conditions laid down by the big donors is the removal of human
rights abusers from office. The question of the 4,000 farms stolen from
commercial farmers by Mugabe's thugs and now largely in the hands of his
cronies will also have to be resolved.

The MDC has insisted there will be no general amnesty for Mugabe henchmen
who were responsible for the Matabele-land massacres in the 1980s and who
have continued to play an equally brutal role.

The Sunday Times can reveal that in May, Jendayi Frazer, the US assistant
secretary of state for African affairs, flew to Zimbabwe for secret talks in
which Mugabe's top dozen hard men were offered financial incentives in
return for a settlement. The offer was turned down.

It may be that the US will quietly agree to make such payments. Failing
that, Mbeki may spread South African largesse in their direction.

There was gloom in opposition circles as the first details of the settlement
emerged. "We always knew we'd never get what we really wanted and what
democracy required," said Eddie Cross, an MDC MP. "But it's a new start for
the whole country and we have to make the best of it."

POWER-SHARING
Robert Mugabe will remain president; the opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai
becomes prime minister

Mugabe keeps command of the army while Tsvangirai will control the police

Mugabe will chair a 31-member cabinet consisting of 15 members of his party,
13 from the main opposition party and three from a breakaway opposition
group

Tsvangirai will chair a new council of ministers, in charge of day-to-day
administration and policy formulation, which will supervise the cabinet

There are no pardons for alleged war criminals, but talks about
"compensating" members of Mugabe's government who go quietly will continue

A new constitution is to be introduced. "Free and fair" elections are to be
held after 18 months

Zimbabwe power deal to scrap security ministry

Reuters

Sat 13 Sep 2008, 19:09 GMT

(Updates with Mugabe, Tsvangirai agreeing on ministries)

By MacDonald Dzirutwe

HARARE, Sept 13 (Reuters) - Zimbabwe's ministry of state security will be
scrapped under a power-sharing deal between President Robert Mugabe and
opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai, according to a list of government
departments they agreed on Saturday.

A government official said the two met and agreed on a list of 31
ministries, including 13 new ones.

The powerful ministry of state security was abolished, while the justice
ministry was split into two, with a new prisons department, according to the
list which was obtained by Reuters.

Details of the ministries allocated to each party and individuals to head
the ministries would be announced on Monday.

The issue of who controls Zimbabwe's powerful security apparatus is one of
the most critical questions surrounding the power-sharing deal clinched on
Thursday.

But with the ministry's abolition, it remained unclear how the secret
police -- a key instrument in maintaining Mugabe's 28-year grip on power -- 
would be integrated into the new government structure, and under whose
authority.

"At the moment it is unclear what will happen to state security but I am
sure this is something that is being worked by the two men (Mugabe and
Tsvangirai). I am sure it will have a home, it is a matter of time before we
know," a senior government official said.

"ENEMY WITHIN"

Earlier, an opposition official said Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) was pushing to head the home affairs, justice and finance
ministries but was willing to leave Mugabe's ZANU-PF in charge of security
and defence.

Such an arrangement would give the MDC control over the police and
responsibility for rescuing an economy reeling from the world's highest rate
of hyper-inflation, more than 11 million percent.

Thursday's South African-brokered deal is aimed at ending months of crisis
in Zimbabwe, where Tsvangirai defeated Mugabe in the first round of a
presidential election in March, but pulled out of a June run-off citing a
systematic campaign of violence against his supporters.

ZANU-PF's top decision-making body, the politburo, endorsed the
power-sharing deal at a meeting chaired by Mugabe in Harare on Saturday, a
politburo member told Reuters.

An opposition senator said on Friday Tsvangirai would be prime minister and
chair a council of ministers that supervised the cabinet under the
power-sharing deal.

ZANU-PF would have 15 cabinet seats, Tsvangirai's MDC 13 and a splinter MDC
faction three seats.

There is widespread caution among commentators over how quickly the
power-sharing deal can end the crisis or persuade Western powers -- deeply
opposed to Mugabe -- to step in with much needed financial support to aid
recovery.

Mugabe, 84, has repeatedly called the MDC a puppet of the West and political
analysts said the deal was fragile.

Writing in the state-run Herald newspaper, Nathaniel Manheru -- thought to
be a pseudonym for a senior Mugabe aide -- said the MDC was now an
"embedded" enemy and that ZANU-PF should be on guard.

"For a party that has always relied on government and intellect for policy
incubation, it (ZANU-PF) now has to learn to govern in a new environment
where the enemy is now within, well embedded," Manheru said.

"The West will now have an eager listening post, right up to cabinet. There
will be lots of policy pre-emption." Zimbabweans are desperate for an end to
a crisis that has ravaged the economy and pushed millions of refugees into
neighbouring countries.

(Editing by Mark Trevelyan)

Europeans rethink sanctions as they await details of deal

Financial Times

By James Blitz in London and Daniel Dombey in Washington

Published: September 13 2008 03:00 | Last updated: September 13 2008 03:00

The European Union said last night it was rethinking plans to levy renewed
sanctions against leading figures in the Zimbabwean regime, following
reports of the new power-sharing deal, report James Blitz in London and
Daniel Dombey in Washington.

However, in Brussels, Washington and London senior diplomats said they would
want to pore over the fine detail of any agreement between Robert Mugabe's
Zanu-PF and the opposition Movement for Democratic Change before deciding
whether to grant Zimbabwe the economic aid package it badly needs.

"The European Commission of course welcomes this significant step forward,"
said John Clancy, a Commission spokesman on humanitarian aid and development
issues.

"However, we will have to wait to learn much more about this on Monday. At
this stage we are cautiously optimistic."

Washington also reacted cautiously to the deal. "Our bottom line is that any
deal must reflect the will of the Zimbabwean people at the ballot box," said
Sean McCormack, the state department spokesman. But he added it was
important that Mr Tsvangirai was comfortable with any accord. Privately, US
officials said events in Zimbabwe were moving in the right direction but
that it was too early to make any decision on sanctions against members of
the Zanu-PF government.

In London, one official insisted that there would be "no sudden
announcements" of international financial support for Zimbabwe next week. No
international aid goes direct to the government at present.

'Deal won't end Zim's problems'

http://www.news24.com

13/09/2008 22:03  - (SA)

Harare - Zimbabwean aid groups predicted on Saturday that a power-sharing
deal between President Robert Mugabe and the opposition would not end the
country's woes.

"A government of national unity founded upon an elitist power sharing
agreement is no guarantee that the humanitarian and other needs of the
people of Zimbabwe will be addressed and healed," the National Association
of Non-governmental Organisations said in a statement.

The umbrella body of at least 1 000 humanitarian and rights groups described
the talks which led to the deal between Mugabe and two opposition leaders as
"flawed".

Mugabe, opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) leader Morgan
Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara who heads a breakaway faction of the MDC,
endorsed an agreement on Thursday to forge a power-sharing government.

The three will sign the agreement on Monday at a ceremony in Harare to be
attended by regional leaders.

In June, Mugabe's government ordered humanitarian organisations to suspend
operations after accusing NGOs of using food aid to sway voters against his
party in elections.

Mugabe's party lost its parliamentary majority for the first time in 28
years.

The ban on NGOs was lifted two weeks ago but authorities imposed stringent
measures including regular submission of details relating to their funding
and stocks.

No sign that we have a deal

http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=4068

September 14, 2008

By Sibangani Sibanda

ZIMBABWE awoke Friday morning, September 12, 2008, to the news that a deal
had finally been struck between Zanu-PF and the two MDC's.

You would not think so, though. This should have been a day for celebration
and joy, yet one had the feeling that any celebration that was taking place
today was confined entirely to the Zanu-PF camp. Since losing the March 29
elections, they have beaten us into submission, and now they have outsmarted
the MDC at the negotiating table.

As the days passed and talk of an agreement being imminent became more
persistent, one sensed a growing confidence in the Zanu-PF camp. Their
approach to matters of governance became very "business as usual". The state
media, which basically speaks for Zanu-PF, did not change its stance. Many
of us were even asking how these journalists would fare in the event that
the MDC got their way. Clearly, they knew something that the rest of us did
not. They continued with their bias as ever.

The Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation's 'News Hour' which I had occasion to
watch twice this week was quite instructive.

I watched News Hour on the day that Reserve Bank governor Gideon Gono
announced that certain individuals/organizations were going to get licenses
to trade in the enemy's currency, the American dollar. The importance that
the ZBC seemed to attach to the event belied the fact that Governor Gono was
not announcing anything quite earth-shattering. He was just following in the
footsteps of many other failed monetary authorities around the world who
have seen the introduction of foreign currency trading as a cure for their
failings. They have found out, as governor Gono will soon find out, that the
laws of economics are universal.

Breaking them always produces the same unsatisfactory results.

Still, the announcement got my fertile imagination going. The "deposit" that
applicants need to put down on applying for the foreign currency licenses
are: 20 000.00 American dollars for retailers and 100 000.00 American
dollars for wholesalers. How many Zimbabweans, who are not in the upper
echelons of the political power tree have access to this kind of money?
Surely, only those who can still buy American dollars at 30 000.00 of the
old Zimbabwe dollars (0.0000003 new Zimbabwe dollars) can afford such sums.
Could it be that these measures were being put in place to ensure that
whatever happens, whoever is in power after "the deal", 'the boys' in
Zanu-PF will wield considerable economic clout? That a new "gravy train" is
being created to replace the one that they may lose?

Time, as they say, will tell.

Interestingly, it was during the same news bulletin that we were shown a
Zanu-PF gathering that, we were told was "celebrating" President Mugabe's
"victory" on June 27. In other words, they were celebrating a victory that
is in dispute - so much in dispute that there is need for negotiations to
determine the country's leadership!

Was the outcome of the negotiations already known to the revelers?

Other interesting news items included an interview with the Minister for
Mechanization and so on, in which the Minister "urged" (a very ZBC word)
farmers who had been given tractors under the government's farm
mechanization program, to service their tractors regularly so that they stay
in good condition (that was news?), and also that they were going to get
ploughs and other implements to go with the tractors - several months after
they got the tractors. This may explain why many of these tractors have been
up to now, been no more than farm workers' means of transport to the nearest
"Boozer".

I watched the ZBC news again on the day of the announcement that an
agreement had been reached. They opened with President Mugabe addressing
chiefs in Bulawayo. I missed the first part of his address because we had no
power (due to load shedding). What I heard him tell the chiefs was the
difficulty of negotiating with parties who are sponsored from outside
Zimbabwe, parties whose "Masters" wanted "Mugabe to go". In short, he told
the chiefs that he would not agree to the MDC ruling Zimbabwe. I used to
think that it was not Mr. Mugabe's place to decide who rules or does not
rule Zimbabwe, but, clearly, it is.

The female news anchor then interpreted Mr. Mugabe's words to mean that
although Zanu-PF was committed to the talks, they would not accept a
power-sharing agreement! This was later corrected by the male anchor who
said that Zanu-PF would not accept a power transfer agreement. The
difference, as far as I could tell, was the same.

Minutes later, came the Breaking News that a deal had been struck. I had
dozed off. A friend called to tell me. Yippee!

Ructions Rock Ex-Zapu

http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com/


Saturday, 13 September 2008 21:04
Zanu PF is on the brink of a potentially destructive split amid
revelations that former senior PF Zapu officials disgruntled by perceived
attempts to sideline them have officially communicated their desire to pull
out of the 1987 Unity Accord.

This follows Zanu PF's decision to retain Edna Madzongwe as the
president of the Senate ahead of party chairman, John Nkomo who could not be
retained in his position as Speaker of Parliament after the ruling party
lost its majority in the house.

This meant that Nkomo who was made an ordinary Senator fell down the
pecking order in terms of seniority, leaving Vice-President Joseph Msika as
the only former PF Zapu official with a very influential position in
government.

"A delegation of Central Committee members based in Bulawayo met Nkomo
in Bulawayo last Friday to ask him to communicate to President Mugabe their
desire to pull out of the Unity Accord," said a senior ruling party official
from Bulawayo.

"Another delegation from the Women's League also met their leader
Oppah Muchinguri to put across the same message.

"Party cadres have lost faith in this marriage and these feelings of
exclusion have been worsened by the ongoing talks with the MDC where PF Zapu
has been completely left out.

"The decision to retain Madzongwe ahead of Nkomo was the final straw
because whether we like it or not PF Zapu won't be in charge of an
influential government institution anymore."

Former PF Zapu stalwarts feeling sidelined in the ruling party and
government have long harboured intentions to pull out of the accord and
matters almost came to a head in the run-up to the March elections where
senior ruling party officials decampaigned Mugabe.

Most of them urged their supporters to vote for Zanu PF candidates in
parliamentary and senatorial elections but elect party rebel and independent
candidate Simba Makoni for the presidency.

Dumiso Dabengwa, a respected former commander of PF Zapu's military
wing who abandoned Zanu PF in March to support Makoni says he is being
pressured by impatient followers to revive the former liberation movement
that was led by the late Vice President Joshua Nkomo.

The former Home Affairs Minister has formally cut ties with Makoni's
Kusile/Mavambo to lay the ground work for the party's revival.

"Dabengwa has decided to take a back seat and he did not attend the
meeting with John Nkomo," added the source. "He prefers the grassroots to
take charge of the process and it is them who will decide on the launch date
and the leader."

Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs Minister, Patrick Chinamasa
and Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare Minister, Nicholas Goche who
are both from the old Zanu PF are the ruling party's principal negotiators
in the stalled talks with the MDC.

Although John Nkomo was among party leaders who were chosen to beef up
the team, disgruntled officials from Matabeleland say the fact that Rural
Housing and Social Amenities Minister, Emerson Mnangagwa was in fore front
when a deal with the MDC appeared to be close, it showed he had no
influence.

The divisions have also been fueled by a controversial restructuring
exercise where officials from Harare have reportedly been sent to conduct
elections in Bulawayo, sidelining Information and Publicity Minister
Sikhanyiso Ndlovu who is supposed to be the team leader.

The elections were postponed last week after the provincial executive
threatened to boycott them because they believed the Harare team allegedly
seemed determined seemed to impose people from Mnangagwa's camp.

"This so-called restructuring is about the succession issue because
those who are elected now will vote during next year's congress where
positions in the presidium would be contested," said another party official.

"They want to impose their people in Bulawayo and this has heightened
the anger among our structures."

Efforts to get a comment from Nkomo were fruitless as he terminated a
call as soon as this reporter introduced himself while Ndlovu said he was
busy at the bank.

By Kholwani Nyathi

...But Others Were Celebrating

http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com/


Saturday, 13 September 2008 20:06
THREE MDC top officials in Masvingo and more than 100 party supporters
were arrested and detained for four hours at Masvingo Central Police station
on Friday after they took to the streets celebrating the power-sharing deal,
agreed to by the country three main political parties.

Tachiona Chiminya, Masvingo West MP, Jefferson Chitando Masvingo
Central legislator and provincial chairman, Wilstaff Chitemere moved around
with scores of MDC supporters in the city of Masvingo singing party songs
celebrating that Morgan Tsvangirai was now in power.

The MDC supporters, some in a lorry and others in an open truck and
the rest toyi-toying, were blocked by police vehicles in the city centre and
force-marched to the central police station, where they were detained for
about four hours.

They were later released without charge, after the intervention of
party lawyer and Masvingo Urban legislator Tongai Matutu.

Matutu confirmed to The Standard the arrests but lashed at the police
behaviour saying the arrests were unwarranted.

"I can confirm that two MPs and supporters were arrested and detained
for about four hours for celebrating the agreement on power-sharing by the
three party principals," he said. "What is surprising is that the police
have arrested people who were celebrating peacefully for this unifying
development.

"It is highly regrettable that whenever our party supporters engage in
such peaceful celebrations they are harassed by the police while if Zanu PF
supporters celebrate even for killing people they are not arrested. It makes
us doubt whether the power-sharing agreement will unify the people of
Zimbabwe if the police continue to behave like this."

Police spokesperson Phebion Nyambo could not be reached for comment.
He was said to be out of office.

However, other Masvingo residents did not react to the signing of the
deal, owing to persistent power failures, which meant a news blackout.

Terence Muchacha, a Masvingo resident said he was not sure yet about
the contents of the deal.

"We do not know exactly whether (Morgan) Tsvangirai is in power or
not. Yes, there might be a deal but will he have the powers that are needed
to bring about change in the country," Muchacha said.

In other parts of the country, news that the three principals had
reached an agreement was also received with mixed feelings.

Some of the people interviewed by The Standard last week said they
were optimistic that the power-sharing deal between the country's political
leaders could signal the beginning of the end of their economic misery.

Nicola Magengazha of Glen View urged President Robert Mugabe,
Tsvangirai and Professor Arthur Mutambara to put aside their differences and
give economic recovery a chance.

She was, however, cautious that things would immediately change for
the better.

"If it is true that President Mugabe remains in charge as Head of
State and government, investors may take more time to have confidence in the
economy. It may become a matter of wait and see."

A more optimistic Tawanda Tafirei of Highfield said: "The question is
whether the parties will have the will, patience and wisdom to say 'till
death do us part' or they may divorce! I would also want to believe that the
security cluster has had its say. They have been very quiet except
(Augustine) Chihuri (Police Commissioner-General) who spoke glowingly about
President Thabo Mbeki. I hope he had blessings of (Paradzai) Zimondi,
(Constantine) Chiwenga and crew. Because if not, then God Almighty help us!"

Others felt that Tsvangirai was only good as a face for the
international community but could not deliver the country without donors.

"Tsvangirai has no miracle in solving our economic problems. He is
only useful in the removal of sanctions. A government of national unity is
good for Tsvangirai because he will be trained to become a President one
day. Right now he has a lot to learn," said Elizabeth Moyo from Chinhoyi.

The general view among those interviewed was that this was the rebirth
of the nation that needed to be supported.

Sarudzayi Moyo of Cranborne Harare said: "The deal is the way forward.
Hope it's in good faith and all parties will respect the will of Zimbabweans
who had suffered for a long time."

Catherine Mutodzaniswa of Glen View said that this was a gateway to
recovery and the dawn of a new era.

However others were generally wary that the deal would work, with many
questioning Mugabe's commitment to the new arrangement especially given his
past pronouncements that he would never work with Tsvangirai, let alone
allow him to govern Zimbabwe.

"I still do not trust Mugabe. What made him change his mind?" said
Reason Chisvo of Mufakose.

Scepticism Over Power-sharing Deal

http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com/


Saturday, 13 September 2008 20:03
WHILE celebrating the announcement of an historic power-sharing deal
by Zimbabwe's political protagonists last Thursday, analysts and civil
society leaders have warned that if there is no commitment from all the
signatories, the deal could just remain "a useless piece of paper".

Although agreeing that the deal was the only way out of the current
crisis in Zimbabwe, some analysts believe such "negotiated democracy" could
disempower ordinary Zimbabweans, sandwiching them between "two strong
political parties joined together by their mutual suspicion of each other".

But others believe the settlement, despite its "compromised nature,
was the best way to go". At the same time, it is a "fragile agreement that
needs to be handled with caution".

Kenya-based Zimbabwean human rights activist, Brian Kagoro said the
deal - which he described as a "Kenya Tea export of negotiated democracy" -
was a subversion of the people's will by "strong-men who after losing
elections resort to stone age politics that depends on who has the bigger
stone to throw or the larger stick".

"It was one of those unique cases, where either side was doomed if
they signed the deal and they were equally doomed if they didn't," said
Kagoro. "No negotiated settlement ever represents the best way to go.

"The fact that the same political prescription forced down Kenyans'
throats has been replicated in Zimbabwe paints a grim picture for
forthcoming elections in several African countries. As a process, negotiated
power-deals amongst elites entrench the politics of entitlement and
patronage . . . The crude reality though is that people do not eat politics.
They require food, shelter and other basic necessities that mere political
squabbling cannot deliver."

Losing presidential candidate, Simba Makoni, who was among the first
people to call for a government of national unity, on Friday refused to
comment on the deal, saying he still wanted to see its contents.

But Last Moyo, a Zimbabwean political scientist, said the deal was
"not necessarily the best in terms of the political process, but only in
terms of giving some form of relief to the people who have suffered so
much".

University of Zimbabwe political science lecturer, Professor Eldred
Masunungure, said though the details of the deal were still hazy, the
finding of common ground by the leaders was a milestone.

"Whatever is in the deal, the very act of them agreeing and finding
common ground is the turning point for the nation," he said.

Another analyst, Professor John Makumbe, said given the current
crisis, "anything on the table should be accepted and tried".

"It's unfortunate the situation has become so bad in the country that
a compromise is the only way forward. It is important that no one puts their
foot wrong and breaks the agreement," Makumbe said.

"It's a fragile agreement, it's like you are holding eggs, where the
stuff inside is rich and good, but the shell is very thin and very fragile.
If you break it everything falls and goes to waste. Both Zanu PF and the MDC
will have to put the country ahead of their partisan interests."

Makumbe said the issues of transitional justice could scuttle the
implementation phase.

"The challenges are very severe. What, for example, do they do with
people who slaughtered and tortured others only a few months ago? Are they
going to send them to prison or sit in the same Cabinet with them? It's
going to be a tricky process to implement the whole agreement."

The analysts were unanimous that for the deal to work there was need
for commitment among the parties and change of the constitution.

"An agreement to share power requires guarantors," Kagoro said, "and
it is not clear who the guarantors will be in the Zimbabwean scenario if
either one of the parties renege on any essential term of the agreement. The
devil in this particular agreement will not be in the detail, but in the
lack thereof!"

The current high levels of corruption among Zimbabwe's elite could
also scuttle the deal.

The deal, said Kagoro, had left many questions unanswered: "How, for
example, will the ongoing looting of minerals and other natural resources be
stopped in the immediate and near future? How will one incentivise people
who for close to a decade have reaped billions of dollars trading on the
informal economy to return to the formal economy?"

Moyo said the success of the deal "will depend largely on the
commitment of all parties".

"There should be no reneging. The deal as a piece of paper is useless;
it is the actions of the politicians that will give it substance," Moyo
said. "The deal without the people will be a dismal failure."

National Constitutional Assembly (NCA) chairperson, Lovemore Madhuku,
said: the "voice of ordinary people was not represented in the agreement".

"It is clear the agreement is not what the people want," Madhuku said.
"The talks should have been part of an inclusive process. We are pressing
ahead for a new, people driven constitution that will lead to fresh
elections."

By Vusumuzi Sifile

Gwanda Councillors Fight Over Maize

http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com/


Saturday, 13 September 2008 19:58
Senior Zanu PF officials in the Gwanda rural district council in
Matabeleland South recently exchanged blows after accusing each other of
diverting maize meant for starving villagers to the black market amid
reports of worsening corruption in provinces hard hit by starvation.

The rot forced traditional leaders attending the annual Chiefs'
Council conference last week to vent their anger on President Robert Mugabe
and the Deputy Minister of Agriculture, David Chapfika whom they accused of
allowing Zanu PF big wigs and government officials to divert maize meant for
desperate villagers to the lucrative parallel market.

The usually docile chiefs railed against the government, accusing it
of failing to feed its own people and allegedly breeding corruption through
a grain distribution programme tightly controlled by Zanu PF officials.

It also emerged that James Mangwangwa Dube, the chairman of the Gwanda
RDC assaulted Witness Sibanda, the councilllor for Ntalale after the later
collected maize from the Grain Marketing Board (GMB) meant for his ward 12
and allegedly sold it on the black market for a premium.

Councillors in rural areas are allowed to buy maize from GMB depots on
behalf of their wards and The Standard recently reported that former Zanu PF
councillors in Gwanda were abusing the facility.

Dube and Sibanda paid admission of guilty fines for public fighting
and their case was referred to the district administrator, Gladys Zizhou,
who in turn reported them to Headman Dengu.

Sibanda was reportedly ordered to return to the owners, seven head of
cattle he had bought from villagers using proceeds from the grain he
acquired corruptly.

"We are sick and tired of this corruption," said Petros Mukwena, the
Matabeleland South provincial secretary of the Arthur Mutambara-led MDC.
"Every day our councillors come here complaining that maize meant for their
wards was collected by former Zanu PF councillors who lost during the March
elections.

"We want the authorities to explain to us why Sibanda's case was not
treated as a criminal case and instead he was tried in a traditional court."

Zizhou was not available for comment as she was said to be busy with
the organisation of the Chiefs' Council meeting.

The Standard has obtained a list of senior Zanu PF officials including
the wife of a deputy minister from the province who are buying the maize
from the GMB at very low rates, which they exchange for livestock and South
African rands.

A 50kg bag of maize is sold for 150 rands or one heifer. Meanwhile,
Chapfika was assailed by chiefs after he presented a report claiming that
although there were food shortages, the government was on top of the
situation.

"You are not going to the ground to see the situation there," Chief
Chiweshe, from Mashonaland Central told him.

"You are not going to the GMB depots to see what is happening there.
If you were, you would not be reading that speech which was written for
you."

By Kholwani Nyathi

Why Tsvangirai agreed to sign power-sharing pact

http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com/


Saturday, 13 September 2008 20:55

MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai (pictured) agreed to sign the
power-sharing agreement last week after successfully negotiating to have
some of President Robert Mugabe's powers reduced.

Tsvangirai refused to sign an earlier deal insisting that he wanted to
chair the cabinet as Prime Minister.

He clashed with Mugabe who remained adamant that only he, as
President, should remain as chairperson. The matter resulted in the talks
collapsing with Tsvangirai saying he wanted to reflect on the issue.

The MDC leader, however, took many by surprise when he agreed on
Thursday to a deal that allowed Mugabe to chair the cabinet.

For some analysts, the deal was a coup for the 84-year-old Mugabe
whose legitimacy as President has been fiercely contested since the 2002
Presidential elections.

The deal leaves Mugabe, who lost to Tsvangirai in the March elections,
officially recognised as the legitimate President of Zimbabwe by the MDC,
Sadc and the African Union.

Explaining the change of heart, sources to close to the talks said
Tsvangirai was satisfied that he would now be able to executive his duties
as Prime Minister, after successfully negotiating to have Mugabe's unchecked
executive powers in cabinet reduced.

Under the deal whose contents are to be unveiled tomorrow, Mugabe as
chairperson of the cabinet would no longer wield the executive authority
that has allowed him to dominate Zimbabwe's political landscape for the past
28 years.

The cabinet, comprised of 15 Zanu PF members and 16 MDC officials,
would cease rubber-stamping Mugabe's decisions. Decisions reached there
would be by way of consensus and Mugabe would not have the power to veto any
of those decisions.

In what could signal the changing political set up, it is the Council
of Ministers - an entire cabinet without Mugabe - that would be charged with
actual policy formulation and implementation.

That body to be chaired by Tsvangirai would also be charged with
supervising the work of the cabinet.

"Under this arrangement Tsvangirai can no longer accuse Mugabe of
wielding executive authority. The age of unilateralism has died," remarked a
source yesterday, "the imperial presidency is no more."

Although Tsvangirai will not enjoy absolute power as Prime Minister,
he would have powers to advise Mugabe on key government appointments.

It is this twin arrangement proposed by SA President Thabo Mbeki, that
ensured the deal was reached, the sources said.

The parties also resolved another sticking point when they agreed that
a new constitution would be drawn through a process involving all
stakeholders and a parliamentary select committee. A referendum would also
be held to determine if Zimbabweans were in agreement with the new draft.
The process should be carried out in 18 months, paving way for new
elections.

A National Economic Council (NEC) to spearhead economic reforms would
also be established, alongside the National Security Council (NSC) which
would replace the Joint Operations Command (JOC).

Mugabe would however continue to chair the body.

The Citizenship laws would also be reformed, ensuring all those who
were deemed aliens but were denied citizenship would have their rights
restored.

A 19th Amendment to the Constitution to be fast tracked through the
houses of Parliament would legalise these changes.

By Walter Marwizi

Patients Get Raw Deal As State Hospitals Crumble

http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com/


Saturday, 13 September 2008 19:56
CASUALTY Philosophy: Our vision in (sic) resuscitation and restoration
of all clients cost effectively and efficiently", proclaims a sign on the
wall at Parirenyatwa hospital's casualty department.

The grammatical errors aside, visiting Parirenyatwa hospital for the
first time, one would expect first-class treatment and a speedy recovery.
But lying next to this sign last week on Thursday when The Standard crew
visited the hospital was Gilbert Nyoni groaning in pain from what appeared
to be a boil on his head.

Nyoni, who had been referred here to see a specialist for further
diagnosis, is from the mining town of Shamva, about 90km outside Harare. His
wife Netsai, tired of standing next to her husband for two hours waiting for
the specialist, had sought relief under a tree in the hospital's casualty
parking area, a packet of maputi on her lap.

"The ambulance dropped us here in the morning around 8 o'clock but now
it's almost 11 and we still haven't seen the doctor," said Netsai
dejectedly.

"They keep telling us he is coming. Now the problem is that the
panadol my husband was given in the morning back in Shamva is wearing-off
and he is in pain. It's painful to watch someone suffer like this."

In the same parking lot a few metres from Netsai, another family was
in its own quandary. Hospital officials had just told three elderly women
from Mutoko that the hospital no longer conducts cremations of still born
babies, or those who would have died soon after birth.

The problem was, the body could only be released from the mortuary
after the family had brought a coffin. But as one of the elderly women
explained on condition of anonymity, this is an expense that the poor family
could not afford.

"If only the hospital could allow us to just wrap the baby in a
blanket and take it with us. We have no money for a coffin," she said.

As this family ponders the next move, the mother of the late child is
lying at Harare hospital battling for her life after an emergency Caesarean
section.

Lying under another tree in the same parking lot is one woman who
suffered a stroke on Thursday. She is in urgent need of physiotherapy, but
had just been told to come back to see a specialist on September 23.

While she waits for this day she runs the risk of permanent paralysis.
To avoid this, the family has been told by a "kind nurse" that there is a
doctor in the private sector who charges at least R100 for an hour of
physiotherapy. The family told The Standard it had no idea where to get this
money.

If it is not failing to get treatment because nurses or doctors are on
strike, it is where to get money for specialist treatment in the private
sector and not endure long waiting periods for that one specialist in the
public sector or where to get money to meet the rising costs for drugs.

A snap survey conducted at Medical Chambers - home to a large number
of specialists in the Avenues area - showed that most doctors are asking for
about Z$30 000 (Z$300 trillion old currency) core-payment for selected
medical aid covers.

Other specialists are refusing medical aid for certain procedures and
demanding as much as Z$300 000 ($3quadrillion) or double the price if
payment is being made using a cheque or Real Time Gross Transfer (RTGs).

One laboratory in the Avenues area was charging at least Z$20 000
co-payment for a malaria test. Cash patients were being asked to fork-out at
least Z$50 000 or double the amount if paying by cheque. If samples of tests
are required urgently or reach the laboratory after normal working hours,
the cash or cheque prices are trebled.

The prices of drug in pharmacies are not any better. As of Friday,
just a bottle of sophyllin, a bronchodilator used mostly by people with
asthma or chest infections was being sold for $120 000 ($1,2 quadrillion).

One pharmacist who works at QV pharmacy told The Standard they have
become accustomed to people walking in-and-out of their pharmacies shaking
their heads in disbelief because they cannot afford the drugs.

"Many people cannot afford medical treatment. We write numerous
quotations everyday but people just shake their heads and leave after seeing
the prices."

Chairman of the Zimbabwe Doctors for Human Rights, Dr Douglas Gwatidzo
said many people are dying at home because they cannot access treatment at
State hospitals but fail to get treatment in the private sector because its
expensive.

Gwatidzo said the situation in the State hospitals has worsened over
the past months with shortages of drugs and experienced staff.

"On a daily basis, middle level health practitioners are leaving the
country while the remaining staff remains overwhelmed and unmotivated," said
Gwatidzo.

"There are no drugs, no laboratory services in these state hospitals,
key equipment is not functioning and everything is disarray. Under these
circumstances it is very difficulty to maintain a health delivery system and
this why people are suffering."

By Bertha Shoko

Supervision By Traditional Chiefs Worries NGOs

http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com/


Saturday, 13 September 2008 19:54
Some aid agencies fear they would not be able to revive most of the
humanitarian operations in rural areas because of newly imposed bottlenecks,
including government demands that they should be supervised by chiefs.

The government recently lifted a three-month ban on aid agencies it is
accusing of supporting the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
but announced new strict monitoring measures, viewed in some circles as
politically motivated.

Officials from the re-registered Non-Governmental Organisations (NGO's)
said they feared that chiefs who have become fierce ruling Zanu PF backers
would deny them access to rural areas, where villagers are in desperate need
of food aid.

This is because the NGOs will be required to first seek clearance from
chiefs before undertaking any operations in areas under the chiefs'
jurisdiction.

Fambai Ngirande, the spokesperson for the National Association of
Non-governmental Organisations (NANGO), said many aid agencies were
unsettled by the prospect of being screened by the chiefs.

"The problem is that there is a lot of misinformation and
disinformation," Ngirande said. "Numerous NGOs might meet the new
requirements and get re-registered but still fail to resume operations
because of the different requirements from different structures, especially
the chiefs.

"There is just no adherence to the NGO Act when it comes to the
traditional structures. This, at the end of the day compromises the work of
the NGOs since this results in the politicisation of food aid."

The Minister of Information, Sikhanyiso Ndlovu first said he could not
take calls because he was at the bank but later said he was "too busy to
comment".

When the ban imposed was on June 4 this year, the government claimed
it was trying to prevent NGOs from using food to bribe hungry Zimbabweans to
vote against President Robert Mugabe in the June 27 presidential election
run-off following his loss in the first round on March 29.

The ban on the NGO's met with widespread international condemnation
since it came amid gripping food shortages in a country- once regarded as
the bread basket of Africa.

By Nqobani Ndlovu

New Rules Stymying NGO Operations

http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com/


Saturday, 13 September 2008 19:52
STRINGENT rules imposed on Non-Governmental Organisations (NGO) will
affect the resumption of critical relief operations, human rights lawyers
have warned.

The lawyers made the warning as inquiries by The Standard revealed
that the lifting of a ban on NGOs by government is yet to bring smiles on
the faces of thousands of hungry Zimbabweans in urgent need of food aid.

Many Zimbabweans are going for days without proper meals, with some of
these relying on wild fruits for survival.

Lancaster Museka, the Ministry of Public Service Labour and Social
Welfare's Permanent Secretary announced on August 29 that government was
lifting the ban, raising hopes that at least five million Zimbabweans
currently in need food aid following a poor harvest in the last farming
season could start getting relief supplies.

But three days later, on September 1, Museka also announced that
government would closely monitor the operations of the NGOs.

"The freeze was necessitated by reports that several NGOs were
operating outside the terms of their registered mandates. Some were not
following operational guidelines and some were dabbling in partisan
politics. A number of NGOs will have to answer for their iniquities," said
Museka.

It was not immediately possible to establish from Museka which
organisations would be answerable.

Under the new checks, aid agencies would now be obliged to fill in
forms with details of grants they received between July 2007 and June 2008,
and how they used the money.

The head of the organisation who signed those forms could be
prosecuted if the information proved incorrect. Agencies that failed to
present the information by end of this month would be deregistered.

The Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR) which studied the new
rules expressed grave concern on the new checks on aid agencies.

"Such government bureaucracy against aid organisations can effectively
compromise the resumption of critical field operations, putting the lives of
millions of vulnerable people, especially children, the aged, People Living
with HIV and Aids and others in urgent need of humanitarian assistance at
risk," noted the lawyers body.

According to the National Association of Non-Governmental
Organisations (NANGO) - which represents NGOs, including civil society
organisations in Zimbabwe - the government has actually tightened its grip
on aid agencies with the new rules.

This, said Fambai Ngirande, Nango's Advocacy and Public Policy
Manager, will make it even more difficult for NGOs to operate.

"On paper, the ban has been lifted, but practically, the government
has actually tightened the screws on the operations of NGOs," said Ngirande.

"For example, militias who were blocking NGO personnel in the villages
are still on the ground. The lifting of the suspension is selective and
excludes thousands of organisations either registered as trusts or
universities as well as organisations registered as PVOs (private voluntary
organisations) but not doing humanitarian, development or welfare work."

Most of the organisations whose activities remain suspended are
community based; their exclusion is doubly significant because bigger
organisations operated mostly through their structures.

Ngirande however said this requirement was against the provisions of
the law. Instead, it sounded more in line with a piece of legislation
abandoned in 2005 that would have tightened government control of
registration of NGOS and prevented them from receiving foreign funding for
their work.

"It is Nango's considered view that the new requirements essentially
operationalise the contested NGO Bill of 2005, at a time when Zimbabwe
requires a positive state-civil society relationship to address the
devastating humanitarian conditions in the country," added Ngirande.

The ZLHR also echoes the same view;

"In light of the imposition of such stringent and unnecessary rules
the government has effectively introduced sections and aspects of the
controversial NGO Bill into law through ministerial policies whose legality
might be disputed."

An official with a leading aid organisation, requesting anonymity,
said militias aligned to the governing Zanu PF were barring them from
independently distributing aid.

"It is now very difficult to operate. The problem is that if you voice
your concern, you would be accused of working with enemies of the state, and
we might be deregistered," said the official.

Among other things, NGOs are now required to operate within structures
set by the government. This means food distribution will be supervised by
Village and Ward Development Committees, traditional chiefs and councillors,
who will also screen beneficiaries. In the past, NGOs distributed aid
through their own field workers, with collaboration from local government.

"From experience, the structures set up by the government are partisan
and exclude a large section of needy Zimbabweans," added the official.

By Vusumuzi Sifile/Walter Marwizi

Gono's Future Hangs By A Thread

http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com/


Saturday, 13 September 2008 19:43
THE future of Gideon Gono as the country's top banker could be hanging
by the thread following the agreement by the country's political parties on
a power-sharing deal, touted as the solution to the country's economic
crisis.

While the details of the deal will be unveiled tomorrow, The Standard
has it on good authority that with the main wing of the MDC led by Morgan
Tsvangirai, expected to be in charge of economic ministries, Gono's future
has never looked bleaker.

The MDC accuses Gono of fuelling inflation through money printing.

In the run up to the March 29 harmonised elections, Tendai Biti, MDC
secretary general said Gono was a problem.

"Gono is the number one enemy of this country, not inflation," Biti
said. "He has been stoking the fires of inflation through quasi-fiscal
activities.

"In other countries if a central bank governor admits to printing
money he will face the firing squad. Gono is the number one economic
saboteur, terrorist and Al Qaeda."

As negotiating parties were on the verge of signing a deal on
Wednesday, Gono battled to save face by announcing new reforms to steer the
country's sinking ship.

Announcing a raft of measures, Gono said: "There would be those who
forever are perpetual critics who would be quick to condemn this
intervention as unsustainable."

Gono said the monetary authorities had approved retailers and
wholesalers to sell goods in foreign currency in a last ditch attempt to
make goods available on the shelves. The programme runs for 18 months. Gono
said licensed service stations will be allowed to sell fuel to motorists in
foreign currency.

Gono also unveiled a Strategic Commodities Imports Bond (SCIB) whereby
holders of foreign currency can import basic commodities and would be repaid
in six months on a 15% interest. In return, the central bank will offer
bondholders Eldorado: 15% return in US$ terms or shareholding in companies
owned by the central bank.

Critics told Standardbusiness last week that Gono's reforms would not
fly.

"This is another blunder on top of the main blunder: distortions in
the economy caused by multiple exchange rates and the overvalued currency
fuelled by money printing," said economic consultant Dr Daniel Ndlela.

Ndlela said the state had become predatory in sucking money from the
streets through money printing adding that Gono's reforms would fail.

"He has never done something which works. When he said, failure is not
an option, we knew he was headed for failure," Ndlela said.

Professor Eldred Masunungure, a political scientist, says the reforms
were improperly timed and would not survive under a new administration.

"You can't as a RBZ governor whose term of office is expiring in three
months put in place a programme that lasts for 18 months," he said.

He says allowing some retailers to sell goods in foreign currency
would cause consternation in government.

"It's not easy to dollarise and abandon your currency. There are
serious implications on sovereignty, the pillar of the government's
philosophy," he said adding that Gono's days in office were numbered.

"The future is not guaranteed."

But Dr Eric Bloch, an economic commentator, says the reforms are
necessary and a response to feedback from stakeholders.

"He was responding to the representations he was getting from CZI,
ZNCC and retailers . . . his reforms were a response to the input from the
private sector," Bloch said.

Asked whether the new administration would not reverse the policy,
Bloch said it was only the central bank that had powers to reverse the
decision.

"I don't see the new administration overriding the monetary policy
announced on Wednesday," he said.

Bloch says there is need for an injection of balance of payment
support for the reforms to work.

"The world will see what has happened and then respond," he said.

Prof Masunungure says would- be investors will take a cautious
approach before they can pour in money into the country.

"There won't be a stampede from investors to pour in money. They will
wait and see what happens with regards to the land reform and other
contentious issues," he said.

He says if the model brings in a transitional government, "most donors
will wait until the next election and it will be transitional in the sense
of the word".

Independent economist, John Robertson does not see any interest in the
SCIB as the government has lost trust of the investors.

"Government's previous irrevocable guarantees have not been honoured
so it has lost the trust," Robertson said.

He says it is of no use to put money into the project and hope to get
shareholding in state owned enterprises that have been performing dismally.

"No single government institution is doing well. You can say Goodbye
to any dividend," he said.

Gono, who assumed the reigns in 2003 amid pomp and fanfare, has lost
the respect and support he garnered when he came into office two months
before his first term of office ends.

He has been accused of fuelling inflation through money printing. But
he still has some supporters.

On Thursday, chiefs pledged undying loyalty to President Mugabe and
said only ancestral spirits would revive the economy not bookish economics.

Chief Fortune Charumbira, the president of the Zimbabwe Council of
Chiefs said his constituency was behind Gono, for pursuing "bush economics".

"As chiefs, we are fully behind Gono's bush economic efforts to turn
around the nation's economy. The state of our economy does not require book
economics but bush and more importantly, as chiefs, our advice is that our
economy can only be turned around with the help of ancestral spirits," said
Charumbira.

By Ndamu Sandu/Nqobani Ndlovu

Conflict, Compromise And Consensus

http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com/


Saturday, 13 September 2008 18:51
AS the news filtered through the wires on Thursday evening, it was
clear that a whole nation had breathed a sigh of relief; relief because
Zimbabweans had been waiting for months; for years, since the current
political and economic crisis intensified eight or so years ago.

It is easy to be critical; and there will be many criticisms of this
deal. But to be sure, this was never going to be a perfect solution; it was
always going to be a messy compromise - a function of pragmatism rather than
principle.

It is premature, of course, to make accurate judgment on the deal in
the absence of the detail, which for some reason remains secret until
Monday. But make no mistake about it - when you consider the recent
tumultuous history, the dire socio-economic conditions affecting ordinary
people, the lack of any viable and practicable alternatives - the
realisation of this deal was the only faint light in the tunnel; in the
tunnel not at the end because, to be sure, Zimbabwe will, for some time
remain in the tunnel.

There has been considerable rhetoric in the recent past in relation to
the notion of developing a Zimbabwean solution to Zimbabwean problems by
Zimbabweans, without actually providing substance to it. In light of the
on-going negotiations and the country's political history, is it possible to
identify a Zimbabwean approach to solving its political problems?

Looking at the historical progression of Zimbabwean politics, a
trajectory can be identified, which for purposes of simplicity, is captured
in the three words: conflict, compromise and consensus.

After years of conflict, often involving untold suffering of the
ordinary people, the main political actors ultimately recognise that none
among them is willing to give up and that the only way to arrest the
deterioration is to negotiate. In some cases, external pressure or the
threat of external pressure forces them to the negotiating table. This
process, inevitably, involves bargaining between the main actors, each
prepared to give and take according to their interests.

Of course, all this is done in the name of the ordinary people,
notwithstanding that these negotiations are often conducted behind closed
doors. Only the minimum information is allowed to filter through, often
after agreement has been reached. This might appear non-transparent and
undemocratic, but it is often necessary to keep it that way because to do
otherwise might compromise the negotiating process given that politicians
are wont to take populist positions at any given opportunity. In the end,
the compromise deal results in a consensus between the main actors, a result
that is then triumphantly announced to the ordinary people.

This pattern has manifested on the two main occasions that have
defined the political circumstances of Zimbabwean politics and is about to
be repeated again now.

First, the 1979 Lancaster House Constitutional Conference, which
opened the doors to Zimbabwe's independence, was preceded by a period of
intense conflict arising from the political problems of the colonial period.
Lancaster itself was the final successful effort in a series of attempts to
reach a solution through negotiations in the 1970s. Pressure was applied on
each of the main actors in Zimbabwe by their allies and compromises were
made to reach an ultimate consensus that opened the gates to independence.
The Constitution that was adopted at independence was effectively a
compromise on terms that were negotiated and agreed by the men who gathered
at Lancaster. It is important to note that the process and these
negotiations took place outside the formal structures of the then
Zimbabwe-Rhodesia political system and only involved political
representatives of the people.

Second, the 1987 Unity Accord between Zanu PF and PF Zapu represents
another key feature in the development of the Zimbabwean approach to dealing
with political problems. On reflection, the process that led ultimately to
the Unity Accord is not dissimilar in principle, to the approach that had
been adopted at Lancaster. The Unity Accord followed a period of bitter
conflict in Matabeleland, during which thousands of lives were lost.
Eventually, compromises were made through negotiations between the main
political actors at the time, largely behind closed doors and outside the
formal legal and political structures of Zimbabwe.

There are striking similarities between those two occasions, to what
is going on at present involving the negotiations between Zanu PF and the
MDC. As on the previous occasions, the current negotiations are taking place
against a background of bitter conflict. All the main political actors have
come to accept that a negotiated settlement is the best way out of the
crisis. As with Lancaster, the negotiations are being mediated by an
external party, in this case South Africa, with SADC's support.

Interestingly, in a similar approach to Lancaster and the Unity
Accord, the negotiations are taking place behind closed doors, with very
limited information being filtered through, often only after agreement has
been reached. Decisions about the formal structures and institutions such as
the Constitution, Parliament, elections, etc are being made in the informal
forum of the negotiations.

As with Lancaster and the Unity Accord these formal structures exist
to endorse and formalise decisions that have already been made in the
informal sphere. This process, in which political action is discussed,
mediated and decided informally and only endorsed by the formal structures,
may be considered to be generally characteristic of the approach taken in
Zimbabwean politics.

Understanding that power is mediated and decided in the informal
sphere of politics can assist us to safely predict that Zimbabwe's fate is
heavily dependent upon how the current negotiations proceed. It also helps
us to appreciate that to focus solely on the formal legal and political
structures, is to miss the target of where real politics and change take
place in Zimbabwe. It may not appear to be the most ideal approach to
solving political problems, but in politics, what is ideal is not
necessarily the best approach to achieve a practical result. Those who are
not seriously and openly organised at political entities even though they
are engaged in politics often find themselves on the periphery as is
happening to civil society organisations.

Perhaps, for the third time, Zimbabwe is going through yet another
phase, where, after a period of conflict, the one clear route is to seek a
negotiated settlement, which will involve compromises and consensus between
the main political actors. In this, as at Lancaster and the Unity Accord,
real politics is played out in the informal sphere, with mediation and
decisions taking place outside the formal legal and political structures,
which exist only to endorse and legitimate those decisions.

It may not be the most preferable way of politics, but perhaps, that
is the Zimbabwean way of politics. Perhaps in the same way other countries
overcome their political challenges though ad-hoc coalitions, routine
changes of prime ministers through parliament, etc, it is important that we
identify whether, instead of resorting to the usual formulae predicated on
formal and legal structures and processes, Zimbabwe might have its own ways
of politics. If there is a challenge, it is how that approach can be
improved. The current negotiations present the window of opportunity that
Zimbabwe needs and must exploit, because even the most wildly ambitious have
no alternative that is practical and realistic".

It seems, therefore, that we have come full circle on this score, for
indeed after protracted conflict the new deal has been reached in the
informal sphere, by political actors negotiating behind closed doors, only
to appear triumphantly to declare a deal to the public. One hopes the
mistakes following the last two similar occasions have been learned and are
not repeated.

The challenge for the new government is, surely, to draw lessons from
this and help inculcate a new culture in which the formal structures play a
more dominant role in solving political problems.

Alex T. Magaisa is based at Kent Law School, University of Kent and
can be contacted at a.t.magaisa@kent.ac.uk

Foliwars Or Folly Wars: Dubious Measures

http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com/


Saturday, 13 September 2008 18:48
LAST Wednesday's introduction of new Exchange Control measures by the
Central Bank were driven by the government's desire to mop up as much
foreign currency as possible to feed its appetite for lavish spending.

One of the drivers of the move could be an attempt to pay off part of
Zimbabwe's arrears ahead of next month's annual Spring meetings of the
International Monetary Fund and the World Bank Group in Washington. Such
settlement, coming on the back of last Thursday agreement by the three main
political parties could help unlock international financial support
necessary for powering Zimbabwe's economic recovery.

The presence of the African Development Bank's Donald Kaberuka in the
country last Monday would appear to lend weight to this view. Zimbabwe owes
the ADB US$5billion but Kaberuka said the institution was ready to open the
taps to US$1 billion in foreign currency inflows to this country, provided a
political settlement was secured.

A token payment to offset the arrears to the ADB, IMF and World Bank
could provide the instant panacea to hard currency cash-strapped industries
and the manufacturing sector, thus fuelling the economic recovery. The IMF
and World Bank have not been lending to Zimbabwe for nearly a decade because
of the problem of arrears. But the on-going quasi-fiscal activities, despite
concerns from international financial institutions are not likely to help
the Reserve Bank's cause even if it settles arrears to the ADB, IMF and the
World Bank.

But the central bank's measures are significant for their attempts to
exclude the search for a political settlement that was underway when the
Reserve Bank announced the new measures.

It is widely believed that Morgan Tsvangirai's MDC formation will land
the economic ministries. It is no secret that the MDC has its own ideas
about how it will go about restarting the economic recovery. Therefore, the
RBZ move was either foolhardy or open defiance that could result in
unintended consequences, because the reason Zanu PF will not oppose the
MDC-T taking the economic ministries is because of the party's acceptance to
the international community. They would therefore want their own people to
ensure they are in charge of and are driving the change process.

Until Frelimo and Renamo agreed to lay down arms, Mozambique, operated
"Duty-free" shops, where anyone with access to foreign currency could
purchase goods they wanted. But once a political settlement was achieved,
such an arrangement became irrelevant. Yet this appears to be what the
central bank is proposing on the even of a political agreement between the
three main parties in Zimbabwe.

The problem with the RBZ's proposed Exchange Control measures is that
they will do nothing to stem the activities of the parallel market. People
with access to foreign currency will buy the scarce goods from the
dollarised shops and warehouses and sell them on the parallel market at
exorbitant prices.

What essentially the measures will do is to bring relief to people who
used to travel across the country's borders in order to buy scarce basic
commodities, but their goods will continue to be out of the reach of the
majority who have borne the brunt of years of economic mismanagement.

But the international community is not likely to be taken in by such
folly ways. They will demand economic plans that are sustainable.

The recent relicensing of bureaux de change and last Wednesday's
Exchange Control measures are nothing but the government's way of raising
foreign currency to feed its ravenous appetite for the good life,
notwithstanding the suffering around it.

Either that or the government again had forgotten to import the
necessary inputs for the forthcoming agricultural season.

Waiting For Zimbabwe's Big Bang

http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com/


Saturday, 13 September 2008 18:34
THE real Big Bang for most journalists in post-independent Zimbabwe
was the blowing up of the printing press of The Daily News in 2001.

Not every journalist remembers it in exactly that - shall we say? -
light.
For some, it was the extinguishing of a bright light that brought into
sharp focus the warts of an ugly government.

For others, it was no more than a temporary nuisance, a small bump in
the road to the acquisition of illicit riches by a few people and the
effective ruination of an economy once prophesied as "the gem of Africa".

Before independence, another printing press had suffered a big bang of
its own, blown out to conceal the ugly warts of a regime which sustained
itself on the cold-blooded murder and persecution of all citizens who could
muster enough courage to say BOO!

Both printing presses were born again - my apologies to all
Pentecostals - and lived to fight another day. But the project launched in
Geneva last week - to simulate the original Big Bang - is something else
entirely. Humankind has been stumped for an answer to this big question: how
did the Big Bang happen and how did it result in the creation of the world?
Billions of dollars have been spent on the planning and construction of the
Large Hadron Collider (LHC), described as "the biggest and most expensive
experiment in the history of science".

ot everyone is keen on the project. They believe God created the
world - end of story. They maintain because that's exactly the way it's
written in the Bible, that's got to be the way it was.

It is suggested that people who want to find out what happened after
The Big Bang are challenging God and may be punished for their impertinence.
My research is still on-going on what chapters and verses of the Bible they
will quote to sustain this prediction.

Advocates of the legitimacy of LHC point out that if Humankind had not
been as incurably curious about why things are they way they are, we would
probably still be wallowing in the Stone Age - without water either.

Curiosity is not the dangerous phenomenon that people seem to think it
is - because they allege it killed the cat.

If we had been curious about why things were beginning to be so
unpleasant for us in the mid-1980s, we would probably have prevented the
disaster in which we are now.

In general, most foreigners have described us as the "most incurious
citizens" in the world. We are said to take only a cursory interest in how
our affairs are run.

Moreover, when things go horribly wrong, we tend to give up trying to
put them right. Our almost impulsive reaction is to run away - mostly to
another country, the farther away the better.

The proposal is that we should spend time investigating the origins of
our Big Bang - not necessarily how Zimbabwe was created, because we know
that already.

ar more important, it would seem, is an investigation into how we
allowed things to spin so much out of control. Some of us realise there are
Zimbabweans who don't believe that things are out of control. This is the
tragedy - of many citizens believing that nothing is wrong, that all is well
in God's Paradise and that those who complain are basically non-believers.

What we have lost seems to be the ability to let our curiosity run
wild, to examine why, for instance, the Big Bang happened, and why did it
result in the birth of the world as we know it today? What possible
disastrous consequences could ensue from such an investigation? Apocalypse?

Unfortunately, I am reminded of the response to my column a few months
ago. Some people took such umbrage at what they must have perceived as my
anti-God declarations they predicted hell and damnation for me.

So far, we don't know if that has happened yet. It's true I've had a
few close shaves, but I am - touch wood! - still in one piece.

The ultimate argument in favour of probing and probing the universe is
that God could not have created dumbbells, zombies, so comfortable in their
situation they have no curiosity about how they could improve their lives
and enhance their happiness.

If Humankind had been content with the way things were at the
Beginning -whenever that was - we probably would never have had the
lavatory, the phone, the nail-cutter or the thumbscrew.

I realise these are of little consequence to the survival of
Humankind, but obviously they have their uses.

For Zimbabweans in general, The Big Bang is yet to happen. Let's pray
we shall have the curiosity to investigate what it might do to us . . .

By Bill Saidi

* saidib@standard.co.zw

Zim Standard Letters

http://www.thezimbabwestandard.com/

The Evidence, Hon Senator Senator Coltart
Saturday, 13 September 2008 19:09
SENATOR David Coltart, although not in the House at the time, has
taken issue with the fact that some MDC MPs showed their ballot papers to
MDC Vice-President Thokozani Khupe during the election of the Speaker of
Parliament.

Senator Coltart refers to a parliamentary standing order for
parliamentary voting, which may have been put in place to prevent MPs being
forced to vote against their will. But what evidence does Senator Coltart
have that these members of the MDC had been instructed to show their ballots
to Khupe? What evidence does he have that at a meeting held by the MDC on
August 24, the MPs were threatened with expulsion if they did not vote for
Lovemore Moyo?

I do not recall Senator Coltart making as much noise when an officer
of the Zimbabwe Prison Services gave evidence that prison officers were
being forced to vote for Robert Mugabe on June 27.

Benjamin Chitate

New Zealand

------------

      ...Senator Coltart Responds
      Saturday, 13 September 2008 19:10
      Do you believe in the rule of law? If the law says that the vote
should be secret and if it is proved that the ballot was not secret will you
agree that was wrong?

      I have spoken consistently against breaches of the rule of law
for the last 25 years...long before the disgusting victimisation of prison
officers.

      But we must be consistent -we cannot criticise Zanu PF for
breaching the rule of law if we do the same thing.

      Senator David Coltart

      Khumalo Constituency

----------------
Thestandard Sms
Saturday, 13 September 2008 19:12
IN his September Exchange Control Press statement, the Governor of the
Reserve Bank, Dr Gideon Gono, expects us to trust him with our foreign
currency bonds when we cannot get our Zimbabwe dollars from banks.

Why should he be trusted? - Sceptic

******

HOW dare the Zanu PF commentators criticise the behaviour of MDC MPs
during the opening of Parliament and yet praise President Robert Mugabe for
his behaviour towards the one-man presidential election run-off during which
more than 120 Zimbabweans were killed and thousands displaced? - Justice.

The real villain

SO suddenly, Zanu PF sycophants find it befitting to march against the
MDC legislators for heckling President Robert Mugabe. Where were they when
Mugabe was calling his rival by names like frog, dzimati, prostitute,
tea-boy etc? Where were they when Tonderai Ndira, Beta Chokururama and
Talent Mabika were brutally murdered? - Masawi Munyanyi.

The worst manager

PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe admits that the last Cabinet was the worst in
the country's history. I would like to remind him that he is the one who
appointed them. Not only that, any Cabinet is only as good as its leader. -
Manager.

******

IF Zanu PF plans to declare war against Britain and the US, it must
learn that Chinese-made rifles are no match for Western nukes, GPS bombs and
bio-weapons. - Folly war.

THE regime should understand that imprisoning MDC legislators will not
confer legitimacy on it. Such actions only help to strengthen our resolve to
remove it. We just treat the imprisoned leaders as casualties of the
revolution. - Franco.

******

THROUGHOUT history, the open palm has been associated with truth,
honesty, allegiance and submission. I believe this country now needs the MDC
more than at any other time. - Handy.

Hunger genocide

THERE is genocide unfolding in the form of deliberate and calculated
mass starvation of Zimbabweans by a ruthlessly uncaring leadership. This
issue is one for the International Criminal Court. - Ides.

No Zesa fairy tales

PLEASE in future do not publish any fairy tales from the Zimbabwe
Electricity Supply Authority about power supplies improving when this week
we have gone for periods of 18 hours without power. The week previous to
your report our supply actually improved at bit. - Conned, Greystone Park.

******

A major problem Zimbabwe is facing is that of having too many chiefs
with a few Indians. Everyone in Zimbabwe wants to be a chef. We try to find
faults or excuses or to pull someone down in order to try and make ourselves
look better instead of trying to learn from them or emulate them and that's
the sole reason Zimbabwe is in an economic mess. It's time we faced reality
and also that we are all not first team players. So we should allow our best
players first. - Cash talk.

Military 'graduates'

WITH all universities failing to open, has anyone noticed how the
military and paramilitary personnel passing out have become "students",
"graduates" in the state media?- Not fooled.

History repeated

History seems to accord South Africa an unexplained role where
Zimbabwe is concerned. During the Ian Smith regime, South Africa was used to
pressure Smith to talk to the liberation movements. Now South Africa has
been used to pressure President Robert Mugabe to talk to the opposition. -
Observer.

******

Now that the parties have agreed to power-sharing, Morgan Tsvangirai
should guard against the John Garang-type of assassinations. - Franco.

******

Where does the power-sharing deal leave people like Nolbert Kunonga,
Obadiah Musindo and the others who chose to fight the people on the side of
the oppressors? - Llodza, Hwedza.

******

Can't the setting of the absurd withdrawal limits be regarded as a
crime against humanity as we can't take our children to crèche because of
cash shortages hence we have to prioritise food and bus fare? Who will be
judged for this crime - the government or the Reserve Bank Governor? -
Llodza, Hwedza.

Non-performers

I have come to the conclusion that being highly educated does not mean
one will perform at national leadership. Just watch the failure of President
Robert Mugabe's government. You can't get a more educated Cabinet. - Royal,
Harare.

Until President Robert Mugabe goes, this country will always be in an
economic mess. Let's buckle up for the remaining very rough and painful
ride. - Joyman Ngoda.

ZTV anti-MDC

ISN'T it strange that we were able to watch the MDC-T ninth
anniversary celebrations rally on SABC on the evening of the same day but
not on ZTV? The event was in Gweru and not in Johannesburg. - X, Kadoma.

Exercise in futility

ZANU PF has to admit that brain drain has seriously affected the
country and that the only way for Zimbabwe to recover is for our best
professionals to return and help rebuild the economy. But they can only do
that when there is a stable environment. As reality has shown, no matter how
much money you pump out, there will be no turn around. Just look at how the
companies that the government took over have collapsed or the state of the
government-owned firms, the rate of decline of production and the fact that
Zimbabwe has the fastest shrinking economy in the world. Look at the number
of turn around plans that have failed to bear fruit. It must surely
demonstrate that nobody knows what they are doing. - Migration.

******

ZANU PF just doesn't get it. They are yet to face reality where
Zimbabwe's real problems lie. It is utter nonsense to waste its time trying
to lure back a political dinosaur like Jonathan Moyo into their ranks when
it is clear that most of his policies are responsible for the country's
problems. Zimbabwe needs less spin doctors, legal experts, cheerleaders and
hawks. What this country really needs are more economists, technocrats,
critics and business people. Instead, Zanu PF should be trying to lure
people like Christopher Kuruneri, Herbert Murerwa and Tshuma back into their
fold. It's the economy that is messed up and Zimbabwe needs economic
solutions. - Oracle.

We may change players and coaches as often as possible, but as long as
we retain the same Zanunised management style and culture of inefficiency
and crisis management, our football team will never achieve much. - Coach.

Nothing meaningful is ever going to be achieved by our soccer team as
long as Zanu PF and President Robert Mugabe remain in control. - Super sub.