The Zimbabwe Situation

Journalist Violet Gonda’s guest is political analyst Professor Brian Raftopoulos, with an in-depth analysis on the implications of the deal signing by the political rivals.

Broadcast: 12 September 2008

Violet Gonda: South African President Thabo Mbeki has finally brokered a power sharing deal between the political rivals in Zimbabwe. Mbeki announced on Thursday evening that there will be a formal signing ceremony on Monday. On the programme Hot Seat I have invited political analyst Professor Brian Raftopoulos to help us understand this historic development. Welcome Professor.

Raftopoulos: Hello Violet, how are you?

Gonda: I am fine. First of all your reaction to the news.

Raftopoulos: Well I am cautiously optimistic. I think it’s a step forward in the Zimbabwe political process. As well as dangers there are also possibilities and I think that it’s important to understand that this has been a long time in the making. These mediation discussions have been going on for over a year and so I think that people have invested a great deal into this and I think this is a welcome development.

Gonda: And some Zimbabweans we have been talking to are also cautiously optimistic about this development but some feel it may be a deal that is going to serve the political leaders more than the masses. What really pushed them to sign? Do you understand what their motivation was?

Raftopoulos: I think the motivation was that on both sides there was clearly not much alternatives to a negotiated settlement. ZANU PF clearly has no answer to the economic decline. They have no answer to the question of illegitimacy of the presidency. The international isolation has intensified - even within the region there are increasing questions about the role of Mugabe and his government. So I think there was pressure building up for ZANU PF to sign.

On the part of the MDC I think there has been a lot of support for the MDC internationally that was also increasing in the region. But in terms of the internal social forces I think these have been severely weakened over the years by state violence, by the increasing impoverishment & poverty produced by the economy and by the weakening of the civic movement and therefore the capacity for increasing internal pressure has also been weakened.

And so I think a negotiated settlement had become an increasing necessity for both sides in the context of this other regional and international pressure.

Gonda: And many people are saying they can’t really react because they are still waiting to find out the details of the deal. I understand that the details are expected to be revealed on Monday after the formal signing ceremony, but what have you heard? What might the deal look like?

Raftopoulos: Like many other Zimbabweans I am anxious to see the details of the agreement. To look at the fine print of what is there and then we can have a clearer picture of what this government is going to look like.

But clearly it will involve - as far as the little information that we have been able to access - involves sharing of ministries, sharing of responsibilities, the issue of being able to open up political space within the country, developing a new constitution within 18 months and of course in the longer term preparing the grounds for a new presidential election.

Now we will need to look in more detail once the full information regarding the deal is made public and we can have a more informed discussion around it.

Gonda: Ok. Now Mugabe said on Thursday before the signing of the deal - that the two parties – ZPF and MDC – are like oil and water – are the political positions so polarized that it’s likely we can have a paralysed government?

Raftopoulos: There is always that possibility that an agreement like this can stall. That it can lead to more difficulties in the coming months and the coming years and that old rigidities can re-emerge or continued rigidities will still be available for political mobilisation. On the other hand there is the chance that this period will open up possibilities for new political alliances, for more spaces for the civics to begin to re-organise and to put pressure on the new government formation to deliver some kind of economic stabilisation to take place and critically for humanitarian assistance to be made available to what is an increasingly critical position for millions of Zimbabweans. So there are both dangers and possibilities and the outcome of this depends on struggles that will take place in the context of the next few years.

Any transition like this is also a fight of struggle, a fight for political contestation and the outcome of that context one can’t fully predict.

Gonda: What about those two leaders themselves? You know after nearly 3 decades of unchallenged leadership do you see Robert Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai working together? And if so what are the implications of this?

Raftopoulos: Yes it is going to be a huge challenge. Mugabe is unaccustomed to defence, unaccustomed to sharing this kind of power and responsibility. So again one hopes that this agreement will usher in an early retirement for Mugabe. Or at least provide the indication that this is designed to push him out. But yes there is always a danger that Mugabe’s penchant for authoritarian ways of doing things will be a problem but this is a challenge that Morgan Tsvangirai and the two MDCs will confront, challenge and move beyond.

Gonda: There are some who feel there is no deal that can strip Mugabe off real power. Is it possible that he can find ways to manipulate this deal?

Raftopoulos: We don’t know the full details of how the powers would be shared so it is difficult to answer that. But one also needs to say that as much as this is a compromise we are a long way from where we were even a couple of years ago. We are in a situation where ZANU PF has been forced to sit at the table across from a party that in some way it still regards as a foreign construction and is deeply suspicious of. In a situation were ZANU PF now has to very seriously cede some of its powers in key areas. And perhaps ZANU is not in the same position that it was in even a year ago. I think it’s weaker than it was and as these things open up and if things improve the future of ZANU itself is going to be a real challenge for ZANU PF because the pressure on it to transform itself or to deal with these kind of political changes will be immense for a party that is not used to that. So we shouldn’t underestimate the possibilities even while understanding the challenges.

Gonda: Earlier on you talked about the economic crisis and we know that starvation and inflation are still a major risk - so how is Zimbabwe going to be rescued now?

Raftopoulos: I can only speculate but clearly part of what a new transitional government will immediately have on the table is an economic reconstruction programme. So I am sure discussions will open up with various bilateral discussions between this new dispensation and foreign donors, financiers about what kind of development can take place.

I don’t think there will be an immediate pouring in of money. I think people will be very cautious. Zimbabwe has a huge foreign debt - I think of over a billion dollars and that of course is something that is going to have to be dealt with. So I think it is going to be a difficult period.

There is going to be lots of doom, disappointment and disillusionment but also I think for where we are at the moment we have a few alternatives but to try and make this work as best as we can.

Gonda: I saw a report from the European Union threatening more sanctions. Is it possible to give us your thoughts on the relation between ZANU PF and the international community? Do you see western powers endorsing this deal - even though we don‘t know what the details are yet, but will they be prepared to work with this regime?

Raftopoulos: One doesn’t know. I think the western powers are having to think and are waiting to see the details of this report and to try and understand whether this deal offers the possibilities of opening up of political spaces.

Yes you are right I have also heard these discussions about continued sanctions and that is partly because people are waiting to see what the possibilities of this deal are and to try and work out a safe relationship with this process - rather than going in 100% in one blow is to look at it in different phases. We will have to see what happens with the sanctions.

I think a lot depends on what kind of powers the MDC and Morgan Tsvangirai have and what message Morgan Tsvangirai himself sends out to western countries about what he thinks they should and should not be doing.

Gonda: What does this deal mean for all the groups that were formed around the crisis – like the Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition, Women of Zimbabwe Arise and indeed radio stations like SW Radio Africa, Studio 7 and VOP – and even news websites like NewZimbabwe.com, the Zimbabwean, the Zimbabwe Times and so on? What will the signing mean to the cause of democracy?

Raftopoulos: Well I think the civics as a whole should also be looking at this as a step forward and what they should be assessing is - when we have the details - they should be looking at what it would mean in terms of opening up of political spaces. I think there is going to be a huge need for civics to be strengthened, to continue their role of critical engagement with the state and build up an autonomous capacity to always be in a situation where they are able to respond to injustices, to problems within the State. And so the need for a vibrant civil society in my view is more current that ever.

I don’t think you will find that things will change all of a sudden. I think it is going to be a long slow difficult process and the road for critical civic engagement, critical media discussions will be as important as ever.

Gonda: And the radio stations that are out of the country?

Raftopoulos: I am sure there is something in the agreement. I would think there is something in the agreement about that - I am not sure we will have to wait for the details about that. But I think the radio stations will have to respond according to what they feel is in the agreement and according to what possibilities there are to begin to operate from within Zimbabwe. I think that should be the key determinant of the radio stations. Whether they have the abilities, the capacity, and the availability to move their operations into Zimbabwe in order to build on the enormous amount of good work that stations like yours have developed over the years.

Gonda: I know you have just talked a bit about this but still there seems to be a sense of confusion because people hadn’t really expected this to happen so “suddenly” even though it has taken several years for us to get where we are right now. What then becomes the Zimbabwe situation – is it just going to end on Monday with the last signature?

Raftopoulos: No I think the signature is just the first small step towards a hard long struggle to roll back the disastrous policies and authoritarian practices of ZANU PF. No signature, no agreement ever just signals that kind of decisive change. Certainly it introduces a new dynamic into the process and we shouldn’t underestimate the importance of this dynamic and seeing the possibilities of using it to expand spaces.

But the damage that has been done to the Zimbabwe political structures and the economic structures, the livelihoods of people and the effects of the political violence on the social fabric of communities has been enormous. And I think there are decades of work of rebuilding.

Gonda: And the Diaspora - what about the Zimbabweans abroad and in neighbouring countries – how do you get them to repatriate because the brain drain is central to economic recovery?

Raftopoulos: I think this is a very, very important question. I think it is going to be a long difficult process. I don’t think people who have left the country - especially professionals will rush back to Zimbabwe. I think many won’t or won’t want to return. There may become a process of travelling between two countries.

But I think this issue of human resource development - as it was important in the 80s when a new government began in the post independence period - I think the question of human resources development will be one of the central features required to re-develop and to build the economy and structures of Zimbabwe.

Gonda: And of course the culture of intolerance to criticism has been a hallmark of our political life as a nation, and now that the MDC is part of government do you see the culture of intolerance changing?

Raftopoulos: I think that depends on what the MDC does. It depends on how the civics tries to fight for that space. But my sense is that one of the features of such an agreement would be the opening up of space for greater debate. But such spaces can only be sustained when people fight to keep them open, it has constitutional provisions for them to be available, and has structures and organisations which ensures that those rights are protected. And so there are no guarantees but the possibilities may well be there to open up some spaces for a new kind of tolerance.

Gonda: You have been one of the few people to have the opportunity to advise the MDC leadership. What is your opinion on this? Do you see the MDC fighting for the restoration of democratic freedoms like, as you said, the right to free flow of information, the right of association and even the right to demonstrate?

Raftopoulos: I think the MDC comes from a tradition in the constitutional and civic movement where real issues were absolutely central to the battles of opening up the political space. The MDC like any political party has got very contradictory elements and it’s got very problematic elements as well but I think the thrust of its legitimacy as a party has always been its commitment – at least at a formal level – to opening up of political spaces. There is obviously no guarantee of how the MDC will behave in government and that also depends on what it will do as a party and also what happens outside of the party, especially in the civil society and in the broadening of debate in the civil society.

But I do think we need to – like any other party like this – give it the opportunity to demonstrate its capacity or lack of it to show what it is able to do. And to give it a chance to see what can be done in a situation like this and not try to prejudge too much what we speculate what might be done.

Gonda: What about the ZANU PF dynamics? What do you see happening because there are going to be many people who will lose their jobs especially if ZANU PF will now share the cabinet with the MDC?

Raftopoulos: Yes, ZANU PF has been going through a crisis for several years. A crisis of succession, a crisis of trying to understand what its long term future is, a crisis of loss of legitimacy within the population and the problems of its own organisational structures and I am sure that may well deepen as political structures and political debates open up in Zimbabwe. We could see a further crisis within ZANU PF and maybe some very dangerous responses from them. These are the kind of risks with transitions like this. One only hopes there will be enough political determination and structures in place to help deal with these kinds of tensions. But I think it is going to be a very difficult few years.

Gonda: On the other hand is it possible that this transitional period can give ZANU PF an opportunity to regroup?

Raftopoulos: It’s possible yes. It is possible that it can give ZANU PF a chance to regroup, to rethink its role. It also partly depends on how the MDC is able to use its space within and outside of the State to put more pressure on ZANU PF and to ensure that if there are changes within ZANU PF that there a changes towards a more democratic political style.

And I think that comes out of the MDC’s capacity to deliver, to fight for expansive political spaces and to ensure greater tolerance and pluralism within the Zimbabwe politics.

Gonda: And I know this has been an important issue for you especially in the last couple of years as you work for the Solidarity Peace Trust. What does it mean for the human rights violations perpetrated during the reign of the regime?

Raftopoulos: I think this is one area where the civic movement is going to have a key role to play, which is putting the issues of transitional justice questions on to the political agenda very quickly. It’s more than likely that issues of impunity and accountability will not have been dealt with in this agreement. That the people we know were responsible for orchestrating violence are likely not to be made accountable for what they have done immediately.

So it is very important that the civics fight that these issues are brought on the agenda and fight for long term issues of justices for those who have suffered human rights abuses.

Gonda: What would you see as an alternative if this whole power sharing deal collapses?

Raftopoulos: If this power sharing deal collapses what we will get is once again a very repressive ZANU PF. We will see a reassertion of the role of the military through ZANU PF, a continuing economic decline. And certainly in the near future a huge attack and further attack and weakening of the MDC and the civic movement. So we need to hope and work hard to make this agreement possible and to make it work and allow that we fight for the opening up of democratic spaces in Zimbabwe.

Gonda: How would you judge Thabo Mbeki’s involvement in this?

Raftopoulos: I think it has been mixed, I think there was a certain smugness in Thabo Mbeki’s comments on the signing of the deal because we know that there has been a lot of problems over the years and there has been the need to pressure him in many, many ways. But also clearly there has been some skilful ways in which he has handled the quiet diplomacy. So I think we are going to have to look more carefully at how this quiet diplomacy has worked itself out and study it more carefully and once we have done that make a proper assessment of Thabo Mbeki’s role in the mediation, in the politics of ZANU PF, in the politics of MDC and then come to a more informed decision. I think that is a decision that is still to happen.

Gonda: And of course Zimbabweans have been waiting long enough for a peaceful solution to the crisis, why haven’t the details been made public and why wait until Monday to sign? Do you have any idea?

Raftopoulos: No, but I think the details should have been made much sooner. I think one of the problems of this mediation has been the secrecy around it. Zimbabweans had a right to have access to more of this information earlier. But I am sure that they are waiting until Monday because there may be more details that have to be finalised - the finer print of the agreement. The question of the allocation of ministries and a more detailed picture of what this government would look like in the next few months.

Gonda: And a final word?

Raftopoulos: Well the final word is that I think that we need to understand that this is a moment of possibility; it is not in my view a defeat. It’s a demonstration of where the balance of political forces in Zimbabwe are at the moment and that therefore we need to now rethink and reorganize in order to make sure that we don’t regret politically once again to the era we have just come out of, or are still in the process of coming out of.

Gonda: Thank you very much Professor Brian Raftopoulos.

Raftopoulos: Thanks very much Violet.

Feedback can be emailed to violet@swradioafrica.com

Botswana 'happy' with Zim deal

News24

14/09/2008 19:17 - (SA)

Gaborone - Botswana is pleased with Zimbabwe's power-sharing deal, despite
having condemned President Robert Mugabe's election in June, its foreign
minister said on Saturday.

"We are obviously happy with the latest developments in Zimbabwe, because
that is what Botswana has been calling for," Foreign Minister Phandu
Skelemani told AFP.

Skelemani said he and Botswana President Ian Khama would go to Harare on
Monday for the official signing of the accord.

After drawn-out negotiations, the deal was reached on Thursday by Mugabe's
Zanu-PF party, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) led by Morgan
Tsvangirai, and Arthur Mutambara's breakaway faction of the MDC.

"Going to Zimbabwe on Monday would not be inconsistent with our position,"
said Skelemani, referring to Botswana's refusal to recognise Mugabe as
president until a deal was reached.

"We would go there to witness with others" and to show the leaders of
Zimbabwe we appreciate they are moving "in the positive direction", he said.

To protest Mugabe's election, the Botswana president refused to attend a
South African Development Community (SADC) summit in August and instead sent
Skelemani.

After Mugabe's re-election in a one-candidate vote in June, Botswana had
called for Zimbabwe to be suspended from the African Union and SADC.

Bloated Government May Scare Donors

http://www.radiovop.com


      HARARE - PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe of the ruling Zanu (PF), Morgan
Tsvangirai (MDC-T)and Arthur Mutambara, the major players in the on-going
talks have agreed on a bloated 31 member cabinet, still the largest in the
world, Radio VOP can reveal.

      This move could however rile the Washington-based International
Monetary Fund (IMF), reliable sources have said.

      The three met on Saturday at State House in Harare to pave the way
forward as far as a new Cabinet is concerned.

      The IMF said Zimbabwe should have a government of not more than 15
ministers when it suspended balance of payments support to the cash strapped
country.

      President Mugabe will have 15 ministers, Tsvangirai with 13 ministers
while Mutambara will have three ministers in the new government.

      The ruling Zanu PF Politburo also met and agreed to the new cabinet
which could result in the IMF still with-holdings much needed fiancial
support.

      The IMF stopped giving Zimbabwe much needed aid because among other
things it said the counry's government was too large. It also said the civil
service should be cut but this was not done by Mugabe.

      Patrick Chinamasa said Saturday Mugabe, Tsvangirai, and Mutambara had
met to agree on the new Cabinet which should be announced by the end of the
week.

      Already in government are Mugabe, Tsvangirai, Mutambara, Welshman
Ncube and Priscilla Misihairabwi of the Mutambara faction.

      The MDC has remained tight-lipped on its Cabinet line up but sources
say kingpin Tendai Biti, Tapiwa Mashakada, Ian Makone, and Sekai Holland
will get Mercedes Benz cars for being appointed government ministers.

      Zanu PF will now fire some old guard members which is likely to cause
a rift in the former ruling party, sources told Radio VOP.

Mozambique's president due in Zimbabwe for power-sharing deal ceremony

http://www.apanews.net



      APA-Maputo (Mozambique) Mozambique's President Armando Guebuza will on
Monday attend Zimbabwe's signing ceremomy of a power-sharing deal of an all
inclusive Government of National Unity involving Zanu-PF and the two
oppositon formations of the Movement for Democratic Change, sources said
Sunday.

      Guebuza is among several African leaders that have been invited to
witness the historic signing ceremony following an agreement on Thursday
between President Robert Mugabe and the opposition leaders.

      The historic pact heralds a fresh era of massive economic growth and
stability following almost a decade of economic meltdown due to a political
impasse and sanctions imposed on Robert Mugabe and his ruling Zanu PF.

      Zimbabweans are desperate for an end to a crisis that has destroyed
the economy, saddling the once-prosperous country with the world's highest
rate of hyper-inflation and sending millions of refugees into neighbouring
countries.

      CM/tjm/APA
      2008-09-14

Namibian president in Zimbabwe for signing of power-sharing deal

http://www.apanews.net



      APA-Harare (Zimbabwe) Namibian President Hifikepunye Pohamba, arrived
in Zimbabwe on Sunday for the official signing of a power-sharing agreement
between President Robert Mugabe and opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai
scheduled for Monday.

      Pohamba was the first regional leader to arrive for the historic
signing ceremony of the agreement brokered by South African President Thabo
Mbeki last week.

      Other regional leaders were expected in Harare on Monday in time for
the ceremony.

      Those expected Monday include Botswana's President Ian Khama who had
until now refused to recognise Mugabe's reelection in a controversial poll
boycotted by Tsvangirai in June.

      The agreement, agreed upon by the two men and Arthur Mutambara of a
smaller faction of Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change, would pave
the way for the creation of a government of national unity seen as the best
way out of a ruinous eight-year political and economic crisis.

      A meeting of the security committee of the Southern African
Development Community (SADC) was postponed last Wednesday to allow President
Thabo Mbeki to conclude his mediation effort in Zimbabwe.

      JN/tjm/APA
      2008-09-14

Is it all now for Mbeki's glory?

http://www.zimbabwejournalists.com

14th Sep 2008 16:30 GMT

By Chenjerai Chitsaru

To put it very mildly, he is being very economic with the truth.. He must
have been aware that most Zimbabweans, and not necessarily only those in the
opposition, were dissatisfied with his open support for Mugabe and Zanu PF..

He would have had to be thick-skinned to the extent of being moribund if he
could not smell the whiff of suspicion that he was hostile to Morgan
Tsvangirai because of his trade union background.

There is a man called Cyril Ramaphosa who comes top mind.

If Tsvangirai, despised by people of Mbeki's political orientation for
having no recognisable liberation credentials, had not rallied most of the
people of Zimbabwe, and the rest of the caring world, behind him, Mbeki
could have handed Mugabe the country on a platter..

In fact, the truth is that had Tsvangirai and the rest of the MDC leaders
been less committed and less tenacious in their positions than they turned
out to be, Mbeki would long have long concluded a deal with Mugabe and the
Arthur Mutambara formation of the MDC.

At this point, it is important to bring up the suspicion that Mbeki, at one
time, preferred to deal with Welshman Ncube rather than Tsvangirai, strictly
on the basis that the former had ethnic links with South Africa, while the
latter did not.

Mbeki's reference to other mediation situations in which he has been
involved is not entirely valid as, without the help of more powerful
countries, he might not have succeeded.

If he fancies himself as this great mediator, then he must be disabused of
that crazy notion There are many Zimbabweans and other Africans who are
convinced Mbeki's snail's pace diplomacy contributed to more death and
destruction than to stability in Zimbabwe..

In his own country, Mbeki squandered an opportunity to achieve political
nobility after the one-term star performance of Nelson Mandela. It remains
to be seen how he will erase the huge blot on his presidency in the fight
against HIV and Aids.

The nadir - his lowest point - was his failure to retain the ANC presidency,
which his deputy, Jacob Zuma, captured, in spite of the mountain of alleged
scandals weighing him down.

Today, after a judge ruled last week that there was something irregular in
the attempt to prosecute him over a corruption case, Zuma must smell, if not
like a rose, then most certainly not like poison ivy.

As to the agreement itself, it remains to be seen whether by Monday, when it
is due to be signed, Mugabe will still feel the same way about it as he did
last week.

Let's remember that this man harboured so much contempt for Tsvangirai for
such a long time that he must often have to literally pinch himself every
once in a while to confirm it is this same Tsvangirai with whom he will be
sharing power.

On the one hand, this could be taken as a sign of magnanimity in defeat. On
the other, it could raise the suspicion that Mugabe has an ace up his
sleeve, that once Tsvangirai blinks, something could happen to him that
could suddenly transplant them both to the time before 1990, when Mugabe was
virtually king of the realm.

Nobody should be in any doubt that Mugabe and Zanu PF are capable of the
most outrageous acts of sabotage if they believe their grip on power is
about to be loosened. People have been killed in that cause.

In fact, that is one aspect of Zanu PF that Mbeki has refused to recognise
as impeding any attempts for a peaceful transition. The party has never
thoroughly adjusted to civilian life.

Each time there is a situation the party fails to win in a flash, it has
resorted to violence. In 2000, after it had lost the constitutional
referendum, it launched a nationwide campaign of violence in which people
were killed.

After the 29 March elections, which it lost, Zanu PF decided at the highest
level to kill people, because most of them had voted against its candidates,
including Mugabe,

At one time, Mbeki was reportedly outraged at the level of violence, but his
period of grief was woefully short. Later, it was back to normal - Mugabe
had to be persuaded to continue with the talks.

It is true that if there was no forgiveness in the world, there would be no
hope for salvation for many people. Fortunately, the human soul is endowed
with such a capacity for compassion this is why, in spite of the wars raging
all over the world, there are still people engaged in mediation - all over
the world.

For that, Zimbabweans have to be grateful for the Mbekis of the world,
people who may genuinely believe in their powers of persuasion, to end
conflict and bring peace to the world.

But, in the case of Thabo Mbeki, there ought to be a period of reflection.
If you are going to be a peace broker, it is essential, from the very
beginning, to be utterly impartial. Mbeki was not. He may protest until he
is blue in the face, but there can be no argument about his bias in favour
of Mugabe and Zanu PF.

There was always the link going back to the days of the struggle, a
similarity in experiences. In some ways, this link, may have been a
hindrance of sorts. Politicians from the period of the struggle have a much
lower regard for both human life and democracy than those entering the fray
fresh from the civilian sector.

Mbeki was, at one time, the head honcho of the ANC in Zambia. That position
can influence, forever, your perception of what leadership ought to be - in
a military rather than a civilian culture.

It might actually have been responsible even for his lack of urgency in
reaction to the HIV and Aids pandemic, It should be remembered that Zanu PF
itself did not react to the scourge as urgently as it ought to have. It wasn't
until key members of the party and government started dropping off like
flies that a thorough-going campaign against the disease was finally
launched.

Many observers are anxious to know what guarantees are in place to ensure
that Zanu PF does not renege on its commitment to the new deal. These are
not people you can trust at first sight. In fact, they are not good people
to do business with, at the best of times.

The MDC is to be congratulated for sticking out until the end.
Congratulations for Mbeki ought to be put off until there is solid evidence
that he and Zanu PF are not trying to pull the wool over the world's eyes -
for the umpteenth time.

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Zimbabwe Vigil Diary - 13th September 2008

SW Radio Africa - Hot Seat Transcript

Botswana 'happy' with Zim deal

Bloated Government May Scare Donors

Mozambique's president due in Zimbabwe for power-sharing deal ceremony

Namibian president in Zimbabwe for signing of power-sharing deal

Is it all now for Mbeki's glory?