UPDATED
ON: Tuesday, September 15, 2009 16:47 Mecca time, 13:47 GMT
By Haru Mutasa
It is now one year since the
Global Political Agreement, the official name for Zimbabwe's power sharing
deal, was signed.
While some things have changed on the ground for the
better - shops have food, hospitals and schools are slowly beginning to
function again - outstanding political issues could destabilise the fragile
coalition between Robert Mugabe, president and Zanu PF leader and Morgan
Tsvangirai, prime minister and head of the Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC).
The outstanding issues include the appointment of the central bank
governor and the attorney general, farm invasions and continued human rights
violations.
The MDC alleges its supporters are still being
intimidated by Zanu PF supporters.
Eighty km outside the capital
Harare, in the small town of Chegutu, residents there say they are still
being intimidated.
Visiting one formerly prosperous Chegutu farm, we come
across a poster with Robert Mugabe's face strapped to an iron
gate.
It is clear who is in charge. This is Zanu PF territory.
The
gate and farm used to belong to farmer Ben Freeth. He says he has lost
everything to supporters of President Mugabe.
Police
'afraid'
Freeth returned to salvage a few belongings but found only the
charred shell of his home.
The new occupiers, young men dressed in
Zanu PF t-shirts carrying AK 47 rifles charge at him. They do not want him
around.
The farmer tries to reason with them, and pleads with them to
take his things. But they refuse to listen.
Freeth leaves what
used to be his home empty handed - not sure if he will ever get to farm on
the land again. "Everything I had was inside that house," he says, "Now I
have nothing. My wife and three children were inside when it was set alight.
Luckily no one was hurt. Where is the rule of law in this
country?
"The police are too afraid to do anything to these people. We
have a unity government - but things are much worse now than before on the
farms."
Those who worked on the farms have also lost everything. The farm
compound has been burned to cinders. Some are trying to rebuild their
destroyed homes. They say they did not see who started the
fire.
Thirty-five year old Sophia Moya has lived here for five years. Now
that the farm has gone, so has her monthly salary of US $30. One year after
the power sharing deal was signed - she says she is still afraid for her
life.
"It's terrifying out here," she says, "Anytime anyone can come and
intimidate us and attack us. We feel so alone. We are
scared."
Powerless
Local police say they are investigating but
have made no arrests so far. Meanwhile, farming communities are increasingly
frustrated with the unity government.
"The MDC signed an agreement
where they didn't have any power whatsoever. Why they signed it, goodness
only knows," says Freeth. "They don't have the army, they don't have the
police, they don't have the ministry of justice, they don't have the
attorney general and they don't have supreme court judges who are appointed
by the president.
"The whole machinery of justice, of enforcing the
law, is still in the same hands as it's always been, so for them to go into
any kind of agreement on that basis was very foolhardy in my view." But
Morgan Tsvangirai is talking tough. On Sunday this week, at a party rally in
Zimbabwe's second largest city Bulawayo, he appeared to have changed tactics
on how to handle rival President Mugabe.
"I am not going to stand by
while Zanu PF continues to violate the law, persecute our members of
parliament, spread the language of hate, invade productive farms, ignore our
international treaties and continue to loot our natural resources," he told
thousands of supporters, "I am not going to stand by and watch this
happen."
A European Union delegation has just concluded a visit to
Zimbabwe - the first in seven years. The EU slapped sanctions on President
Mugabe and his close allies in 2002 for alleged human rights
violations.
Reform call
Those sanctions are still in place and the
delegation says they will not be removed until further political reforms are
made on the ground. EU officials insist the targeted sanctions are not
hurting ordinary Zimbabweans.
"Really they are not affecting the economy
in the way they are described," said Gunilla Carlsson, an EU
official.
"We have come here not to negotiate the restrictive measures or
discuss further aid programmes, we have come here to assess how the dialogue
is going between the three signatories but also how to encourage political
dialogue between Zimbabwe and the EU."
On Monday, a close ally of
Mugabe accused the EU delegation of trying to undermine its power-sharing
government.
Patrick Chinamasa, the Zimbabwean justice minister, felt the
EU delegation was siding with Tsvangirai's MDC party.
"They seem to
want to undermine the inclusive government. They speak as much as the MDC.
They just swallow, hook, line and sinker what the MDC says," Chinamasa was
quoted as saying.
The country needs US $10bn to rebuild its bankrupt
economy. But Western nations are reluctant to give more money to the unity
government until more reforms have been made on the ground.
One year
on, as their politicians bicker, many Zimbabweans are still waiting for
significant change.
Africa
News By Sebastian Nyamhangambiri Sep 15, 2009, 16:56
GMT
Johannesburg - A year after signing a power-sharing accord
with President Robert Mugabe, Zimbabwean Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai on
Tuesday expressed his disappointment at his rival's intransigence and said
the coalition government's future was now 'in the hands of the
people.'
In an interview with the German Press Agency dpa on the first
anniversary of the historic Global Political Agreement, Tsvangirai placed
the responsibility for the crippling tensions in Zimbabwe's coalition
government squarely at Mugabe's feet.
'We have done our part of the
bargain. It is the other party, (Mugabe's) ZANU-PF, which should stop all
this nonsense, to stop all these violations,' the Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) leader said.
The deal was brokered by the regional political
grouping, the Southern African Development Community, in a bid to end months
of violence in the wake of Mugabe's defeat in parliamentary and first- round
presidential elections. An MDC breakaway faction led by Arthur Mutambara is
the third, smallest, party to the agreement.
During the first few
months of co-governance, Tsvangirai went out on a limb to defend Mugabe from
accusations of stalling reforms, but in recent weeks his patience with the
elderly leader has been visibly wearing thin.
Visiting senior European
Union officials told Mugabe and Tsvangirai that the EU would not lift
targeted sanctions against Mugabe and his inner circle until seeing a clean
break with the repressive policies of the past.
Mugabe complained that
the sanctions were hurting the general population but Tsvangirai said he had
himself to blame: 'We won't have any restrictive measures to talk of if we
restore the rule of law and implement the GPA,' he said.
Defending
his decision to take the MDC into government with Zanu- PF, despite
resistance from key party elements, Tsvangirai said: 'We knew this was not
real change but we provided a lifeline to people who were
desperate.'
Generally, the seven-month-old government had provided
more hope than despair, he said, listing the sharp reduction in political
violence and reopening of hospitals and schools among the government's key
achievements.
The fact that a US congressional team and a senior EU
delegation had both held meetings with Mugabe recently was also 'something
unimaginable just a few months ago.'
But these developments,
Tsvangirai said, only came about because of his own efforts 'to end this
isolation.'
'We have our disappointments,' he admitted.
'We have
seen our members of parliament being persecuted...There are still incidents
of violence...the constitutional process seems to be struggling to take off
with the momentum which is in line with the timeline,' he said.
He also
lamented the 'incessant hate language' used by the Zanu-PF controlled state
media against the MDC.
'One of the things I have told President Mugabe is
that, until there is a progress report, this matter is out of my hands,'
said Tsvangirai. On Monday, the two leaders held tense private talks that
ended abruptly, after 10 minutes.
'It (the future of the government)
is with the people,' Tsvangirai said, indicating he was leaving it up to the
MDC's supporters now to decide whether the party should remain in the
agreement.
HARARE - President Robert Mugabe vowed to work with one-time
rival Morgan Tsvangarai as Zimbabwe on Tuesday marked the signing of a unity
deal one year ago, but brushed off criticism of failing the fragile
pact.
The inclusive government, formed by the two leaders five months
after the pact was penned, has helped steer Zimbabwe's return from crisis
but still faces deep-rooted challenges after nearly a decade of political
tensions.
"If we could work with (Zimbabwe's last white ruler) Ian Smith,
how can we not work with Morgan Tsvangirai?" state media reported Mugabe as
telling a landmark European Union visit at the weekend.
"I am saying
this because some people doubt 'can this man work with the opposition?'. We
have done it before and at a time when vengeful feelings were running high.
It's the issue once again but this time with our own people."
The two
leaders met the EU delegation Saturday in the first such visit to Harare in
seven years which noted progress by the unity government but slammed reports
of rights abuses and called for greater reforms.
The bloc also rejected
calls for an end to sanctions imposed against Mugabe and his inner circle,
which include a travel ban and a freeze on bank accounts.
But Mugabe
told the EU team that neither he nor his ZANU-PF party were derailing the
unity pact and that no outstanding issues remained, officials at the
meetings told the Herald newspaper.
"If it's about the spirit of
inclusivity, satisfaction must come from both sides," he said. "What
satisfaction is there when one side is restricted while the other is free to
roam?"
Mugabe explained away concerns around arrests of MDC lawmakers,
key government appointments, and a new constitution, reported the Herald,
which also dedicated a page to comments from analysts who blamed Tsvangirai
for scuttling progress of the unity government.
The veteran leader
has been accused of dragging his feet over reforming media laws and the
security forces, while Tsvangarai on Sunday charged ZANU-PF with targeting
his Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) supporters.
The MDC leader
joined Mugabe in a unity government in February after last year's failed
elections.
After the deal was signed on September 15, 2008, after nearly
a decade of political turmoil, it took another five months to install the
unity government, after a bitter brawl over who would control the most
powerful posts.
Mugabe told the EU that the only issue that could be
regarded as outstanding was the swearing in of MDC deputy agriculture
minister Roy Bennett who was arrested for treason on the day that the new
cabinet was sworn in.
"We have not taken the post away from MDC-T
(Tsvangirai). We have simply said if he is cleared (by the courts) he will
be appointed the next day but if he is not, tough luck," Mugabe
said.
Delays in drawing up a new constitution were put on the MDC, with
Mugabe also saying that Gideon Gono, whose continued governorship of the
central bank is bitterly disputed by the MDC, should serve out his five-year
term.
"We don?t regard it right for others to ask how we govern
ourselves," he reportedly told the visiting team. "The EU should not behave
as if we belong to their community, we don?t!"
The unity pact
followed months of unrest after the MDC last year seized a parliamentary
majority and Mugabe was defeated in a first-round presidential
vote.
Tsvangirai pulled out of the runoff, citing a wave of deadly
attacks on his supporters that MDC says left more than 200 dead.
* Wheat
farmers fail to get adequate finance, inputs
* Plantings at about 21,000
hectares
* Output seen at about 63,000 tonnes
HARARE,
Sept 15 (Reuters) - Zimbabwe will import about 350,000 tonnes of wheat this
year to cover a deficit, following lower plantings of the cereal due to lack
of finance and shortages of fertilizer and electricity, state media said on
Tuesday.
"A review of the challenges has indicated that farmers faced a
serious challenge of inputs, especially fertilizer that was in short
supply," agriculture minister Joseph Made told the government run Herald
newspaper, adding that power shortages had hit irrigation.
The
southern African country has relied on food imports since 2001, with critics
blaming food shortages on President Robert Mugabe's previous government's
often violent seizures of white-owned commercial farms to resettle
blacks.
But Mugabe blames drought and sanctions imposed by Western
countries for crippling the agriculture sector.
Zimbabwe has for
years used imports to make up for shortfalls and meet wheat demand,
estimated at 450,000 tonnes, but output has plunged in the last decade from
300,000 tonnes to about 63,000 tonnes this year.
"Farmers put about 20
000-21 000 hectares of wheat during the winter wheat season and with a
projected yield of three tonnes per hectare, the yields will be low," Made
said.
The United Nations Food and Agriculture Organisation in June
forecast the production of winter-season wheat of only 12,000 tonnes, the
lowest ever, reflecting the high cost of fertiliser and quality seeds and
farmers' lack of financial liquidity.
A new power-sharing government
formed in February is trying to stabilise an economy wrecked by
hyperinflation and sees the agriculture sector as key to economic
recovery.
The government has launched a $200 million scheme to help
farmers secure seed and fertiliser for the summer cropping season which
starts next month while international donors have set aside $60 million to
buy inputs for smallholder farmers.
Aid groups say Zimbabwe's
agricultural production rose significantly during the 2008/9 season but that
nearly 3 million people would need food assistance until next April.
CANBERRA, Sept 15 (Reuters) - Australia will consider easing a
ban on high level contacts with Zimbabwe, Foreign Minister Stephen Smith
said on Tuesday, adding it was too soon to end targeted sanctions against
President Robert Mugabe's regime.
Smith, in a statement to
parliament, said Australia would also contribute an extra A$8 million ($6.9
million) in aid to Zimbabwe to fund emergency food supplies, agriculture
projects and help reinvigorate education.
Smith said more needed to be
done to restore democracy and human rights in the country, and to fully
implement the power sharing agreement signed a year ago between Mugabe and
his political rival Morgan Tsvangirai, now Prime Minister.
"Much more
significant progress will be required before the Australian Government
undertakes any broader review of Australia's sanctions with respect to
Zimbabwe," he said.
The slight easing comes after a European Union
delegation visited Zimbabwe and said relations were entering a new phase,
although full cooperation hinged on the implementation of the power sharing
deal and an end to rights abuses.
Smith said there were growing signs
of hope and optimism in Zimbabwe, with major improvements to the country's
economy and health system, as well as lower levels of political
violence.
Australia in 2002 banned direct ministerial contact with
government ministers in Zimbabwe, and in 2004 imposed travel and
financial-transaction bans on members of Mugabe's regime and senior
supporters.
Australia also tightened scrutiny of student visas for the
children of senior Zimbabwean government officials.
It was now time
for Canberra to consider working with some Zimbabwean government ministries
and to look at direct ministerial engagement with some government members,
Smith said.
"Australia will consider opportunities for ministerial
engagement on a selective case-by-case basis with those ministers of the
Zimbabwean government who we judge to be making a real and genuine
contribution to Zimbabwe's social and economic recovery," he
said.
The military's brutal grip on the diamond
fields in Chiadzwa, which has continued despite an international report
recommending the demilitarisation of the zone, has resulted in yet another
death reportedly at the hands of soldiers based there.
According to
the Mutare based Centre for Research and Development, soldiers based in
Chiadzwa kidnapped, tortured and murdered an apparent 'illegal' diamond
panner over a week ago. The man, Moreblessing Tirivangani from Harare died
on Sunday 6th September after he was apparently beaten by soldiers
throughout the previous night. The Centre for Research and Development has
reported that police, who transported Tirivangani's body to the Mutare
General Hospital Mortuary, were ordered to report that Tirivangani 'had
tried to disarm a soldier.'
"This is highly untrue given that soldiers
always move around in pairs or more. Also given the general fear among the
people with regard to soldiers, it is very unthinkable that a civilian can
try to disarm a soldier in a highly militarised zone like Chiadzwa," the
Centre reported.
The Mutare based organisation also reported there was
evidence that Tirivangani had been tortured, with multiple bruising in
stripe patterns across his body, and a plastic covering over his
nose.
The death followed a visit by the Commander of the army Lieutenant
General Philip Valerio Sibanda, who visited the diamond fields in the
company of senior military personnel on the 3rd of September. It's
understood that a violent 'clean up' operation to drive out diamond panners
from the diamond fields was carried out by the military ahead of Sibanda's
visit. But while Sibanda's visit lasted just a few hours, the operation has
reportedly continued. Meanwhile the military reportedly imposed an illegal
curfew around Chiadzwa during the operation. For several days Chiadzwa
residents could not enter or leave their area due to the curfew. The Centre
for Research and Development said that several people failed to travel to
Mutare to seek medical attention and other essential services due to the
illegal curfew.
The continued militirisation of the diamond fields
has been in direct contravention of recommendations made earlier this year
by a delegation from the Kimberley Process (KP), the international body
tasked with stopping the trade in blood diamonds. The group was shamed into
sending the review mission after receiving widespread accounts by Human
Rights Groups of violence, torture, child labour and murder at the diamond
fields last year. Survivors of the military violence have reported mass
deaths at the hands of soldiers in 2008, after the military was ordered to
'clean up' the area. The KP delegation found evidence of serious
non-compliance with minimum diamond trade standards, as well as dramatic
human rights abuse. The testimony of some victims was reportedly so poignant
that the Liberian team leader left one of the meetings in tears. The team's
interim report, which was leaked to the media and is yet to be officially
published, recommended Zimbabwe's suspension from the regulatory body. But
the suspension recommendation was quickly denounced by the Kimberley Process
Chair who told reporters in Harare, before the team's report had even been
completed, that suspension would never happen. Under pressure, he has since
denied that he ever made the statement.
Zvishavane, Septmeber 14, 2009 -
State security agents have picked up three Movement for Democratic Change
councillors in Zvishavane, accusing them of masterminding the three week old
strike at Shabanie Mine.
The security agents also
distributed flyers in the town on Monday which urged the workers to end the
strike.
An official in the MDC Secretary General's office at
Harvest house said the party had nothing to do with the striking Shabanie
mine workers.
"We never at one point interfere with any labour
issues. Who are we to say workers should go back to their work? We are not
aware of the flyers you are talking about," said the
official.
A representative of the workers at the mine said they
are not demanding salary increments but our salaries which the management
short changed them for the past eight months.
"The management
has been stealing our salaries, by paying us less that the amount printed on
our payslips. We were receiving pay slips printed $100 and only to withdraw
$30 from the banks since January. We asked our banks why we were given less
than what was shown on our pay slips and were told that that was the amount
deposited by our employer. We will not go back to work if we are not given
our stolen salaries and we are not striking for salary increases as the
management wants people to believe," said a worker
representative.
Shabanie mine General Manager for mining
operations Mr C Zishumba, declined to comment.
"I have no
comment over that issue. You can try to locate Mr Zvembeu of SMM (Shabanie
Mashaba Mine) Harare but unfortunately I can not give you his number, try
SMM Harare," said Zishumba.
Shabanie mine was snatched
away by the Zanu PF led government in 2004 from South Africa-based Mutumwa
Mawere whom they accused of "externalizing" - taking out of the country -
some US$80 million in assets from Shabanie Mashaba Mine Holdings (SMMH), and
the Zimbabwean government moved to nationalise his company in
2004.
Mawere has tried to negotiate directly with President Robert
Mugabe to get his mine back.
Written by NATASHA
HOVE Monday, 14 September 2009 00:00 MUTARE - Police have
arrested student leaders at Mutare Polytechnic following the publication of
their open letter to Education Minister David Coltart bemoaning the collapse
of the education sector. Student Representative Council (SRC) President
Charles Chiyangwa and Secretary-General Bestinos Kundishora were detained at
the Mutare CID law and order offices on Thursday in connection with the open
letter published by The Zimbabwean the same day. According to their lawyer,
Blessing Nyamaropa, they were charged with being a 'criminal nuisance'
under Section 46 of the notorious Criminal Law and Codification and Reform
Act. They were released after paying fines of US$5 on Friday, said
Nyamaropa. In their letter, the student leaders challenged the
education ministry and the government to address the plight of students. The
Zimbabwe National Union Student (Zinasu) slammed the arrest as an act of
intimidation to force students to abandon their countrywide protest over
high tuition fees. The arrest, they said, was a clear indication of the
state's paranoia about the union's mobilisation for a sustained campaign
against the privatisation of education in Zimbabwe. "Zinasu remains firm and
steadfast in the struggle to defend the students' rights and will not
capitulate to any act of intimidation," said Blessing Vava, the Zinasu
spokesperson. Many university and college students have been forced to
abandon studies over high tuition fees that the government has defended as
necessary to revive the ruined education sector. Vava added: "Zinasu
condemns the continued harassment of students by the government of the day
and the union will continue fighting against the privatisation of education
in Zimbabwe."
Written by TAKESURE
BIZURE Monday, 14 September 2009 00:00 HARARE - Prison inmates
released through a presidential amnesty on Friday say they are lucky to
survive their stay in the country's jails, described by Amnesty
International in July this year as deplorable and unfit for humans. Close to
1,000 prisoners are said to have died of hunger and disease in Zimbabwe's
jails between January and June this year. Emaciated, starving and sick -
prisoners released early from Zimbabwe's overcrowded, disease-infested jails
say they were lucky to survive. This picture comes from film footage shot
secretly in one of the country's prisons for an SABC documentary.
Released inmates interviewed by The Zimbabwean said they were thankful to
god for sparing them from the hunger and disease that have plagued the
country's jails in the past years. "Prison life was so tough. There
was lots of disease and persistent hunger. We were continually subjected to
plain beans, boiled cabbages and sometimes porridge," said 25-year-old
Chazika Chazika, a burglary convict who was released from Harare central
prison after completing 10 months of a 20-month sentence. An international
outcry over rights abuses by President Robert Mugabe's government pressured
the government into the early release of 2,500 convicts under a presidential
pardon. Zimbabwe's judge president Rita Makarau had said sentencing
people to jail terms under the current situation was tantamount to passing
death sentences on them. Film footage, shot secretly in the prisons, alerted
the world to the dire conditions faced by the starving prisoners, and
humanitarian groups sent in supplies of water, food, clothing and
medicines. Reports say the rate of deaths has since dropped from three
to two per week. Former prisoner Costa Vinyu (19) said he would rather brave
poverty in the outside world than steal and go back to the life he had
experienced during the 10 months of his incarceration. "Life was so
unbearable inside. Our prisons are not places one should go back to.
Diseases were rampant and hunger was persistent," he said. "I thank god I
survived the cholera outbreak. Several of my friends died through the
disease. Our cells were always overcrowded. "Our diet only changed on July
12 this year, when the Red Cross came in to donate foodstuffs. Before that,
our meal times were irregular." Tawanda Murodzi, another ex-inmate
released after serving two years of a five-year sentence, said inmates were
constantly subjected to long periods of starvation. "We could spend the
whole day without eating anything," he said. "Most of the time we would go
up to 9pm without taking any meal. We would then each be given a cup of
boiled cabbage. The next morning we would drink a lot of water to stave off
hunger. "We experienced diseases such as pellagra. We saw the whole cholera
havoc wreck our jails. Colleagues died in our midst. It was a question of
when the disease would catch up with us," said Murodzi. Among those freed
were women prisoners, those in open prisons and life inmates who had served
20 or more years. The amnesty excluded prisoners jailed for serious crimes,
including murder, rape and vehicle hijacking.
Written by Methuseli
Moyo Tuesday, 15 September 2009 11:52 ZAPU today, Tuesday
September 15, 2009 rolled out is campaign programme in Nkayi South
Constituency, where a by-election is pending. As you may be aware, the
seat fell vacant after MDC-M expelled the incumbent Abednico Bhebhe and
notified the Speaker of Parliament, who in turn notified the President to
proclaim a by-election in Nkayi South, together with Bulilima East and
Lupane East, for similar reasons.
We await the President's
proclamation of by-elections in these areas and others. In the meantime,
Zapu is busy on the ground mobilizing support to ensure emphatic victory in
the by-elections. Zapu Matabeleland North province today started a
five-day campaign programme which kicked-off with meetings at Mthoniselwa
and Simbo, followed by meetings at Dlawa and Mphakama (16/09/09), Khenani
and Mpumelelo (17/09/09), Dakamela and Malinga (18-09-09), Tunke and Tshanke
(19-09-09), and Mathetshaneni and Zinyangeni (20-09-09). The
campaign team is led by vice-chairman of the province, Ben Ncube. In
Matabeleland South, Zapu will on Saturday September 19 2009 hold a rally at
Maphisa Business Centre in Matobo District to drum up support for the
party. The Zapu interim national executive on September 05 reaffirmed
its decision for the party to contest by-elections, and called on the
inclusive government to ensure that the by-lections are held as spelt out in
the constitution. Zapu feels that Zanu-PF and the two MDCs are developing
cold feet on holding by-elections because of our entry into the political
arena. Zapu is fully ready for by-elections and confident of winning. The
holding of the by-elections will facilitate our entry into parliament to
assume our role as the official opposition in Zimbabwe, which unfortunately
the inclusive government seems bent on frustrating. Thank
you Methuseli Moyo Director Communication and Marketing,
Zapu.
BULAWAYO - Zimbabwe Newspapers, the country's largest
newspaper publishing company, has launched yet another newspaper hard on the
heels of a new tabloid launched in Harare a fortnight ago.
The
Midlands edition of The Chronicle, the company's Bulawayo-based daily, will
circulate in the Midlands province only. The government of Zimbabwe is the
majority shareholder in Zimpapers, a company whose weekly and daily titles,
including the flagship Herald in Harare have experienced a steep decline in
circulation going back to the early 1990s.
The company also publishes the
Sunday Mail in Harare, The Sunday news in Bulawayo and The Manica Post in
the city of Mutare.
The launch of the Midlands Chronicle edition follows
the controversial launch of the H- Metro, a tabloid launched by the company
in Harare two weeks ago. Zimbabwe Newspapers has embarked on a spree to
launch new titles at a time when competition is limited by draconian media
legislation which requires that newspapers are registered with a government
appointed licencing authority.
The establishment of the Zimbabwe
Media Council (ZMC) has experienced an inordinate delay. The final list of
people to sit on the council still has to be compiled from names selected by
a parliamentary select group. The shortlist of candidates was submitted to
President Robert Mugabe well over a month ago.
Meanwhile, other media
players such as the Associated Newspapers (ANZ), ZimInd Publishers and The
Financial Gazette, who have announced plans to launch daily newspapers of
their own, cannot proceed in the absence of an enabling media legislative
set-up. The Ministry of Information has instructed them to wait for the
establishment of the ZMC, which will then issue them with
licences.
Meanwhile, Zimpapers is forging ahead and launching new
publications to augment the reach of those already in existence.
But
the launch of both the Midlands Chronicle and H- Metro has drawn sharp
criticism from media organizations. The Zimbabwe chapter of the Media
Institute of Southern Africa (MISA) has accused the Ministry of Information,
in particular, of granting operating licences to publications under the
Zimpapers stable while denying licences to other players.
MISA is a
regional organisation which campaigns to promote free, independent and
pluralistic media in the southern African region. Based in Windhoek the
organisation operates through chapters established in SADC member
countries.
"While as MISA we subscribe to the concept of media pluralism
and diversity, we cannot continue to accept a situation where one media
giant only is allowed to establish newspapers, disguising as editions while
other players are being denied licenses," said Loughty Dube, MISA-Zimbabwe
chairperson.
Zimpapers argues that it has used existing licences to
launch the papers.
In their heyday back in the 1980s The Herald and The
Chronicle enjoyed circulations of up to 165 000 and 115 000 copies sold
daily, respectively. As the Ministry of Information reduced them to mere
propaganda mouthpieces at a time of economic hardship the circulations
nose-dived.
Insiders say The Herald circulation now hovers around 20 000
copies, with The Chronicle selling much less than that figure. When new
publications are launched the fortunes of the government's newspapers will
fall even further in an atmosphere of stiff commercial
competition.
When The Daily News was launched in 1999 the circulation of
The Herald declined from 165 000 to 50 000 copies a day within a year. The
new newspapers grew to 129 000 copies per day in that same
period.
The printing press of The Daily News was then destroyed in a bomb
explosion soon after then Minister of Information, Prof Jonathan Moyo
threatened the paper with certain unspecified action. The newspaper was
subsequently banned.
The performance of The Herald and other
Zimpapers titles continued on its downward spiral. Meanwhile Moyo submitted
an application to rejoin Zanu-PF after four years in the political
wilderness after he was dismissed from government and the party in
2005.
Moyo's return to Zanu-PF at a time when Zimbabwe Newspapers is in
the middle of a newspaper launching campaign is viewed as ominous to the
welfare of the media.
GUTU- September 15,
2009- There was drama at Zvavahera clinic on Monday when people who were
waiting to get medical attention were forced to attend a Zanu PF rally where
the party provincial chairman and losing Member of Parliament (MP) for Gutu
central constituency Lovemore Matuke wanted to tell villagers about 'his
dream'.
Matuke, who is a nephew to the late Vice President
Simon Vengai Muzenda who died in 2003, claimed he had a dream about Muzenda
calling him to 'take charge of the district'.
"The clinic
was forced to close for more than two hours. The youths clad in Zanu PF
regalia who came singing and chanting party slogans instructed the sister in
charge at the clinic to put all operations on halt claiming that Matuke had
juicy news for the people.
In his address to the people,
Matuke said the late VP Muzenda was visiting him in dreams calling him to be
the MP of the area. He said Muzenda's spirit was not at ease because MDC has
taken over the reigns in Gutu. Matuke said Muzenda, through the spirits is
calling for reversal of the inclusive government.
"It
is very sad that MDC is now ruling here (in Muzenda's rural village). Cde
Muzenda never liked it. In my dreams I see my uncle everyday calling me to
take charge of the whole district. You made a blunder when you voted Chirume
(MDC MP) during last year's elections but when we go to the next elections;
you must not do that mistake again.
"Muzenda is against
this issue of inclusive government. As you can see, the government of
national unity is having problems so we might have elections soon, be
prepared to correct your mistake," said Matuke.
From Zvavahera,
Matuke went to other areas such as Magombedze and told villagers the same
story.
Contacted for comment, Matuke said there was nothing wrong
for the patients to attend the rally since they 'benefited from what Muzenda
wants them to understand'.
"...They (patients) benefited
from my speech because there are some important things that do not need
interpreters. They were luck to get it from the first hand," he
said.
However, Edmore Maramwidze Hamandishe MP for Gutu North
constituency denounced Matuke saying he had resorted to desperate and
barbaric methods of soliciting for support.
"A former MP
must not stoop that low. It was barbaric and unfortunate desperate move to
solicit for support. We condemn that in strongest terms possible," said
Hamandishe.
HOT SEAT: Analyst Ozias Tungwarara gives us his
analysis on the outcome of the SADC summit and talks about the progress of the
GNU, which he describes as a ‘marriage of convenience,’ with the partners
sleeping in different bedrooms. Tungwarara also brings a different take to the
controversial ‘sanctions’ issue, he says there may be good reasons now for their
removal.
Broadcast: 11 September 2009
Violet Gonda: My guest on the Hot Seat programme is Ozias
Tungwarara the Director of the Africa Governance Monitoring and Advocacy Project
and a senior analyst for the Open Society Institute in SA and is here to give us
his analysis on the just ended SADC Heads of State summit in Kinshasa and the
progress of the coalition government in Zimbabwe. Now Mr Tungwarara let me start
with your assessment of the outcome of the SADC summit in relation to
Zimbabwe.
Ozias Tungwarara: Thank you Violet, and I can thank you for
having me on your programme. In short, the SADC summit was disappointing but
predictable. Disappointing in that it didn’t advance a lot of the issues that I
think are at the heart of the expected transition in Zimbabwe.
Ozias Tungwarara
Predictable in that SADC’s track record has never been different when you
look at where it has acted or where it has failed to act. And so one would want
to put right at the forefront and on the table the issues around making sure
that the government of national unity and the transitional period are made
effective processes in terms of ensuring a democratic transition for Zimbabwe.
We saw from the summit that the key pronouncements that were made were around
lifting of sanctions and an acknowledgement to the fact that the implementation
of the transitional arrangements and agreements were on track without evidence
being advanced or any indication of benchmarks against which such an assessment
and conclusion could be reached. So the mood you get especially from Zimbabweans
right across the range from ordinary citizens to political elite is one of
uncertainty in terms of knowing where we are going towards and whether these
arrangements are actually leading up to any transformation or any change in
terms of Zimbabwe’s political fortunes.
VG: SADC is widely seen as backing the Zanu-PF position, now I spoke
with the MDC spokesperson, Nelson Chamisa and he said there’s still an
inconclusive structure of government but there is this reluctance by SADC to
approach things head on. He went on to say there’s an ostrich mentality of
burying the head in the sand and that decisions and choices being made by SADC
only look at one side. Do you agree with this assessment and also what role do
you think SADC should be playing?
OT: I think it would be extremely unfortunate if Zimbabweans were to
place a lot of expectations in terms of what SADC can do to resolve the
Zimbabwean crisis. This I make in the context of the track history of SADC. SADC
has only been galvanised into action where Zimbabweans themselves have taken it
upon themselves to actually express their discontentment and their disdain in
terms of how they are governed. So if you look a little bit back, SADC has been
reluctant, because SADC essentially is a construction of executive arms of
government and the way it has behaved is to take sides with their executive
colleagues and it’s only when Zimbabwe failed to form a government, post the
2008 elections both parliamentary and presidential, that SADC was moved to
recommend mediation. Previously when SADC was seized of the matter when
opposition members were battered, beaten and tortured it was only then that SADC
began to make some movement towards acknowledging that there was a crisis in
Zimbabwe.
So the bottom line really is that to place a lot of expectation in the fact
that SADC on its own, or left to its own processes and procedures will genuinely
and effectively address the Zimbabwean crisis I think is a misplaced
expectation. It’s only when Zimbabweans, either through civic action as was the
case when opposition and civic movement people were beaten up or when Zanu-PF
was rejected at the polls that SADC has come to realise that there is a crisis
here, they need to intervene. So it comes back to actually Zimbabwean citizens
taking up the issues and taking on head on those issues that really affect their
governance and begin to deal with them. SADC, the African Union, the
international community, the UN, the EU and all the other multi-lateral
organisations can only come in as complementary to what Zimbabweans are actually
demanding. So I think going into Kinshasa there were a lot of misplaced
expectations that SADC had the will, the wherewithal and the commitment to
actually assist Zimbabwean citizens resolve their problems.
VG: There are others who say it appears, or it seems the MDC have run
out of options and that’s why they keep running to SADC for help. Do you agree
with this?
OT: Not entirely. I think there are a lot of issues that are at play
in this instance so you find that the MDC’s coming into existence was
essentially to access and contest for state power. This is an issue that they
have been blocked from left, right and centre in terms of a Zanu-PF strategy
that essentially is structured and architectured around retaining control of
state power, that allows political patronage, that allows continued looting of
state resources, that allows continued retention of the security apparatus of
the state. So whereas the MDC has been moving along on a trajectory of a change
in the political agenda, a change that emphasises accountability to the majority
of the citizens, especially if you look at the context where the MDC has arisen
out of a labour movement and a workers’ movement which basically says we insist
on the majority of the people being able to influence the political decision
making. One could say the compromises that were made in the context of the
government of national unity did erode some of the principles and normative
frameworks upon which MDC was formed.
But then in politics, we need to acknowledge that it’s a game of compromises,
you need to assess the situation, you need to be strategic, you need to be
tactful and I think where we are it’s a very difficult situation for the MDC
because the premise on which they entered into this compromise was one of
executive power sharing and what we have seen in the recent past is indications
that Zanu-PF, or key figures in Zanu-PF, are not interested at all in a power
sharing arrangement and that the evidence that is coming through very clearly is
that this is a buying time tactic that Zanu-PF has adopted. Zanu-PF has not
shifted from its original conviction that whatever political dynamics are
happening in Zimbabwe, they are influenced by an imperialist regime change
agenda. And so you find two diametrically opposed parties that have gone
into a marriage of convenience but are sleeping in different bedrooms and
therefore there won’t be any consummation of the government of national unity
that would be productive - there won’t be any reproduction in this case. So this
is what we are faced with in terms of the practical realities, historical
context of where we are coming from that really erodes and minimises the
potential for success for the government of national unity.
And when you look at the Herald, it has really continued on a vendetta to
demonise, vilify and make foolish of any attempts at social reconciliation and
these are things that could have been rectified with a sense of urgency but
would have gone a long way to actually build a lot of political and social
capital which in this instance, would have allayed some of the concerns and
worries of those people who would want to be friends of Zimbabwe to actually
come in and say we are able to assist because we are seeing genuine
reconstruction, genuine reengagement and a shift from the intolerant, partisan
parochial nationalism that has characterised how Zimbabweans are governed for
more than a decade.
VG: And you say this is a delaying tactic by Zanu-PF, to achieve
what?
OT: I think the honest issue we are faced with here and the reality is
that it would be foolhardy to think that people who have exercised state
authority, and primarily here we have known no other agencies or actors who have
exercised state authority other than Zanu-PF, is the fact that they would want
to retain state power at all cost. So you realise from statements that were
recently being made for instance by the Zanu-PF administrator or secretary for
administration, Didymus Mutasa that the power sharing agreement was never about
power sharing - that goes really to the core of what this was all about. Because
if SADC realised that there was a crisis in Zimbabwe and the crisis was around
transfer of political power as a result of a botched election and that’s the
premise on which the former president Thabo Mbeki was appointed to mediate
between the different and opposing actors in Zimbabwe, then several months down
the line a senior member in one of the principal parties, Zanu-PF, comes up and
says this was not about power sharing it really explains that there is a
sub-strategy that is underlying all this issue.
And in short I think for Zanu-PF the strategy is really to buy time in face
of a situation where the nation was collapsing, were rapidly descending into a
failed state and Zanu-PF realised they didn’t have the means to address the
critical issues that were impacting on the population and therefore the
compromise for them was to allow longevity in terms of retaining access to state
resources. It’s evidenced as well in the continued looting of state assets, in
the continued chaotic invasion under the mantra of the so-called land
redistribution which has been demonstrated as catastrophic, reckless and a
failure and the failure to prosecute people who are responsible for perpetrating
heinous crimes of violence. The reason why these people have not been prosecuted
or brought to justice is because it was sanctioned from the highest level. So
all these issues about national healing, about reconstructing the economy, about
restoration of the rule of law will come to nought because the underlying
strategy is not one to move the country forward but one to maintain personal
interests, hegemony of Zanu-PF and to continue looting the state as had happened
in the last decade or so.
VG: And what about the MDC itself, do you think it has been weakened
by the refusal of Zanu-PF to implement the power sharing deal fully?
OT: Probably not weakened because I think that the MDC as a political
formation does have its own rationale and mandate which was not essentially
premised on a compromise or a government of national unity but I think it does
create a lot of vulnerabilities in terms of the MDC as a political formation
because there are issues of principle here that are being trampled and you have
a situation where the compromise was supposed to be for a short limited period
in which mechanisms, processes and institutions that would have facilitated a
transition to a democratic governing system where there was popular influence on
decision making and political equality, but what we’re seeing now is a process
where the transition is being made permanent.
You find a situation where MDC parliamentarians, at least if you look at the
media reports, they are pushing for the sort of entrapments that Zanu-PF
functionaries have been entitled to. You get fights over vehicles, you get
fights over assumption of prestigious or lucrative positions and I think that
the MDC would be better advised to concentrate on reengagement with the citizens
at a very broad level and be extremely accountable in terms of whatever next
step they take to their original constituencies. Because the perception one
gets, and in politics perceptions easily becomes realities, is that all those
who are in the government of national unity are fighting for eating positions,
they are fighting for 4x4 vehicles, they are fighting for their comfortable
lifestyle and I think there is something to be said about foregoing some of the
trapments of a luxurious political lifestyle, to actually begin to reconnect or
go back to reconnecting with the people and say here’s the reality we are
facing, we need to move forward as a nation but as MDC we are committed to the
cause of the people. But that is not evident now because they are all lumped
into this unity government within which collective responsibility is difficult
to practise because these are parties coming from different ideological and
principle and value backgrounds and so it has to come to a point where the MDC
has to make the hard choices around what is the image they want to portray in
terms of representing the people who have put faith in their abilities to take
them through a democratic transition.
VG: Lately all we are hearing, especially from the Zanu-PF camp is the
issue of ‘sanctions’ - the removal of ‘sanctions’ and as you mentioned earlier
on in the programme, that’s all we heard from SADC. What are your thoughts on
this, are there merits for their removal?
OT: Definitely there are. I think it’s one of the range of threats
that threaten Zimbabwe’s economic, social and political survival, it’s failure
to deliver on the economic front and needless to say, that economic
restrictions, economic sanctions are having an impact on Zimbabwe trying to
attract foreign investment. But I think the problem is around the fact that SADC
now comes up with a position where it seems like Zanu-PF and the previous regime
do not bear any responsibility for attracting the current economic restrictions
that we face and yet the reality of the matter is that the sanctions - and these
are very calibrated, they’re at different levels, you get the personal sanctions
targeted at Zanu-PF officials, people who are presiding over a oppressive
process, you get sanctions that are emanating from US government policy in terms
of the Zimbabwe Economic and Democracy Recovery Act, you get EU imposed
sanctions which were attracted for a variety of reasons and a lot of these - in
fact the bulk of the blame actually is on the Zanu-PF government that in the
light and glare of the international community, it went ahead to abuse very
visibly, its citizens rights and a lot of other peoples rights.
And so until and when Zanu-PF begin to realise that it shoulders the blame
for attracting sanctions on Zimbabwe it should not begin to push the blame on to
the MDC to say you were calling for sanctions because at no point did the MDC
call for sanctions on Zimbabwe. It was the very act of the Zimbabwean
government, prompted by a misguided policy of splendid isolation where at some
point the President himself was saying to hell with the west, we have a look
east policy, and these are our friends. What has changed now that begins to urge
the Zimbabwean government to say sanctions should be lifted? So until and when
responsibility is taken on the part of Zanu-PF, I mean there are simple things
where you begin to open up the media, you begin to make your judiciary
non-partisan that in and of itself will simply indicate that these are serious
people who are intended on reforming and that this notion of continued hammering
on regime change conspiracy theory will not save the country.
And I think this is where a pragmatic, practical realisation of what the
responsibilities on the part of Zanu-PF are, need to strike home and I think
SADC needs to take that on board and not simply hammer on lift sanctions but
also acknowledge that Zanu-PF, President Mugabe and his coterie of advisors have
a serious responsibility to reverse all the policies, the reckless and
irresponsible policies that they have presided over, to create good will and
good faith that they are serious about addressing the mistakes that they have
made in the past. It’s only that I think that the whole international community,
the development partners who are willing to assist Zimbabwe will begin to see
genuine signs of reformation and people begin to come in and reengage.
VG: I actually spoke to Gorden Moyo, the Minister of State in the
Prime Minister’s office last week and he says there are no sanctions, or there
are no economic sanctions on Zimbabwe and that Zimbabwe is still trading with
some of these countries like the US and the countries in Europe, so are you
saying there are sanctions on Zimbabwe?
OT: I would say there are sanctions because if a powerful economic
actor like the US has restrictions, whether they are at a personal level or
whether it is through the influence that it has in the multi-lateral financing
institutions like the IMF and the World Bank, there is a radiating effect in
terms of investor confidence, so you find a situation where if a whole coterie
of Zanu-PF functionaries are targeted in terms of their repressive behaviour and
conduct, I as an investor would think twice before I go in there because I’m
going to say if an economic giant such as the US find it too risky to deal with
these guys then I’m going to obviously have a very measured interaction.
So there is a radiating effect to that extent but you are right and I think
that Gorden Moyo is right that in the strict terms of direct economic sanctions
that actually say no trade between the EU, between EU nations and Zimbabwe, that
may not be the case but still, you want to access as much capital as you can and
private sector which is a big driver of foreign direct investment takes its cue
from actually the key political players. So IMF if it is saying because of
restrictions by the US government we cannot advance the financial package to
Zimbabwe, it does have an effect and indeed there is that effect. So my position
would be that yes the economic restrictions are having an adverse effect in
terms of how people perceive Zimbabwe and once you are perceived as a failing
nation it takes a while to rebuild that credibility and it needs the big players
to begin coming in and restoring that confidence so probably the effect of the
sanctions may not be direct but they are radiating and quite impactive.
VG: Now views are divided on what the international community should
do about this issue as some feel that removing the restrictions would be
rewarding the ruling elite for not having done anything to change. In your view,
what approach do you think the countries that have imposed these restrictions
should take?
OT: My honest view would be that there is need now for a level of risk
taking because as has been said, particularly if you look at the 1992 successful
campaign of a former US President Bill Clinton that ‘It’s the economy, stupid’.
The basis on which the unity government is going to fail is that it will not
meet people’s expectations. We are already seeing that in terms of failure to
pay adequate and justifiable salaries for civil servants, teachers, nurses,
doctors and so I think it requires some sort of innovation, some sort of risk
taking but accompanied by measures that will ensure that as soon as there are
indications that inflowing resources are being used for further repression the
situation is corrected.
So here we are talking of a situation where when the government of national
unity came into being, they estimated that they needed eight billion to just
normalise things and there was a lot of expectation, there was the
acknowledgement for instance that the Zimbabwean currency was non-existent, it
was simply providing more misery than relief to the ordinary citizens and then
therefore they moved to accept multiple currencies, the rand, the dollar and so
on. But we are getting to a situation where we are plateauing, we are getting to
a situation where very soon where the government will not be able to meet the
heightened expectations and when that happens the people are going to be
disillusioned.
So I think the international community does have a responsibility despite the
concerns and genuine fears that resources may actually be diverted towards
sustaining a repressive mechanism, to have a robust approach where resources are
channelled to assist the vital sectors and make sure that there is a system of
benchmarking where actually those resources are then applied to the relevant and
requisite areas of concern. And unless there is that maintenance of a balance
I’m afraid that continued reluctance and resistance by development partners to
increase significantly resource inflows will grossly undermine the government of
national unity which incidentally, development partners have expressed
confidence in, they are saying this is the only way that Zimbabwe can transition
and I think that it behooves them to take that level of risk taking and engage
even in an unsatisfactory environment.
VG: What about that other issue, about rewarding Zanu-PF’s bad
behaviour because those who support the stance taken by the west say Zanu-PF
deliberately refuses to meet the minimum conditions set by those countries, for
instance on the issue of restoring the rule of law, Zanu-PF still refuses to
budge and critics ask what guarantees are there that Zanu-PF will behave this
time?
OT: I’m not advocating for a blanket removal of the restrictions and
the economic constraints that have been imposed because those were imposed for
very specific, particular and very clear reasons especially in terms of the way
the Zanu-PF government was behaving by way of not respecting what are accepted
standards in terms of dealing with your political opponents. But what I am
saying is that there is need again for further compromises. You can go in with a
structured engagement that ensures that the moment that there are signals of
continued or escalated repression, then you have a fall back plan which can help
you bring the culprits to book. But at the moment what we have seen is that
whereas the development partners are generally acknowledging that the government
of national unity or the Global Political Agreement does present an opportunity
for transformation there is much more hesitancy in terms of a level of risk
taking that allows you to engage even at a limited and calibrated level with the
different actors. Because the reality of the matter really Violet is that
Zanu-PF is not going to go away any time soon, they are going to continue to be
a player on the political front and I think it needs some robust and much more
flexible approach to engage the different actors in a constructed way but a
constructed way that is in the context of a normative framework that gives
respect to the fundamental rights for which pro-democracy forces in Zimbabwe
have been fighting for.
But I’m afraid to say that the reaction of the predominantly development
partners up to this stage has been one of extreme caution and in some instance
clear resistance to exploring viable ways of engaging the different partners and
making sure that the thing that they support, the Global Political Agreement
does actually work in the end. As I said earlier, it’s a lot of risk taking,
it’s a lot of thinking out of the box but I think much more needs to be done in
terms of that re-engagement.
VG: OK, I’m afraid we have to end here. Thank you very much Ozias
Tungwarara for speaking to us on the programme Hot Seat.
Brigadier
Mujaji has stolen four tractors and all our seedbeds. He has now planted our
seedlings in lands we prepared and fertilized.
Our workers have been
denied access to food now for two weeks. In desperation they tried to access
the premises but the soldiers opened fire and shot one worker in the hand by
ricochet. We have tried to move our crops and equipment off the farm but we
are now being denied this by the army. The lorry drivers were threatened
with death by the soldiers if they attempted to move any of our goods. The
police have supported the fact that we can move our crops and equipment as it
belongs to me and they have tried to send staff to the scene to help but the
soldiers have threatened them and they left waiting further instruction from
their superiors. We are waiting to see now what happens. It is one
thing taking land, but another stealing crops, equipment, and shooting
innocent people through force of arms by our own national
army.
Latest tactics is to add more land onto his allocation and
threatened to take the farm equipment on "his" side of the fence he is to
erect. This is the pump house and main transformer
He had a bunch of
Vapostori yesterday showing them the pump house in great detail.
We
hear he is allocating plots to these guys and more.. as he is not
a farmer
The Milling shed is progressing at Hunters front gate next to
the main transformer
We got a letter signed at Marondera yesterday to
confirm all the transformers were in our name.
Other issues are in the
pipe line, remain Clandestine at this moment
Well the weekend saw more
sand for the mill by Shumba and he has put in heaps of poles for the fence on
the side of the strip road where he has decided to claim more land
!
He still controls the pump house and the river pump which has
been wasting huge amounts of water under his control or Rather lack of
control
We have not done any land prep for the coming season as we are
unsure what is happening on the
farm
Well
the weekend saw more sand for the mill by Shumba and he has put in haeps of
poles for the fence on the side of the strip road where he has decided to
claim more land !
He still controls the pump house and the river pump
which has been wasting huge ammounts of water unfder his control or Rather
lack of control
We have not done any land prep for the coming season
as we are unsure what is happening on the farm
Yes, we remember how life was really tough, people were killed, they were
arrested, they disappeared for supporting the opposition or for being suspected
of doing so.
Supermarket shelves were empty, cash was more precious than gold, running
water and power were scarce (still are I guess though), kids were not going to
school (some of them still are not) and government hospitals were actually shut
down.
I remember the heavy, intimidating police presence in the capital.
Thinking about it and writing it brings it all back and makes it feel raw.
We lived through hell.
'Dwelling on it will kill you'
But we survived, or at least some of us did.
Zimbabwean dollars can only be used to pay for a fare these
days
And as is human nature, we have blocked out the horrors and are moving
forward.
Yes it happened, yes it was terrible, but dwelling on it will kill you.
I suppose it is different for those who were eyewitnesses to or victims of
the atrocities, and those who lost a spouse, a parent, a child, a sibling, a
friend.
I suppose it is harder for them to put the past behind them. I'm sure for
them it is still raw.
And it cannot help that the politicians decided to let bygones be bygones.
Can you imagine having to live next door to the person who beat you, or torched
your belongings, or came with the group that abducted your loved one, knowing
that they will never face justice on this earth?
'One cake of soap'
Working with a multi-currency system is a little confusing. Initially
business had decided to use a 1:10 rate for working out prices in US$/South
African rand but lately the rand has strengthened so much that this is no longer
practical.
I think the rate most are using now is 1:7.5, which means if you are going to
use rand for a purchase you had better have a calculator with you.
My mum, my sister and I were just saying this weekend how shopping has become
fun again.
You can basically buy whatever foodstuffs you want. Gone are the days when
you had to go down to South Africa for sugar, salt, soap, cooking oil etc.
Back then we shopped like we wanted to open little corner stores - everything
was bought by the carton.
Now I can walk into any supermarket and buy one cake of soap, because I know
the when I need another one, the shops will still have it.
Zimbabwean normal
It is great for the budget - you need to have lived here through 2006, 2007
and 2008 to get me here - it is such a joy.
Esther says the politicians seem to be letting bygones be
bygones
The only time you see Zimbabwean dollars is whilst travelling by public
transport. The operators still accept them for fares because there are so few
foreign coins around and a single fare costs 50 US cents.
Three trillion Zimbabwe dollars is the amount you hand over. For everything
else, the money is useless.
All salaries and wages are now paid in US dollars, all vendors sell their
wares in US dollars, and so everyone making an honest living is doing so in US
dollars.
Some companies are still paying their employees via envelopes to avoid the
high taxation rate. Most though are paid through bank transfers. Yes, banks are
working.
All the people I know, however, do not keep their money in the bank. They
withdraw it all on pay day, or the day after, and keep the cash at home. The
reason given is: "For as long as Gideon Gono is governor of the reserve bank,
you never know what will happen to your money or your bank."
And that is not something you can just dismiss.
And so, life is normal - for Zimbabwe in a Zimbabwean way.
I would love to be able to sit down with my bank manager and discuss
financing so I can buy a house and a new car, and open a boutique for the young,
trendy career woman.
I would love for that to be my normal but it is not. Not yet anyway.
The National Education Advisory Board, appointed
in March this year, released its “Report on the Rapid Assessment of Primary and
Secondary Education in
Zimbabwe”
yesterday at a Stakeholders Conference held at
PrinceEdwardSchool,
Harare.The Assessment was funded by the European
Commission, represented at the launch by Ms Barbara Plinkert, Head of the Social
Sector.This was the first task
requested by Minister David Coltart, in order to have reliable data on which to
base the work of reconstruction of the education sector.
Among other findings in the sample 120
schools throughout the country, over 20% of primary schools had not a single
textbook for English, Mathematics or African language – even for the
teacher!Large numbers of pupils in
rural areas had no place to sit or write.School buildings, teachers’ houses, furniture etc were generally
dilapidated.Many schools had not been visited for years by
Ministry officials due to lack of resources.Examination results were generally poor, teacher morale was low and the
relationship between teachers and parents had deteriorated.
The Conclusions were as follows:
“The Rapid Assessment focused on a number of
problem areas and challenges which require immediate attention.Despite the limitations of a study done in
such a short space of time, it provided a snapshot of the situation and the
immediate steps needed to stabilize and improve the situation of education as a
whole.At the same time, it made clear
that a more in-depth approach is needed in the longer term.For example major inputs are required to
improve the condition and morale of teachers who will always remain key players
within the education system.These
include repairing the damaged status of teachers and the problematic
relationship which has developed between parents and teachers due to the fact
that parents, including very poor parents, were forced by circumstances to take
over responsibility for teachers’ remuneration during the period when the State
was unable to fulfill its obligations in this regard.The staffing and resourcing of the MOESAC
have been seriously affected, and need both re-structuring and updating.The shortage of resources for the education
sector has to be seriously addressed and stabilized primarily by the State,
assisted by donors and parents.At the
same time, there has been major erosion of educational infrastructure which
needs to be addressed.The provision of
teaching learning materials has deteriorated to the extent that the industries
servicing the education sector are no longer able to do so
optimally.”
The Report includes a number of recommendations on
the way forward, divided into urgent recommendations to Ministry not requiring
additional expenditure and those requiring additional funding, medium-term
recommendations to Ministry and recommendations to
Partners…ENDS
The farmer’s wife was tired of waking up every
morning to find her freshly baked bread munched by a mouse. Infuriated, she
again pleaded with her husband to get her a mousetrap – chirimbani or riva.
The farmer obliged and set four traps on his wife’s kitchen
floor.
Mouse was watching from his vantage point and
immediately ran to the cattle kraal to ask for help. There he found Mr Cockerel,
scratching the earth for worms. He askedMr Cockerel, “Please come
and help me dismantle the trap in the farmer’s kitchen,” he
appealed.
“No, why should I? It’s called a mouse trap not a
chicken trap. It is your problem, not mine,” Cockerel responded
cynically.
Dejected, the mouse left and went to Mr Bull who
was lying in the shade chewing cud. “Mr Bull, please may you come and help me?”
Before he could finish, Mr Bull had bellowed telling him to go away, it was not
his problem either. Mouse’s last resort was to go to the pig sty. There he found
the Mr Boar wallowing in the mud, and he too was not interested in diffusing a
mouse trap.
That evening, a black mamba chased the mouse that
ran into the kitchen toward the mouse trap. The black mamba was caught instead,
and the commotion woke up the farmer’s wife who took her broom stick to finish
off what she thought was the mouse caught in the trap.
In the dark, she grabbed the mamba’s tail assuming
it was the mouse, and the mad mamba wiggled, turned and mercilessly drove his
venomous fangs into her forearm.
The farmer was awoken by the scream, and rushed to
help his wife who had already fainted. He killed the snake and immediately went
to summon his in-laws. He then went to the fowl run and killed Mr Cockerel for
his in-laws lunch as they tried to nurse his wife. Realising that she wasn’t
going to live long, he then went to the pig sty and killed Mr Boar so that he
could feed all the relatives who were shortly to arrive. The farmers wife
eventually died from the snake bite, and the farmer then slaughtered Mr Bull to
feed the entire village.
The mouse was left standing. If only all those
domestic farm animals had helped him with the mousetrap, the farmer’s wife would
be alive today and they wouldn’t have been eaten.
In Zimbabwe, when the ZANU (PF) government targeted
farmers for eviction, harassment and murder, industrialists, retailers, bankers
and most city folks ignored the plight of the commercial farmer and even more so
that of the farm workers.
“It’s the farmers’ problems; ZANU (PF) does not
want a bank, supermarket, hotel or factory,” so the city dwellers thought.
“Besides, the land issue is about redressing a colonial imbalance,” they
rationalised, “Mugabe only wants land, not buildings, houses or
businesses.”
When ZANU (PF) took the first black and white owned
farms, Zimbabweans stood by and watched. The country observed with its eyes wide
shut and no one went to the farmer’s aid. Then ZANU (PF) misappropriated black
owned banks and sycophantic supporters applauded with a deafening silence to the
printing of money and handouts from the RBZ.
For as long as ZANU (PF) pilfersprivate citizens' property and criminalises the owners, progressive
Zimbabweans should now circle their wagons and boycottinstitutions thatwere acquired through violence, crime and
political blackmail. No more afternoon tea and scones at the
Meikles and no more banking at CFX, ZABG, ZB & others. "ukadziya moto
wembavha newewo watovambavha"
Nothing is safe from the marauding gangsters in
Zimbabwe anymore, alas, who shall be left
standing?
Perhaps faith is all that people have left to cling to in Zimbabwe’s on going
turbulent times? Congregations of all denominations are taking over every large
empty buildings, defunct cinemas, theatres, barns, factories, and warehouses,
and people congregate to worship even under large shady trees.
Sundays reverberate with joyous music and on Friday nights more people are in
church than in pubs. Church conventions in Zimbabwe gather extraordinary crowds:
thousands and thousands of people gather together to worship and pray for entire
weekends of devoutness.
The new charismatic churches appear to hold more for the bewildered populace
than the older established churches like the Church of England, the Catholic,
and the Presbyterian churches.
Many struggling theatres and businesses make their main income from hiring
out their premises to church groups on Sundays, and instead of pantomimes,
operas, or farces, these auditoriums resound to the sound of people praying, or
speaking in tongues, and many are the voices of the poor who have little else to
do except pray that their lives will take on a different turn.
The pastors and leaders of these churches are enigmatic and charismatic, and
their voices sweep loudly through the cities on Saturdays and Sundays exhorting
their congregations to trust the Lord and follow His path to righteousness and
fulfillment.
One of the largest sects is a group of men and women who gather under trees
wherever they can, in vast numbers, staves in hand; they are from the Zionist
Church.
With more than a million followers in Zimbabwe and lead by Bishop Nehemiah
Mutendi, his followers still pray under the shade of trees, even in the
metropolitan cities of Harare, Zimbabwe’s capital and Bulawayo, the second
largest city. The leaders sit on chairs or benches, if the tree is near the
house of one of the better-off followers.
But in most cases, men sit on stones while women sit on mats or rags. Some
men bring their own portable stools. Doctors, lawyers and managing directors,
with their latest four-by-fours parked close by, have to kneel on the hard earth
together with their poorer colleagues, all clad in cheap, blue uniforms similar
to those won by security guards, who rank among the most poorly paid workers in
Zimbabwe, where the church headquarters is.
Other religious sects also use trees as their temples, and long lines of
white or blue clad worshippers can be seen making their quiet way to commune
with their God in whatever places they can to find peace in prayer.
This entry was posted by Freedom Writer
on Tuesday, September 15th, 2009 at 1:49
pm.
Now I can walk into any supermarket and buy one cake of soap,
because I know that when I need another one, the shops will still have it
