Text of the agreement

Tsvangirai's speech at the signing ceremony

http://www.zimonline.co.za

by Morgan Tsvangirai Tuesday 16 September 2008

SPEECH -- President Mbeki, Heads of State and Government, Your Excellencies,
Members of the Diplomatic Corps, President Mugabe, Professor Mutambara, Mr
Speaker of Parliament, Madam President of the Senate, Senators and
Parliamentarians, Distinguished Guests, Ladies and Gentlemen.

Today, I want to thank all those whose tireless work has brought us to the
signing of this agreement.

I salute President Thabo Mbeki, facilitator of the negotiations, for his
efforts to find a solution to the Zimbabwe crisis that is acceptable to all
parties.

I applaud the role played by SADC in working with all parties involved to
resolve this crisis. I would like to pay particular tribute to the late
Zambian President Levy Mwanawasa, who worked tirelessly towards this
agreement and it will serve as an enduring part of his legacy.

I thank Jakaya Kikwete, president of Tanzania and Chairman of the African
Union, and Jean Ping, Chairman of the Commission of the Africa Union for
understanding how important resolving the Zimbabwe crisis was to our entire
continent.

I recognise United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon, who acknowledged
that the world cannot stand idle while a member nation slides into famine
and chaos.

I thank the democratically elected Members of Parliament - all of them, ZANU
PF, members of the MDC and the independent parliamentarian.

Already you have shown a willingness to work across party lines to get
things done. You are a model for the executive branch created out of today's
agreement to follow.

Lastly, and most importantly, I would like to thank the people of Zimbabwe,
for adhering to the principles of peaceful, democratic change and for not
wavering from these principles even in the face of hardship. I salute you.

Our nation looks towards us, the leadership, to deliver on the commitments
contained in this agreement. We had two options: To put aside our
differences and unite in order to give our people real hope, or continue to
let the impasse plunge our country in to the abyss of a failed state.

People may ask how we, who have been opponents for so long, can possibly
work together in government. On this I ask all Zimbabweans to hear these
words.

I have signed this agreement because I believe it represents the best
opportunity for us to build a peaceful, prosperous, democratic Zimbabwe. I
have signed this agreement because my belief in Zimbabwe and its peoples
runs deeper than the scars I bear from the struggle. I have signed this
agreement because my hope for the future is stronger than the grief I feel
for the needless suffering of the past years.

Today, every one of us has a decision to make. Shall we be driven by the
feelings we have towards those we blame for the suffering we have endured,
or shall we be driven by the hope of a new, better, brighter country. The
hope of a new beginning.

The world has too many examples of what happens when people are driven by
past wrongs rather than the hope of future glories.

I have chosen to be guided by hope and if you join me in this, we will not
fail to witness the rebirth of our nation.

This does not mean we must forget about the past decades of hardship and
struggles. It is essential that we remember the sacrifices made by our
comrades, colleagues, families and friends, from the time of our liberation
struggle until today, that have made this historic opportunity possible.
Only through a public acknowledgement of past wrongs can we begin the
process of national healing.

Looking back provides me with the energy to move forward. Looking back, I am
filled with enormous pride over the way we Zimbabweans have conducted
ourselves. We deserve to stand tall and be proud of what we have achieved
and be excited about what we can now achieve.

The agreement we sign to day is a product of painful compromise. It does not
provide an instant cure for the ills that pervade our society and our
country. The road ahead is long and will not be easy. Indeed, the partners
in this new, inclusive government cannot alone provide the solutions to the
problems facing the country. All we can do, and we will do, is to work
together to establish the environment where every Zimbabwean has the
opportunity to contribute to solving the problems we face.

This agreement sees the return of hope to all our lives. We have been
motivated in our struggle by the belief that we deserve democracy, that we
deserve a better life, that we deserve to live free from fear, hunger,
poverty and oppression.

It is this hope that provides the foundation of this agreement that we sign
today. It is this hope that will provide us with the belief that we can
achieve a New Zimbabwe. It is this hope that will provide us with the energy
to build a New Zimbabwe. It is this hope that must unite all Zimbabweans as
we move forward.

But hope alone will not deliver our New Zimbabwe. In this we all have an
essential role to play. In this new struggle for a new beginning, we will
require the support, perseverance and patience of the people.

In turn, I pledge that this new inclusive government will introduce a new
way of governing, where we serve the people and respond to the needs of the
people. I acknowledge the debt that we owe to the courage and support of the
people and I commit myself and this new, inclusive government to honour that
debt.

As Prime Minister of Zimbabwe, I call on the supporters of both ZANU PF and
the MDC to unite with all Zimbabweans, to put the interests of our nation
and our people first and to work together for a New Zimbabwe. Divisions,
polarisation and hatred belong to the past.

With the commitment of this new government to build a better country, with
the commitment of all Zimbabweans to work together for a brighter future our
success is guaranteed.

However, a new beginning will be built more quickly with support from the
international community. We are grateful for the support you have shown us
over the past nine years and we appeal to our regional neighbors, our
African brothers and sisters and the international community, to assist us
in rebuilding our nation. To assist us to address the problems facing our
society, our education and health care systems and our economy.

As a sovereign, peaceful state we ask that you work with us to return
Zimbabwe to its rightful place as a proud, democratic, prosperous member of
the family of nations.

The agreement we are signing today creates a transitional authority that
will govern Zimbabwe until a new democratic constitution can be put in place
and genuinely free and fair elections can be held. We do not today set a
date for those future elections.  But we must not use the current crisis,
desperate as it is, to delay the lasting solution to our underlying problem.

This negotiated settlement can only be a temporary measure, a candle in a
dark dungeon that enables our people to see the way forward to the bright
sunshine of freedom and prosperity.

ZANU PF and MDC are brands rich with meaning and proud history.

ZANU PF is the party of our national liberation; the party of the creation
of the modern Zimbabwe; the mother party of many liberation movements across
the whole continent of Africa.

The MDC is a people's party. Born from a people's convention, drawing people
from all walks of life, but representing those for whom life every day is a
struggle; and who look for something better for their future, and their
children's future.

For too long we have allowed the differences between these two parties to
divide us, to the detriment of our nation, rather than unite us, for the
betterment of our nation.

Party divisions and party brands no longer matter to the people of Zimbabwe.
We must all unite to solve to the problems facing the nation.

Our new Government recognises the hardships faced by the people today and
addressing these will be our main priority.

First we will stop the devastating food shortages.

The policies of the past years have made Zimbabwe a nation where the healthy
flee and the sickly die.

Warm-hearted and generous people from around the globe have come to Zimbabwe
to bring food to our starving people - And they found our door was locked.

The first priority of the government is to unlock the food already in our
country and distribute it to our people.

We need doctors and medicines back in our hospitals; teachers back in our
schools. We need businesses that can grow and provide jobs to the people. We
need electricity again to power our businesses and homes. We need water that
is safe and accessible. We need affordable food in our shops, crops in our
fields, and petrol back in our vehicles. We need to be able to access our
own cash from our banks.

We need to stabilise our economy and restore value to our currency.

Peace and safety must be restored to our communities. Our State institutions
must serve the needs of all the people, not just ZANU PF or the MDC.

Under my leadership, this unity government will let business flourish so our
people can work and provide for their families with pride.

With the signing of this deal the door to freedom and democracy has been
unlocked. The transformation of our lives begins now. How quickly and how
successfully that happens will depend on the commitment of every Zimbabwean
as an agent for positive change.

The hand with which I sign this agreement is the hand I extend to President
Robert Mugabe - for the well-being of our nation - in my pledge to work with
all the leaders of Zimbabwe to bring our nation back to life. Let us not be
divided by our past, but united by our hope for the future.

And so, in the sight of the world, with the hopes of our people, praying for
the wisdom from almighty God, I sign this agreement and enter a new
government and a way forward to new era of prosperity and democracy for all
Zimbabweans. - ZimOnline

Mugabe's speech at the signing ceremony

http://www.zimonline.co.za

by Robert Mugabe Tuesday 16 September 2008

President Thabo Mbeki Chairman of SADC and our heroic facilitator

Your Excellencies: Presidents of SADC countries here presented and
representatives of their Excellencies who have not been able to be present
today at this very important and historic event,

His Excellency Mr Jean Ping, chairman of the Commission of the AU, Mr
Meinkerios representing the Secretary General of the United Nations,

My brothers and partners Cdes Professor Mutambara and Mr Morgan Tsvangirai
of MDC formation,

Leaders of the parties involved and represented by us as we negotiated this
deal, ZANU PF and the two MDC formations and those of you who are here and
those of you who are not here whom you represent,

Those representing other groups who are here and have been invited as guests
to attend this event,

The various chief representatives of busines sectors, representatives of the
agriculture sector, farmers and others,

Ladies and gentlemen, comrades and friends.

This gathering is a re-enactment, in my view, of that togetherness and
partnership the co-operation that has seen processes taking place here
leading to a number of our countries attaining their Independence.

Yesterday, as we of Zimbabwe sought to liberate ourselves and the fight that
was between us the people of Zimbabwe and oppressors, it was the front line
states whom, together with us, shaped this trouble that led to our
liberation land independence. It was that front line state forum that later
transformed as countries became free and liberated in this region to what we
now see as SADC.

But the process of our Independence here was a Zimbabwean question process
foremost.

We the Zimbabweans decided that it was not right and proper, never just at
all, for a people like ourselves to bear the yoke of colonialism and
oppression for that long. We decided through our leaders of the time that we
must form a movement that would liberate us. But we realised that we were,
although united as time went on as people went on as people of Zimbabwe,
although united in terms of our vision and in terms of our commitment, we
were not the only ones who sought that liberation. ??After all, we were and
still are part of Africa. We were part of Southern Africa. Our problem was
also our neighbours' problem, so, Mozambique, Zambia, Tanzania - the problem
of your brother is your problem and so they united with us.

They provided us not only the venues by hosting us on their territories and
the venues we needed, but also the means - even their commitment - and they
made enormous sacrifices. The enemy did not just point his guns at us, the
Zimbabweans, no, he aimed his guns also at our neighbours. Botswana was
attacked, Zambia was attacked, and Tanzania also was attacked. Eventually
Mozambique, as it became free and hosted us, it also became free and hosted
us, it also a target.

And today, as we who were faced and confronted by an intractable foe, here
we are once again. They (the Front Line States) are with us.

I don't see any British among them! African problems must be solved by
Africans.

?The problem that we have now is a problem that has been created by a former
colonial power wanting to continue to interfere in our domestic affairs.
Zimbabwe's land belongs to Zimbabweans.

They interfered with our processes; they wanted to reverse them and still
want to reverse them. They (Britain) spoke of regime change and they are
still speaking of it. They imposed sanctions. We had not attacked Britain,
we had not done anything to Britain. We had not attacked America. Why, why,
why the hand of the Americans here? Let us ask that.

Let us not ignore the truth as we move forward. We must accept reality. As
we move forward from now on, certain principles have to guide us because if
this unity is going to last, those salient principles must be observed along
the way.

Zimbabwe is a sovereign state and only the people of Zimbabwe have the
fundamental right to govern it. They alone will set up governments. They
alone will change those governments, no-one else has the right to decide on
regime change. We are a sovereign people with a right of self determination.
Having said that, we also recognize that as part of Africa, we cooperate
within various frameworks. We must resist those who want to impose their own
will on us.

We have (President Ian) Khama (Botswana) here, yes lots of things have been
said, criticism has been written about him but the whole way I said nothing.
Botswana, Botswana, Botswana! Ooooooh! I said I will never ever attack an
African leader in public, never ever! In our forum of SADC we will tell each
other about what we think of each other. I will get my day!

He is quite a very close friend, and a relative even. Whatever happened is
history, let us look into the future.

I thought I knew him (President Mbeki) before. But I think I now know him
thoroughly. He is a man who will not allow a problem to defeat him. He is a
man who will never accept 'no' for an answer. He is a man also who will,
using his gifted intellect, devise various ways and formulae by way of
suggestions.

This suggestion, does it work? No? He varies it in that tactical and tactful
way. Then it becomes a suggestion that you are finally able to accept. I
thought by the time we went to SADC and Professor Mutambara and I had
accepted and my brother here (Tsvangirai) had said 'no'. Had he said no to
the king?

I thought that was the end and President Thabo Mbeki would not move forward.
But he would not accept his 'no' for an answer. I wish I was young again and
proposing to girls. I would say, give me some tips. He never accepts no for
an answer.

We sat down with him (Tsvangirai). We tried to explain. What he wanted, (and
that which) we didn't want also. Finally we found areas of agreement and
areas of disagreement.

There are a lot of things in the agreement that I did not like and still do
not like.

Let us be allies. People will want to see if what we promise is indeed what
we strive to do ... We are committed, I am committed, let us all be
committed.

We will do our best. We know that for the two MDCs, its the first time that
you are coming into government. You don't start from nothing. You start from
experience. Certain things may have well done, that's experience. Certain
things may not have been done well, that's experience." - ZimOnline

Call this progress? Not if you care about Zimbabwe

http://www.independent.co.uk/

Basildon Peta:
Tuesday, 16 September 2008

I am desperately homesick after six years of exile from Zimbabwe. Yet
yesterday's power-sharing deal between Robert Mugabe, Morgan Tsvangirai and
Arthur Mutambara has not brought me any relief that I can re-enter a new
democratic country in which the rights of citizens are respected.

I am not alone in posting this pessimistic view. There will definitely be no
stampede of the millions of Zimbabweans in foreign lands going back to
Mugabeland any time soon if my interviews with many of them are anything to
go by.

For the avoidance of any doubt, I really want the deal to work, for the
benefit of the long-suffering people of Zimbabwe. I just don't see how it
will. What Zimbabwe desperately needs is a complete re-birth. A complete
break with Mr Mugabe's political and economic insanity. This required a
settlement in which he is not involved. But he remains in the driving seat.

You cannot teach an old dog new tricks. At 85, Mr Mugabe has not suddenly
transmogrified from a murderous tyrant into a true democrat who will respect
and care for his subjects.

His long, incoherent and rambling acceptance speech yesterday confirmed my
worst fears. There was nothing in it to exemplify any vision for the
reconstruction of his embattled country. Messrs Tsvangirai and Mutambara
were more compelling about their vision for Zimbabwe.

Mr Mugabe remained stuck in his favourite, but hugely irrelevant, subjects:
colonialism, blaming Britain for everything wrong in Zimbabwe and eulogising
the 1970s liberation struggle. Not a word about how to move Zimbabwe forward
from the dark dungeon into which he has plunged the country.

Mr Mugabe is still not taking responsibility for Zimbabwe's demise, despite
that owning up to one's mistakes should precede any viable corrective
action. In Mr Mugabe's own words, the power-sharing deal can only last as
long as all the parties uphold certain "salient principles" that he holds
dear. These are the non-reversibility of his land seizures, "empowerment"
policies, upholding Zimbabwe's sovereignty, etc. And therein lies the
problem.

How will Mr Tsvangirai revive Zimbabwe's agro-based economy without
reversing Mr Mugabe's destructive land reforms and taking land back from
incompetent cronies and redistributing it among Zimbabweans who can actually
farm, both black and white.

How will Mr Tsvangirai persuade investors to come, without entirely
repealing unsustainable empowerment laws which prescribe majority
shareholding by black Zimbabweans in all firms? How will Mr Tsvangirai
endeavour to accommodate international donor prescriptions for aid without
being accused of compromising on national sovereignty?

Until yesterday, the power-sharing agreement itself was a status symbol. You
could not access a copy unless you were Messrs Tsvangirai, Mbeki, Mugabe or
Mutambara, or one of their few close associates involved in the
negotiations. The outcome of the talks is hardly based on the will of the
people. It is not dependant on the masses, but on the extent to which the
elites who packaged the agreement are willing to cohabit with each other - a
potential recipe for disaster.

There is something nauseating, if not tragic, about African politics. It
happened in Kenya. Now in Zimbabwe. A bad precedent is being entrenched.
After losing elections, incumbent dictators bludgeon their opponents and
find their way to the negotiating tables and thereafter cling to power.

Even after withholding results for over a month, Mugabe was confirmed as the
loser of presidential and parliamentary elections on 29 March. He then
rigged his way into a bloody run-off which he contested against himself.

As Kofi Annan has noted, the Africa Union should have refused to give Mugabe
a seat at its summits and only recognised the 29 March outcome. But that did
not happen. Even if this deal somehow does work and brings relief to
Zimbabweans, it has entrenched a disturbing trend in Africa where
ballot-based regime change is being trashed.

Then there are the the nitty-gritty issues of the deal itself. Even though
Mr Tsvangirai has won some power, there is no doubt that Mr Mugabe remains
in the driving seat, with substantial power as head of state and cabinet.

You have to believe in miracles to be confident that Mr Mugabe will leave
adequate room for Mr Tsvangirai to manoeuvre, and that their different
philosophies will combine into any kind of common, prosperous vision for
Zimbabwe. Let's wait and see. I am not holding my breath.

Bob's bizarre speech stuns world

http://www.thetimes.co.za

Nutty Staff Reporters Published:Sep 16,
2008

Zim cabinet still to be decided

THE signing of an historic power-sharing agreement in Zimbabwe yesterday was
marred by a rambling, sometimes incoherent speech by President Robert
Mugabe.

a..
It was clear from his speech that the formation of an inclusive government -
the parties begin horse- trading today - will not be smooth sailing.

From accusing the opposition of using violent means to take power, to taking
a dig at Botswana President Ian Khama - one of the few African leaders to
have criticised Mugabe openly - it was a vintage performance by the
octogenarian.

At one point, Morgan Tsvangirai, who will be Zimbabwe's prime minister,
looked both exasperated and bemused by Mugabe's antics on stage.

By contrast, Tsvangirai focused on unity and rebuilding Zimbabwe's shattered
economy in his speech.

Tsvangirai quoted Mugabe's exhortation that Zimbabweans "turn swords into
ploughshares", when the country achieved independence in 1980 and appealed
to Zimbabweans to "invent a common future."

But Mugabe's speech drew giggles from soldiers behind him on the podium.

Commenting on President Thabo Mbeki's role as mediator, Mugabe said: "I wish
I was young again and proposing to girls. I would say, give me some tips. He
[Mbeki] never accepts no for an answer."

And, on noting Khama's presence at the signing ceremony, Mugabe, referring
to Khama's public statements on the situation in Zimbabwe, said: "I will
never attack an African leader in public."

He then went on to chant: "Botswana, Botswana, Botswana! Ooooooh."

Turning his attention to matters of state, Mugabe noted: "Democracy in
Africa. It's a difficult proposition, because always the opposition will
want much more than what it deserves. The opposition will want to be the
ruling party and it will devise ways and means of getting there. Including
violence."

This statement caused a bit of an uproar in the hall and Mugabe explained
that he was not just talking about Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic
Change, but the continent broadly.

At one point, Mugabe said of Tsvangirai: "This man has no respect ... he
said no to the King." He was referring to Tsvangirai's refusal to sign an
earlier version of the deal last month, even after Swaziland King Mswati III
appealed to him to do so.

When Mugabe launched into his now-legendary anti-West rhetoric, Tsvangirai
put his hands over his closed eyes and cringed. Yesterday's performance by
Mugabe brings into sharp focus the difficulties Tsvangirai will face in
forming a new, inclusive government with Mugabe's Zanu-PF and the smaller
MDC faction led by Arthur Mutambara.

Tsvangirai won the first round elections in March, but failed to capture the
required majority to become president.

In terms of the deal, Zimbabwe's new cabinet will comprise 31 ministers with
Mugabe's Zanu-PF being allocated 15 seats and Tsvangirai's MDC getting 13.

The remaining three positions will go to Mutambara's faction.

But the agreement does not stipulate how cabinet portfolios will be
allocated and government spokesman Patrick Chinamasa said the three leaders
will start horse trading today.

The negotiations will also include the allocation of deputy ministerial
positions - eight of which are to go to Zanu-PF, 6 to the MDC and one to
Mutambara's nominee.

The agreement reads: "Ministers and deputy ministers may be relieved of
their duties after consultation among the leaders of all the political
parties participating in the inclusive government."

As president, Mugabe will chair cabinet meetings and appoint two
vice-presidents, among other responsibilities.

But he can only allocate ministerial portfolios after consulting Tsvangirai,
Mutambara and the two vice presidents.

Mugabe will no longer be able to dissolve parliament without Tsvangirai's
consent.

Tsvangirai will chair the council of ministers - which is made up of cabinet
ministers - and will act as the deputy chair in cabinet meetings.

He will be overall in charge of government business in parliament and
oversee the implementation of government policies.

But most importantly, he is entitled to a seat on Mugabe's National Security
Council - whose members include senior army and police officers.

The deal also makes provision for the adoption of a new Zimbabwean
constitution within 18 months and the holding of a referendum to test the
public's support for that document.

A parliamentary select committee composed of the three parties will be
established within the next two months to kick-start the constitution-making
process.

The current constitution will be amended to allow for the appointment of a
prime minister and his deputy.

Another talking point in the deal is land redistribution. In terms of the
agreement, Zimbabwe's former coloniser, Britain, has "to accept the primary
responsibility to pay compensation" to white Zimbabweans who lost their
farms during Mugabe's controversial land redistribution programme.

The deal also urges an end to economic sanctions - said to be partly
responsible for the country's ongoing economic crisis.

Mbeki said the immediate priority was for Zimbabwe to improve its food
security. He said the Southern African Development Community and the African
Union would stand as guarantors for necessary aid and loans to, and
investment in, Zimbabwe.

He said the SADC and the AU would mobilise farm implements, seeds,
fertilizer and other inputs to assist Zimbabwe's agriculture to a speedy
recovery.

Zimbabwe faces a monumental challenge

http://www.telegraph.co.uk

By David Blair
Last Updated: 12:01am BST 16/09/2008

      Can any good come of co-operating with Robert Mugabe? The contrasting
performances of the old autocrat and his new prime minister, Morgan
Tsvangirai, during yesterday's signing ceremony in Zimbabwe showed the
immense risks attached to their power-sharing agreement.

      Mr Mugabe, bitter and vengeful as ever, delivered the same rambling
speech he has inflicted on audiences for the past 10 years. Meanwhile, Mr
Tsvangirai was magnanimous, optimistic and even noble in his willingness to
let bygones be bygones.

      This agreement needs sober and realistic scrutiny, for David Miliband
and Gordon Brown now face a dilemma. Britain will soon be asked to recognise
the new government and help fund the recovery of Zimbabwe's shattered
economy and society.

      Handing over any money while Mr Mugabe stays on as president would be
deeply unpalatable. If the settlement fails, any funding could serve only to
tighten his grip on power. But if support is withheld, Zimbabwe's suffering
will persist.

      How should Britain judge the Mugabe-Tsvangirai agreement? The
fundamental problem is that the whole notion of "power-sharing" is
inherently flawed.

      In reality, authority will not be equally apportioned between two
politicians of goodwill. Either Mr Mugabe will remain the most powerful man
in Zimbabwe - or Mr Tsvangirai will supplant him.

      Both outcomes are possible. Under the agreement, Mr Mugabe will keep
his grip on vital levers of power, notably the army, whose generals
effectively took over the government during this year's violent elections,
and the Reserve Bank, which prints the money.

      Meanwhile, Mr Tsvangirai will have a majority in both the cabinet and
parliament, assuming he can forge an alliance with the rival wing of the
Movement for Democratic Change led by Arthur Mutambara. Again, this is
possible, but by no means certain.

      The only certainty is that a titanic struggle between Mr Mugabe and Mr
Tsvangirai will now begin. The prime minister's erstwhile majority in
cabinet and parliament will be pitted against the old autocrat's control of
the armed forces and of the government's purse strings.

      Britain must not rush into any decision. The only way to judge this
agreement is by concrete results. To win international confidence and
establish himself as the new government's leading force, Mr Tsvangirai
should swiftly accomplish four specific tasks.

      First, he must ensure that aid agencies have unrestricted access to
the millions of Zimbabweans who desperately need emergency food supplies.

      With callous indifference to human suffering, Mr Mugabe formally
banned them from helping people during the election campaign and his brutal
militias closed vast areas of the country to outsiders. While this ban has
been lifted, relief workers still endure harassment and obstruction. All
this must stop.

      Second, Mr Tsvangirai could take a first, vital step towards reviving
the economy by sacking Gideon Gono, the discredited crony of Mr Mugabe who
presides over the Reserve Bank and bears key responsibility for the
country's meltdown. The new prime minister should send the contemptible Mr
Gono packing.

      Third, Mr Tsvangirai should execute another sacking: Augustine
Chihuri, the thuggish police commissioner, must be sent on his way. Mr
Chihuri has publicly proclaimed his loyalty to Mr Mugabe's Zanu-PF party and
wrecked the credibility of his force by turning a blind eye to the violence
of the election campaign.

      Under yesterday's agreement, an MDC figure is expected to become home
affairs minister with direct control of the police. Whoever takes the job
should dispatch Mr Chihuri on his first day in office.

      Finally, Mr Tsvangirai should tear up the repressive laws that Mr
Mugabe passed to save his own skin. The Public Order and Security Act
requires police permission for any political gathering and makes criticism
of the president a criminal offence.

      Another law, the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act,
was used to shut down Zimbabwe's only independent daily newspaper and stop
foreign journalists entering the country.

      These laws mean that Zimbabweans live under a permanent state of
emergency. Both must be repealed. As the MDC holds a majority in parliament,
this vital action could, in theory, be accomplished very quickly. Simply by
taking this step, the atmosphere in Zimbabwe would be transformed.

      If Mr Tsvangirai achieves all of the above, he will swiftly establish
his authority and prove that his government is worth supporting. Britain
should then offer diplomatic recognition and financial aid.

      The great risk is that the new government collapses into paralysis and
infighting. Deadlock between Mr Mugabe and Mr Tsvangirai could prevent
anything useful from being done - and Zimbabwe's headlong decline will
continue.

      If so, Britain should resist the temptation to offer any support.
There will be no point investing in a rudderless, failing administration, in
which Mr Mugabe retains the power of veto.

      For all his many faults, Mr Tsvangirai is a man of compassion and
goodwill. By assuming the premiership, he has shouldered a monumental task.

      If he takes the four steps detailed above, he will prove that he is up
to the challenge. Over to you, Mr Tsvangirai.

Political reality in a shattered nation

http://www.independent.co.uk

Leading article:
Tuesday, 16 September 2008

Robert Mugabe's speech yesterday, as he finally signed a power-sharing
agreement with the opposition party in Zimbabwe, would have been laughable
had not its wild delusions been responsible for bringing one of Africa's
most successful economies to its knees in the past decade, inflicting
terrible suffering upon the ordinary people. It sounded like the speech of
the leader of a country which had only just secured its independence, rather
than one over which Mr Mugabe has ruled for 28 years, turning one of
Africa's bread baskets into a nation unable to feed itself. No wonder there
were jeers in the hall. By contrast, Morgan Tsvangirai, the leader of the
Movement for Democratic Change, announced that his hope for the future was
greater than the grief he had for the suffering of the past years. His
speech was entirely about the future.

It would, of course, have been better if Robert Mugabe had been persuaded to
step down after his attempt to steal the last general election. But, given
the political reality of a divided nation and an effective oppressive police
state, that was unlikely to happen. Yesterday's deal is as much as a
political realist could have expected.

There are a number of reasons to be optimistic. Morgan Tsvangirai appears to
have secured a better deal than seemed possible just a few weeks ago. Mr
Mugabe's attempt to buy off Arthur Mutambara - the leader of a breakaway
faction of the MDC - collapsed when his own MPs failed to back Mr Mutambara.
Splits in Mr Mugabe's Zanu-PF party have become apparent. Details of
yesterday's deal have yet to emerge, but it seems that President Mugabe will
remain in control of the army and the cabinet, while Prime Minister
Tsvangirai will be in charge of the police and will preside over the Council
of Ministers, which will take over day-to-day managment from the Cabinet.

The title of prime minister is a psychological advantage for Mr Tsvangirai
since that post has, in both white and black eras, been the effective office
of power in Zimbabwe. Mr Mugage will undoubtedly lay traps for the prime
minister, much as he did for his political rival Joshua Nkomo three decades
ago. But Africa is a different place today. Mr Mugabe's South African ally,
Thabo Mbeki, is about to be replaced by the far less sympathetic figure of
Jacob Zuma. Above all, the economy was not in crisis in the Nkomo era. Mr
Tsvangirai's trump card is that only he can attract the foreign aid and
investment needed to rescue Zimbabwe from its 11 million per cent inflation.
The EU and Britain have already hinted at the lifting of sanctions and the
flowing of aid if the new deal is put into practice.

That will not happen quickly. Donors will be on the watch for the old Mugabe
tricks. But the momentum is with Morgan Tsvangirai. At the signing yesterday
Mr Mugabe smiled, but only fleetingly. Mr Tsvangirai's grin was more
expansive. It was sign of the way the tide of history is flowing.

Appeal to Mugabe's former magnanimity fails

http://www.independent.co.uk

Daniel Howden:
Tuesday, 16 September 2008

The most optimistic and magnanimous words spoken yesterday came from Robert
Mugabe: "If you were my enemy yesterday, today we are bound by the same
patriotic duty and destiny." They were not spoken by the 84-year-old
autocrat, instead, they were quoted back to him by Zimbabwe's new Prime
Minister, Morgan Tsvangirai.

The former union leader confronted his rival with the older man's own
eloquence, spoken in 1980 after the end of white rule. Mr Tsvangirai used
the words this time to reach out to the same leadership that has had him
beaten, imprisoned and charged with treason, but with whom he will now share
power. Prime Minister Mugabe entered office 28 years ago with an appeal to
the white community to stay and to reconcile. If Mr Tsvangirai's quote was
an attempt to appeal to anything that remains of that liberation hero, it
did not work.

When it was time for Mr Mugabe to speak there was no looking forward, only
back to the same anti-colonial rants that have marked his public appearances
in recent years. There was the same paranoia and misrepresentations of
political violence, blaming the beatings and murders on the victims. And a
total denial of responsibility for the current state of the country.

The rhetorical gap represented the actual divide between a new
administration intent on addressing the economic crisis and an old
administration intent on acting as though nothing had changed. While a queue
of potential foreign donors from the IMF to the EU have promised a rescue
package to refloat the economy they have also made it clear that this will
not happen until there is a clear demonstration of the political will to
overhaul the disastrous past policies. Only one side was prepared to speak
about this. Mr Tsvangirai blamed the "policies of the past", while Mr Mugabe
insisted all woes were "created by former colonial powers".

The tensions that have punctuated the talks process were close to the
surface again yesterday with the new Prime Minister wincing through the
President's tirade. It is hard not to see this as a precursor of their
working relationship.

'I am very happy that we are over with this scourge of Zimbabwe'

The Times
September 16, 2008

Jan Raath
Robert Mugabe strutted to the podium of the Harare International Conference
Centre, leant on the lectern and spoke off the cuff. He rambled on for 50
minutes like a garrulous, self-important relative at a wedding everyone
regrets having given a chance to speak.

They booed and jeered him constantly during his backward-looking, resentful
address.

This is the holy of holies where Zanu (PF) holds its congresses, events
devoted to days of squirming sycophancy and prostration before His
Excellency, the Most Consistent and Authentic Revolutionary Leader. It was
clear that it was not going to be like that yesterday, the day that Zimbabwe's
bitter political rivals put their names to an historic power-sharing deal.

As Mr Mugabe talked about the MDC learning from his party's experience in
government, an elderly woman shouted at the once-revered leader: "All you
could do was make hunger." The fear and awe was gone.

In contrast to Mr Mugabe's reception, Morgan Tsvangirai was welcomed by
thundering cheers, whistles and wild waves of the open hand, the salute of
the Movement for Democratic Change. Even Arthur Mutambara, leader of the
smaller faction of the MDC, was greeted with laughter after he had signed
the agreement.
Outside the conference centre was something that has never been seen since
the MDC first showed its face to Mr Mugabe nine years ago. A relaxed and
cheerful crowd of thousands, MDC and Zanu (PF), not exactly hobnobbing, but
cheering side by side.

The Zanu (PF) supporters were in colourful new T-shirts, sporting bright
green, red, yellow and black bandanas. The MDC supporters' red, white and
black regalia was old and torn. Doubtless most of it had been retrieved from
nooks in township houses where Zanu (PF) mobs could not find them or beat
their owners to death.

I took my notebook from my pocket, opened a page and held my pen ready. For
the first time in years I was able to do this at an official occasion, while
in the midst of a crowd of Zanu (PF) supporters. I excused myself to pass
through them. "Please pass, sir," they said.

One Zanu supporter stretched out his hand to an elderly woman in a T-shirt
bearing the face of Morgan Tsvangirai. "We are one now," he said. She pushed
it roughly away. Most people here have memories of horror.

"We were not forced to come here, like these boys," she said. "They were
given money by Mugabe to come here. We came here on our own, by foot. We don't
want Mugabe.. . . Now Tsvangirai is our executive prime minister and we are
happier than happy."

The same hopeful sentiments were expressed over and over. Ali Paraje said:
"I don't feel at all threatened from today. With this deal we are safe. If
anyone tries to attack us, they will definitely be arrested."

By the time the ceremony was over the MDC supporters outside the main
entrance were in a frenzy, chanting "chinja, chinja, chinja, chinja"
(change) in the faces of Zanu (PF) supporters.

Outside the locked gates of the complex a volatile crowd of several thousand
more were demanding that they be opened. There was a short burst of warning
shots and police dogs barked ferociously to keep the crowd at bay.

Suddenly stones the size of golf balls landed - Zanu (PF) youths started an
assault on the gates. The police scattered with the rest of the crowd. A
young MDC man with a bloody mouth shook his head in disgust.

Retribution against some of the Zanu (PF) supporters started. Between two
ornamental bushes, a stocky Zanu (PF) supporter yanked off his T-shirt with
Mr Mugabe's face on it and stuffed it into the back of his trousers. For the
past eight years, wearing an MDC T-shirt was an act of bravery. Now the boot
is on the other foot.

Wonder Hogo showed me the scar on his left leg where it was broken by Zanu
(PF) supporters in 1982 because he refused to go to a rally, and the deep
gouge in his back inflicted before the June elections this year. "I am now
very happy that we are going to have peace, that we are over with this
scourge," he said.

Something significant had happened here, even if scepticism remained as to
what extent Mr Mugabe will relinquish control. A psychological shift had
taken place in the past four hours. Suddenly Zanu (PF) were outnumbered, the
police were not beating people for wearing MDC T-shirts and Mr Mugabe made
an old fool of himself in the conference centre.

A wave of emotion, confidence and strength swept through these people
regardless of the detail of the deal that Mr Mugabe and Mr Tsvangirai
signed.

Zimbabwe opposition supporters brave a public rally

http://www.latimes.com

After lying low in the wake of beatings by thugs from the ZANU-PF party,
they venture out to support Morgan Tsvangirai as he and Robert Mugabe sign a
power-sharing deal.
By Robyn Dixon, Los Angeles Times Staff Writer
3:53 PM PDT, September 15, 2008
HARARE, ZIMBABWE -- A few months ago, Florence Mutiro sorrowfully hid her
opposition T-shirts and wrap skirts.

Mutiro, 36, stuffed the red-and-white garments into pillows and under the
mattress in case her house was attacked and searched by thugs from the
ruling ZANU-PF party.

But Sunday night, she took them out and laid them on the bed. Suddenly she
felt free.

She put them on at dawn Monday and hurried to support Morgan Tsvangirai,
leader of the Movement for Democratic Change at the signing of Zimbabwe's
political power-sharing deal. Thousands of other MDC supporters made the
same decision.

"I was thinking today was the day they were going to inaugurate my leader on
the big throne. I had no fear," she said.

Maybe so. But a few hours later, Mutiro was in the middle of a
stone-throwing fracas between MDC and ZANU-PF supporters who went at each
other after the signing ceremony was over.

Recalling months of violence against opposition supporters, Maxwell
Maurukira, 38, hesitated before pulling on his T-shirt bearing Tsvangirai's
round, beaming face and the slogan "A New Zimbabwe."

He had been beaten four times; the last time was in June, when ZANU-PF thugs
dragged him from his house at 3 a.m. and beat him until morning. He had to
sleep in his car because thugs raided his home every night. Two close
friends, Better Chinorurama and "Soldier" Kauzani, were killed.

"What made me put it on is courage," he said. "I said, 'This is my freedom
day because I was under bondage.' I saw the beatings. I saw the killings. I
was even a victim myself. Two of my best friends were killed.

Maurukira's wife, shocked to see him wearing the shirt, begged him to be
careful.

Venus Mashiki, 26, of Chinhoyi, about 75 miles northwest of Harare, also was
beaten during the election campaign. She said wearing an MDC T-shirt should
not be something that could get you killed.

"I think we are now free. I did not imagine this could really happen. I feel
very happy, like everything will change from today," she said.

She was in the throbbing red-and-white crowd outside the Rainbow Towers
hotel, dancing and waving their hands in the MDC's symbol of an open palm.

"ZANU yaora baba!" they sung over and over -- ZANU is rotten.

They booed raucously when Mugabe's convoy arrived to sign the deal. Standing
across the road was a small crowd of subdued ZANU-PF supporters, only a few
of whom answered by raising fists, their party's symbol.

It's not clear who started it, but soon the MDC supporters clashed with a
large crowd of ZANU-PF reinforcements.

"I was among them," Mutiro said proudly. "We would run in throwing stones
and then run out. I was feeling very strong. I was angry. They'd been
beating us up [during the elections] and we had no revenge. And today we had
our chance to hit back."

But ZANU-PF youths had the upper hand once again, and hundreds of MDC
supporters ended up fleeing, most of them hurriedly pulling off their party
shirts and caps and melting into the crowd. Baton-wielding riot police
chased the crowds away.

But Venus Mashiki left her T-shirt on. "I left it on because I want other
people to know that the MDC still exists," she said. "And I want other
people to be brave too."

robyn.dixon@latimes.com

Vibrant independent media essential for new Zimbabwe

http://www.zimbabwejournalists.com

15th Sep 2008 21:59 GMT

By Sandra Nyaira

WRITING last month as power-sharing talks seemed to have stalled, opposition
leader, now Zimbabwe's second Prime Minister since independence from Britain
in 1980, Morgan Tsvangirai said:

"In the immediate days ahead, we have a historic opportunity to choose
between hope and hatred, cooperation or conflict, prosperity or poverty, the
will of the people or selfish interests. In short, we seek a new Zimbabwe
that will provide jobs, dignity and healing to our people."

Now today, the deal has been signed and sealed in-front of other African
leaders, all of whom have been hoping for some form of peaceful compromise
to end the Zimbabwean crisis that has seen thousands lose their lives
through lack of medication, food, clean water and related ills.

Zimbabwe has chosen hope, cooperation, prosperity and for all this,
including the much-needed jobs to materialize, we need an independent media
that will provide a platform for all Zimbabweans to talk, share experiences
and anxieties as we all seek reconciliation and economic prosperity.

As the secretary of exiled and other Zimbabwean journalists living abroad,
most of them in the United Kingdom, I welcome the signing of the
power-sharing agreement by President Robert Mugabe, Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai and his deputy, Arthur Mutambara.

Our immediate concern as Zimbabweans first is of course the humanitarian
crisis that has seen the suffering of our people in their masses due to the
massive shortages of food caused by the ruling Zanu PF government's
unplanned land reform programme and successive droughts that have affected
the southern African region. It is essential that this be the government's
number one priority as it seeks to stabilize our country and bring it back
into the family of nations.

With Tsvangirai becoming the Prime Minister, we expect as Zimbabwean
journalists that he will lead the drive for a truly independent media in
Zimbabwe.

Having worked for the banned Daily News newspaper, which was instrumental in
"telling it like is" and giving the other side of the story that the
Zimbabwean government was uncomfortable with, I would be elated if the
popular daily newspaper would be allowed to register so it can be back on
the streets with many more players being allowed to help rebuild the vibrant
independent Press we once had in Zimbabwe.

Past gains in the development of an independent Press were fast eroded when
Zanu PF's power base was threatened beginning 2000 with the rejection of the
draft Constitution. We saw the bombing of newspaper printing presses and
offices, the arresting of journalists, intimidation, harassment and other
such things to wear scribes down as they sought to do their jobs.

Many Zimbabwean journalists today live outside the country and a number have
started successful web-based newspapers like New Zimbabwe, The Zimbabwe
Times, The Zimbabwean, zimbabwejournalists.com, zimonline.com and many
others.

I have no doubt that most of these journalists running these newspapers
stand ready to go back to Zimbabwe or to transplant their projects and
launch them as newspapers if a conducive environment is put in place.

So I call on Prime Minister Tsvangirai to work with his progressive
colleagues both in Zanu PF and the MDC to repeal draconian media laws such
as the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA), the
Public Order and Security Act (POSA) and the Broadcasting Services Act and
introduce laws that will allow for the development, flourishing and
protection of a vibrant independent media in the country.

The deal signed by the three leaders, largely speaks of the broadcast sector
and the need to include new independent players. Urging foreign government
said to be hosting and funding radio stations broadcasting into Zimbabwe on
a daily basis, in their agreement the three leaders call on broadcasters in
exile to go back home and apply for licences to start running independent
broadcasting entities.

Radio stations such as SW Radioafrica, Studio 7 and Voice of the People have
been broadcasting into Zimbabwe for years now. They played a critical role,
because of their wider reach, in educating Zimbabweans about things that
were happening in their country.

While we feel that while it is important for Zimbabwe's airwaves to be
opened to new independent players, the leaders totally ignore the newspaper
sector in their agreement. I sincerely hope that the same efforts being put
into ensuring that we have independent broadcasters in Zimbabwe are also put
into place as we seek to have more privately-owned newspapers in the
country.

Many experienced editors and journalists were hounded out of the country and
genuine reform be able to attract them back to help re-build their cherished
profession. Newsrooms today lack depth because of the crisis we have endured
in the past few years and many journalists look up to Tsvangirai today as he
assumes the mettle.

As a Zimbabwean I hope the signing today of the power-sharing agreement will
usher in a new era of tolerance and diversity of views underpinned by
fundamental reforms that respect the right to freedom of expression and
access to information by all citizens.

The agreement by the three leaders also calls on the national broadcaster,
the ZBC, to stop fanning hatred, using hate language, adding measures will
be taken by the all-inclusive government to make sure that is brought to an
end.

The media play a critical role in creating the required platform for
national dialogue that will input into the envisaged era of national
healing, stability, harmony, reconciliation and economic development and for
this new deal to work, I feel we need a media that is independent, that
seeks to unite Zimbabweans more than divide and polarize them.

To accomplish this, we need to come together as Zimbabweans from different
political persuasions, beliefs and backgrounds to make sure this is the
first stepping stone towards a brighter and democratic Zimbabwe where the
wishes of the people and not the leaders come first.

The nation is expecting to be delivered from the chaos, the long queues, the
food shortages and be put right back onto the path towards the promised milk
and honey that is yet to materialize 28 years on. It is not going to be easy
but I feel with that platform where Zimbabweans can discuss freely, our
country can easily get back on track.

I also hope the new government brings with it an immediate end to the
arrest, harassment and torture of journalists that have been seen as
"enemies" of the state. I also hope the blacklists that have stopped many
from covering the Zimbabwean story will also now be a thing of the past.

Zimbabwe settlement. Frederik van Zyl Slabbert - political analyst

Moneyweb

15 September 2008 23:09

ALEC HOGG: Well, after decades, literally, of trying, Zimbabwe at last today
settled - or did it? Dr van Zyl Slabbert joins us now. Good to have you on
the programme. Maybe you can just, in a nutshell for us uninitiated, who are
far away from the political area, tell us whether this deal with Tsvangirai
as the prime minister and Robert Mugabe as the president has got any hope of
actually working.

FREDERIK VAN ZYL SLABBERT: I would be extremely surprised. I mean, what
you've got is an executive president in control of the army, with an
executive prime minister in control of the police. I mean, this is
constitiional gobbledegook. I don't know how it's going to work out. Mugabe
is a seasoned campaigner, he's been in charge of the army for a helluva long
time. He's actually the winner in this whole show. I don't understand what
Tsvangirai thought he was going to achieve by entering into a deal of this
nature. So I must say I'm very sceptical about the whole show.

ALEC HOGG: It appears as though stability any time soon might be a forlorn
hope?

FREDERIK VAN ZYL SLABBERT: Well, I can't see investors rushing in there to
help with economic revival, economic development. The European Union is
still sort of backing off, taking a look-and-see attitude; they want more
detail. It's a country desperately in need of economic revival - you just
have to look at the agricultural situation to realise this. But also it's
not a highly urbanised country. You've got two towns, if you want to call
them that. You've got Harare and Bulawayo. You can fit 50 of them into
Soweto. So I really don't know how they think they can achieve stability by
entering into a power-sharing deal in which, as you say, you have an
executive president with the army under his control and an executive prime
minister supposedly in control of the police. It seems to me a recipe for
conflict.

ALEC HOGG: If you have watched our country, other parts of the continent in
the past few years, perhaps lurching - not our county, thankfully - but
lurching from one problem to the other, how could we see Zimbabwe unfolding?

FREDERIK VAN ZYL SLABBERT: Well, if one looks at it comparatively speaking,
Latin America, Africa and so on, one of the most determining influences has
always been the military. The military is owned by a particular political
section - a party or a president or whatever, and they are the source of
stability in that county. It's a kind of repressive stability. Now, you've
had repressive stability in Zimbabwe for quite a long, long time, and for
the first time they have a general election which, from all accounts was
fair and free, and Tsvangirai won hands-down. I mean, Mugabe never expected
that in his wildest dreams. He was outmanoeuvred. And so now the question
is, will Mugabe really share power as an executive president with control of
the army, or will he outmanoeuvre Tsvangirai? I'm very sceptical, as I say.

ALEC HOGG: Then what signals should we be looking out for, and I say "we"
because a lot of South African businesses do have investments in Zimbabwe?

FREDERIK VAN ZYL SLABBERT: Well, I think the most important signal would be
that they agree on some form of economic development and economic policy,
and that they cooperate and work together. But, as I said, Alec, I am very
sceptical about that, because this kind of agreement has never really worked
elsewhere. But let's give it a chance, let's hope for the best. Obviously
the best thing that can happen is that Zimbabwe stabilises, it start with
economic development. But then investors would have been at the door now,
knocking, saying: "Here I am, what can I do?" And it's not happening.

ALEC HOGG: You are also the chairman of Caxton. I presume you are not going
to be putting too much money from Caxton's side into Zimbabwe any time soon?

FREDERIK VAN ZYL SLABBERT: Well, I don't know. I'll see. Caxton is there to
sell newspapers, and if they want to print and sell newspapers, I suppose
Caxton will look at it from a purely business point of view. But I must
stress I am not an executive chairman. I don't set policy for Caxton.

ALEC HOGG: But you won't be taking money out of your own pocket just yet?

FREDERIK VAN ZYL SLABBERT: Unlikely, very unlikely.

ALEC HOGG: Dr Frederik van Zyl Slabbert is a political analyst and the
former leader of the opposition in South Africa, one of the most respected
political analysts in this country.

No quick fix for nation's economic ills

http://www.thetimes.co.za

 Robert Laing and Tamlyn Stewart Published:Sep 16, 2008

People will think carefully before investing
ECONOMISTS have warned that, despite yesterday's power-sharing agreement,
there will be no quick fix for Zimbabwe's economic woes.

"It will take 10 to 15 years for incomes to return to pre-crisis levels,"
said Tony Hawkins, an economics professor at the University of Zimbabwe.

a.. Victor Munyama, an economist for Standard Bank, said the agricultural
sector, the backbone of the Zimbabwe economy, would take five years to
recover "but policy has to be changed".

"Agriculture might be able to resuscitate before 10 years - I think five
years for the agricultural sector, because of the urgency with which they
need to address agriculture. Then the other sectors could fall into place.
Manufacturing automatically follows from there, because it is built around
agriculture."

Leon Myburgh, Sub-Saharan Africa strategist at Citigroup, was doubtful that
a coalition government would be able to fix Zimbabwe's ills.

"A coalition government is inherently troublesome and raises doubts as to
whether the tough decisions will be made. If a new government had taken
over, it would have been able to fix things. Under the current model, it is
very difficult to make decisions."

He did not think investors would rush back to Zimbabwe.

"The nature of the deal will make people think carefully before investing
money in Zimbabwe."

Sean Gammon, of Imara, a pan-African financial services company, said: "The
economy is the more pressing issue.

"Clearly, tough decisions will have to be made soon and, in this regard, we
will be very interested in the composition of the economic ministries in the
new government."

Mswati calls for help to fund Zim's economic recovery

http://www.zimonline.co.za

by Wayne Mafaro and Simplicious Chirinda Tuesday 16 September
2008

HARARE - Swaziland's King Mswati III led African calls on the international
community to help fund Zimbabwe's economic recovery following the signing on
Monday of a power-sharing deal between President Robert Mugabe and the
opposition.

Mswati, who heads the regional Southern African Development Community (SADC)'s
organ on defence and politics, urged Western nations to lift sanctions on
Zimbabwe's government and instead avail all "possible financial support" to
help the country's comatose economy recover.

"We call on the international community to lift sanctions against Zimbabwe
and provide all possible financial support for the rebuilding of Zimbabwe,"
said Mswati, who was part of African leaders and high-ranking dignitaries
who gathered in Harare to witness the signing of the power-sharing pact.

SADC executive secretary Tomaz Salamao said the agreement between Mugabe and
opposition leaders Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara provided a
platform for the bloc to also chip in with help to revive Zimbabwe's once
brilliant economy.

Salamao told ZimOnline that the SADC, which tasked South African President
Thabo Mbeki to broker the power-sharing deal, had in place a fund to help
with Zimbabwe's economic recovery. He did not give figures.

He said: "There is no doubt that the signing of this deal will provide that
much needed momentum for us to help kick start the economy of Zimbabwe. We
have done studies on the Zimbabwean economy and have put in place a fund to
help finance the recovery of the Zimbabwean economy."

Mugabe remains president while Tsvangirai becomes prime minister and
Mutambara his deputy in a government of national unity that will work to
extricate Zimbabwe from an economic crisis marked by the world's highest
inflation of more than 11 million percent, chronic shortages of food and
every basic survival commodity.

Analysts say the power-sharing agreement is fragile given deep-seated
animosity among the signatories.

The unity government could only succeed depending on how much the players
are able to put aside their mistrust of each other and work closely to win
the confidence and more importantly support from Western powers whose
financial support will be vital for recovery, according to analysts.

Reacting to the signing of the deal the European Union (EU) said on Monday
that it would put on hold any decision about its sanctions on Zimbabwe in
order to first assess the power-sharing agreement.

Before the deal, the EU had planned to add this week more names to a list of
Zimbabwean officials whose assets are frozen and who are banned from
travelling to Europe.

Announcing the bloc's decision to hold on widening sanctions, EU foreign
policy commissioner Javier Solana said: "We have to analyse, it's still not
clear what is going to be the outcome of the agreement."

The EU, United States and other Western nations have since 2002 maintained
sanctions against Mugabe's government as punishment for his controversial
seizure of white farmland for redistribution to landless blacks, failure to
uphold the rule of law, human rights and democracy.

The British government said it was ready to support the new government in
Harare but would wait to see how the power-sharing agreement is implemented
on the ground before it could decide whether to channel aid to the southern
African country.

"In principle we stand ready to support Zimbabwe's new administration, to
bring about much-needed change, but the extent and nature of our support
will be determined by the actions that the new administration takes on the
ground," Prime Minister Gordon Brown's spokesperson said on Monday. -
ZimOnline

What they said about Zim's power-sharing deal

http://www.zimonline.co.za

by Simplicious Chirinda Tuesday 16 September 2008

John Robertson, a Harare-based independent economic analyst: -- "Yes they
have signed the deal but the most important thing is to restore the
confidence of investors and other international financers who are needed to
help fund the kicking-starting of the economy.

"This can only be done by putting in place an enabling environment for
investors to be able to come and invest and this should be done by restoring
property rights. The three political leaders have to do more and go further
to make sure that if these investors come their property will be protected.

"If this deal gives more power to President Robert Mugabe then it won't be
able to help solve the crisis in the country. This country needs a lot of
help in the form of international donors and financiers and these can only
release the much needed funds if the three leaders show commitment to proper
economic fundamentals that have been ignored for long."

Eldred Masunungure, University of Zimbabwe political scientist: "It is a
hopeful development but we are now talking about a deal which appears to be
a fragile flower where the three principals have to nurture it if it is to
address the protracted economic crisis in the country."

Lovemore Madhuku, a lawyer and chairperson of the National Constitutional
Assembly political pressure group: "This is certainly not the right way to
solve the country's problems. It is merely a solution for politicians to
accommodate each other in a government because it was arrived at without the
input of the people.

"From today it can simply be called a government of President Robert Mugabe
with the inclusion of the MDC. Zimbabweans must not be cheated by the title
given to Tsvangirai, the post of Prime Minister is clearly ceremonial. We
are still puzzled why Tsvangirai signed this deal.

"It is shocking that the deal wants to impose the constitution onto the
people of Zimbabwe by putting in place the so called Kariba document which
was penned by four people. We are not going to accept that and we will fight
against it."

Kucaca Phulu, chairperson of Zimbabwe Human Rights Association (ZimRights):
"This deal, whatever is inside the signed documents is the starting point
and as civic society we have to ensure that this government performs to the
expectations of the people.

"It's a great leap forward but the challenge is to make it work and we will
work as a watchdog and make sure that the institutions of the country
guarantee the rights of the people."

Tomaz Salamao, Executive director of the Southern African Development
Community (SADC): "There is no doubt that the signing of this deal will
provide that much needed momentum for us to help kick start the economy of
Zimbabwe.

"We have done studies on the Zimbabwean economy and have put in place a fund
to help finance the recovery of the Zimbabwean economy. We have done studies
in the economy of the country and its policies, the central bank,
agricultural sector, monetary policy and exchange rate determinants and we
will just be updating these to the deal that has just been signed."

Muchadeyi Masunda Harare Mayor and a prominent business executive: "There
has to be realisation by all political parties that the economy is at an
abysmally low level.

"The three political party leaders should be magnanimous enough to say it's
time to build the economy, the country cannot with the current state of the
economy carry the number of the 31 ministries proposed. It is abnormal."

Javier Solana, European Union foreign policy chief: "We have to analyse,
it's still not clear what is going to be the outcome of the agreement."

British Prime Minister Gordon Brown's office:  "In principle we stand ready
to support Zimbabwe's new administration, to bring about much-needed change,
but the extent and nature of our support will be determined by the actions
that the new administration takes on the ground." - ZimOnline

Months Of Crisis & Economic Collapse Raise HIV Risk To Zimbabwean Youth

VOA

      By Carole Gombakomba
      Washington
      15 September 2008

Among the most urgent problems facing Zimbabwe's national unity government
is the HIV/AIDS pandemic which continues to ravage the country's population.

Experts are voicing fears that economic collapse and social disintegration
have made young Zimbabweans in particular more vulnerable to infection as
the high rate of unemployment leaves them prone to despair and high-risk
behaviors

One in four Zimbabweans between the ages of 15 and 44 is HIV-positive,
according to the findings of a 2007 study by the University of Zimbabwe in
collaboration with Australian, British and U.S. researchers. In recent years
the prevalence rate among all Zimbabweans of an age to be sexually active
had declined to less than one in five.

National Coordinator Jimmy Wilford of SAYWHAT, a youth-oriented reproductive
health action team, told reporter Carole Gombakomba of VOA's Studio 7 for
Zimbabwe that many youths in the country are demoralized by the long-running
crisis and the lack of opportunity, leading to an increase in sexual
activities that expose them to HIV.

Supporters clash outside Rainbow Towers

http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=4240

September 15, 2008

By our own correspondent

HARARE - Supporters of the Zanu-PF and the two factions of the Movement for
Democratic Change clashed outside the Rainbow Towers hotel after the signing
of the power sharing deal between the two parties.

Riot police were called in to restore order as the clashes intensified.

The number of people injured could not be established as the combatants
dispersed when the riot police moved in.

Supporters of both parties could however be been seen nursing injuries after
the two parties threw stones at each other.

Trouble started when the two groups started to sing songs insulting their
opponents. The insults degenerated into stone-throwing, prompting the riot
police to intervene and restore order.

Wearing T-shirts bearing their respective party symbols, the supporters had
gathered to welcome their leaders as they emerged from the signing ceremony.

The clashed occurred less than an hour after the leaders of the three
pledged to put their differences behind them and join forces to resolve the
country's economic crisis. The police fired warning shots as a crowd of
about a thousands tried to break into the Convention Center where the signed
ceremony was taking place.

The police speedily closed the gates and were trying to contain several
thousand people pressing against the gate and fence as the ceremony ended.

Once inside the compound, the crowds calmed and cheered the party leaders.

President Robert Mugabe and MDC leaders Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur
Mutambara signed a power-sharing deal aiming to end political and economic
crises.

Mugabe was greeted with jeers as he entered the Rainbow Towers Hotel for the
ceremony. He was also jeered and booed as he spoke.

Meanwhile Tsvangirai's speech was repeatedly applauded by the audience, made
up mostly of members of the opposition-dominated Parliament.

Many grey areas await unity government

Financial Times

ByTony Hawkins in Harare

Published: September 15 2008 20:40 | Last updated: September 15 2008 20:40

From the details of Zimbabwe's power-sharing agreement published on Monday ,
it is simply impossible to say where executive authority will really reside
as the bitter political rivals compete in a new environment.

The deal leaves many grey areas to be tackled by the new unity government
and is silent on such crucial issues as amnesty for those alleged to have
committed crimes against humanity.

Robert Mugabe retains the presidency, with executive authority, while Morgan
Tsvangirai, leader of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change, will be
prime minister also with executive authority.
There will be two vice-presidents, appointed by Mr Mugabe, and two deputy
prime ministers: Arthur Mutambara, leader of the small breakaway wing of the
opposition Movement for Democratic Change and a second appointed by Mr
Tsvangirai.

Mr Mugabe's Zanu-PF party will have 15 of the 31 cabinet posts, while the
Tsvangirai wing of the MDC has 13 and the Mutambara group three. There will
be 15 deputy ministers, eight of them from Zanu-PF, six from the MDC and one
from the Mutambara group.

Mr Mugabe has the power to appoint five senators while in addition there
will be another nine appointed senators, three from each party. In the event
of a parliamentary seat falling vacant there will, for the next year, be no
by-elections, but the seat will be filled by the party that currently
controls the constituency.

Significantly, the agreement stipulates that executive authority will be "shared
among the president, the prime minister and the cabinet". In this context,
no mention is made of the council of ministers to be chaired by the prime
minister.

This would appear to put Mr Mugabe in the driving seat, since he will chair
cabinet and his party will have the largest single number of ministers and
deputy ministers. He will also chair a national security council, though the
agreement is silent on its composition, other than that Mr Tsvangirai will
be a member.

Mr Mugabe "after consultation" with his two Zanu-PF vice-presidents, Mr
Tsvangirai and his two deputies, will appoint ministers and deputy
ministers. Mr Tsvangirai, as prime minister, gets to chair a council of
ministers whose task is to oversee the implementation of policies agreed by
the cabinet.

Since the same people sit in both cabinet and the ministerial council, it is
unclear what this body is meant to achieve. As prime minister Mr Tsvangirai
is required to report regularly to both the president and parliament. There
will also be a national economic council with representation from the
political parties, the private sector and academia.

The parties have agreed to set up a parliamentary select committee to
convene an "all stakeholders conference" to help with the drafting of a new
constitution.

Various timelines have been set for a referendum on a new constitution
within 18 months, but no date is set for when elections should then be held.

Many areas of the agreement have the fingerprints of Mr Mugabe's Zanu-PF all
over them.

One article calls for the immediate lifting of western sanctions against
Zimbabwe. Another accepts "the irreversibility of land acquisitions and
redistribution" while stating that the onus is on Britain to pay any
compensation to former white farmers.

The parties have agreed to conduct a comprehensive land audit designed to
eliminate multiple ownership of farms. A third article states that "no
outsiders have a right to call or campaign for regime change" in Zimbabwe
while yet another calls on governments "hosting and/or funding external
radio stations broadcasting to Zimbabwe [aimed at the US and British
governments] to cease such funding".

An obvious weakness is that there is no conflict resolution mechanism.

It is unclear just how disagreements between polarised political parties
will be resolved. The agreement says cabinet decisions will be made by
consensus which is a recipe either for stalemate or for lowest common
denominator decision-making that satisfies no one and fails to tackle
problems resolutely.