The Telegraph
By Richard
Spencer in Beijing
Last Updated: 2:57am BST 31/08/2007
Robert Mugabe is to lose vital support from one of his few remaining
allies
on the world stage, China.
One of the Zimbabwe president's oldest
diplomatic friends, China
yesterday told Lord Malloch Brown, the Foreign
Office minister, that it was
dropping all assistance except humanitarian
aid.
The move follows a decision by China, a permanent member of
the United
Nations security council, to work more closely with the
international
community in bringing pressure to bear on "rogue regimes". It
represents a
major shift in its previous policy of refusing to attack the
internal
policies of long-standing allies.
"I was told that
Chinese assistance to Zimbabwe was now limited to
humanitarian assistance,
which is enormously important," Lord Malloch Brown
said. "That puts it in
the same position as Britain, which is the second
biggest provider of
humanitarian assistance to Zimbabwe."
Lord Malloch Brown was on his
first visit since becoming minister for
Asia, Africa and the United
Nations.
His talks with Chinese officials centred on attempts to
bring peace to
Darfur, where China has also been accused of turning a blind
eye to an
ally's repressive policies.
China is the biggest
customer for, and foreign investor in, Sudan's
oil industry.
The minister, who as former deputy secretary general of the United
Nations
was involved in trying to resolve the Darfur crisis, told a Chinese
audience
that in the last year Beijing's position had changed dramatically.
It had actively engaged with the United Nations in putting pressure on
Sudan
to accept an international peace-keeping force.
That change has
been widely praised by world leaders, but the shift in
policy on Zimbabwe
had not been publicised.
Lord Malloch Brown said he had been
informed of the change by Liu
Guijin, China's new special envoy on African
issues. He said he hoped China
would join the rest of the international
community in refusing to "offer a
lifeline" to Mr Mugabe's failed regime,
which has led to near universal
unemployment and record
inflation.
Privately, diplomats believe that while Zimbabwe once
seemed like an
opportunity for China to make diplomatic gains in an area
abandoned by
Western countries, Beijing had been unable to avoid the
evidence of the harm
being done to Zimbabwe's people.
It was
hard to see what long-term result China could get when Zimbabwe
failed to
meet basic standards of economic discipline, said one. China's
friendship
with Mr Mugabe goes back to the 1970s, and his "liberation
struggle" against
the then Rhodesian government.
Just two years ago, even as
Zimbabwe's land clearance policies
provoked condemnation around the world,
he received a warm welcome on a
state visit to Beijing.
In
recent years, major construction projects and business deals
between
Zimbabwean and Chinese firms have been underwritten by Chinese state
financing. China has also been a major supplier of arms including fighter
jets as recently as 2005 and, it is reported, military trucks, weapons and
ammunition as recently as last year.
But the coming Olympics,
and the desire to deter protest between now
and next year, have been a major
factor in changing China's stance.
The only deal recorded during a
visit by a member of the Chinese
politburo to Harare in the spring was a
straight swap to provide
agricultural machinery for tobacco.
Liu Naiya, an expert on Africa at a government think-tank, the Chinese
Academy of Social Sciences, said China's experience on Sudan had led it to
adjust its Zimbabwe policy.
He said China now intended to exert
an influence through the UN along
with regional African
organisations.
Shi Yinhong, a professor of international relations
at Beijing's
People's University, said: "China has traditionally good
relations with
Zimbabwe but Zimbabwe has changed greatly in the last few
years and the
situation is deteriorating. This is definitely a problem for
China."
The Herald (Harare) Published by
the government of Zimbabwe
31 August 2007
Posted to the web 31 August
2007
Harare
NO ONE in private or public sectors can now raise
salaries, wages, rents,
service charges, prices and school fees on account
of increases or
anticipated increases in the consumer price index, the
official and
unofficial exchange rates, or valued added tax and
duty.
The ban on indexing pay, prices, rents and fees to the CPI, an
exchange rate
or VAT -- coupled with vastly increased powers for the
National Incomes and
Pricing Commission -- was made by President Mugabe in
regulations gazetted
yesterday to temporarily amend two Acts: that setting
up the Commission and
the Education Act.
The regulations were
made under the Presidential Powers (Temporary Measures)
Act and fall away in
six months unless Parliament amends the two affected
Acts.
Under the
regulations, all proposed fees, tariffs and charges by Government
departments, State universities, statutory bodies, including statutory
professional associations, and companies where the State is a majority or
sole shareholder must be approved by the Commission in advance.
The
Commission takes over the powers formerly possessed by ministers where
ministerial approval was first required.
All fee increases by
non-Government schools since June 18 are banned until
the Commission gives
approval. The Commission takes over the functions of
the Secretary for
Education, Sport and Culture in approving and setting fees
at non-Government
schools.
The Commission can only approve an increase if this is justified
on some
other grounds than the application of the CPI, killing the present
link
between fees and the CPI.
For all pay awards, and fee and price
increases by the private sector, the
Commission must now set standards after
consultation.
It can set as a temporary standard the pay, fees or prices
on a particular
base date.
This would allow the Commission to start
with the June 18 freeze date for
prices, or any date it desires for pay,
before implementing the standard
system.
The net effect of the
changes will be to push inflation down since all
increases will be by less
than the current inflation rate.
The regulations are less harsh than a
total pay and price freeze but are
designed to have a similar
anti-inflationary effect. In the main ban on
indexing salaries, rents, fees
and prices to the CPI or exchange rate, an
extra measure has been introduced
to stop anyone getting around the ban by
declaring an increase for some
other purpose.
The regulations also totally ban any increase that would
see a pay packet,
rent fee or price rising to or exceeding the level it
would have been if it
had been indexed to the CPI or an exchange
rate.
The only exception to the ban allows the Commission, when setting
the
standards for pay, service charges and prices to take the CPI as one of
the
factors considered. But only one increase a year in pay, fees or prices
can
be linked to CPI in any way, except for the pay of those earning below
the
poverty datum line for a family of four.
All sections of
collective bargaining agreements, leases and contracts that
call for
increases to take into account CPI, exchange rate and VAT increases
were
declared void in the regulations.
For increases in pay, service charges
and rents, the ban on indexing is
total, "notwithstanding any other law . .
." For prices it is slightly
different: "notwithstanding any other law to
the contrary but subject to the
Control of Goods Act . . ."
The bans
on indexing were coupled with vastly increased powers for the
National
Incomes and Prices Commission.
The Act has been extended to the entire
State sector. All Government
departments, all State universities and all
statutory bodies wanting an
increase in any fee or charge must first apply
to the Commission for
approval. Where there is a law giving a minister the
final power to approve
tariffs, that power now goes to the
Commission.
The regulations explicitly list the Broadcasting Authority of
Zimbabwe, the
Posts and Telecommunications Regulatory Authority of Zimbabwe,
the
Electricity Commission, the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (for regulation of
bank
charges) and State universities as those who must apply to the
Commission
before increasing any fee or tariff.
But it adds to the
list: "Any other statutory body whatsoever, including a
body established to
regulate the conduct and discipline of members of a
specified profession or
calling that is required . . . to approve the level
of fees and charges . .
."
This would imply that professions such as law, which is governed by
the Law
Society of Zimbabwe, would have to seek Commission approval before
setting
new legal fees.
Companies in which the State is the sole or
majority shareholder formed as a
successor to a statutory body -- such as
CMED, Printflow (formerly
Government Printers), Government Medical Stores
and Air Zimbabwe -- and any
other company in which the State is a majority
or sole shareholder, such as
Noczim, must have Commission approval before
increasing any charge, fee or
tariff.
The regulations made it clear,
for the avoidance of doubt, that the
Commission's powers to seek information
or inspect extend to all its new
functions.
The Commission has been
made larger, now having at least nine and no more
than 14 members. All
commissioners will be appointed by the President and
the previous provisions
giving groups such as organised business and labour
the power to nominate
have been scrapped.
The Commission is allowed, from time to time, to
consult people and bodies
it believes are representative of employers,
employees and those who provide
services or rented property to fix a
standard by which pay or a service
charge is to be determined or increased.
It must, under the regulations, do
this at least once a year.
It can
set as a temporary standard once a year the levels of pay and service
charges at a specified base date. This would allow the Commission to start,
for service charges for example, with the June 18 freeze
date.
Similar provisions exist for prices but in that case it consults
people or
bodies representative of those carrying on business in the course
of which
the goods in question are supplied.
Again, it can fix as a
temporary standard the prices on a specified base
date, presumably the date
of the freeze when a price was allowed to rise as
this year's starting
point.
For all standard rises in the CPI can be taken into account, but
only once a
year.
Besides temporarily amending the National Incomes
and Pricing Commission
Act, the regulations do the same for the Education
Act.
The regulations temporarily repeals section 21 of the Education Act,
the
section that deals with non-Government schools fees.
Instead of
the Secretary for Education dealing with applications for fee
increases, and
having to approve any application which does not exceed the
percentage
increase in the CPI over the previous term, the power to approve
is
transferred to the Commission.
This section of the regulations was deemed
to have come into effect on June
18.
New fees, levies and increases
in old fees and levies cannot be charged
until the school's responsible
authority has applied to the Commission.
The application has to set out
full details of the fee or increase, the
basis of the calculation and must
include proof that it was approved by a
majority of parents at a meeting
attended by at least 20 percent of the
parents.
The Commission is
forbidden to approve any increase unless the application
is "justified by
reference to some basis other than the application of the
consumer price
index" and has been approved by a majority of parents.
Once the
application in the correct form has been received the Commission
must,
without delay, consider it with regard to the costs of operating the
school,
any programme for improving facilities, any representation made by
parents,
and any other relevant economic factors.
The Commission can then approve
the increase, amend the increase and set its
own fee which cannot be below
the legal fee at the time of the application
(the June 18 figure for the
next application), or reject the application.
Similar powers previously
possessed by the Secretary to deal with false
information or misuse of fees
are now passed to the Commission.
Where a school has charged unauthorised
fees or levies, it can cause the
excess to be refunded to parents or
credited to their accounts.
Those who break the ban on indexing pay, fees
or prices to the CPI or an
exchange rate, and those who breach the standards
set by the Commission when
increasing pay, fees or prices, can be fined a
level 8 fine, jailed for up
to six months or given both
punishments.
Those who increase non-Government school fees, refuse to pay
back
unauthorised fees, or refuse to take ordered corrective action over use
of
fees can be fined the equivalent of the excess, jailed for six months or
be
given both punishments.
The Telegraph
By
Graeme Baker
Last Updated: 7:48pm BST 31/08/2007
Robert
Mugabe, the president of Zimbabwe, yesterday banned pay and
price rises
without his authorisation in an attempt to tackle the country's
hyperinflation.
"No one can now raise wages, rents, service
charges, prices and school
fees on account of increases in the official and
unofficial exchange rates,"
the government-controlled Herald newspaper said.
"The net effect of the
changes will be to push inflation down."
Pay rises for the next six months will have to be approved by the
national
incomes and prices commission, headed by Mr Mugabe, and must not be
linked
to the inflation rate, which is running at almost 8,000 per cent.
"Those who breach the standards . can be fined, jailed for up to six
months,
or both," the Herald added.
The edicts come two months after the
government ordered many retailers
to halve their prices, resulting in
widespread shortages and a strengthening
of the black market.
That ban has been extended to include all businesses. Shops had
previously
raised prices daily to keep pace with inflation, while employers
increased
wages every month to cope with rising prices.
John Robertson, an
economist in the capital Harare, said the move was
a result of crumbling
government revenues. He warned that it could have
repercussions within the
army, which has so far stayed loyal to the
president.
"I just
wonder when they will try to reverse the laws of gravity,
because this does
not work," he said. "Many soldiers and teachers [are] now
demanding salary
reviews."
Nelson Chamisa, a spokesman for the main opposition
party, Movement
for Democratic Change, said the wage freeze was "a sign of
desperation and
lack of policy".
Yahoo News
HARARE (AFP) - Equatorial Guinea President Teodoro Obiang Nguema
Mbasogo on
Friday opened the annual Zimbabwe agricultural show, saying his
country
hoped to benefit from the southern African nation's farm
technology.
"What we have experienced proves that Zimbabwe is able to
export technology
(and) hope that in the near future we will begin to
benefit from Zimbabwe's
export," Ogiang Nguema said.
Obiang Nguema,
65, was flanked by host Robert Mugabe at the show, which has
drawn farmers
across the nation, once Africa's bread-basket.
"Guinea would love to
learn from Zimbabwe's agriculture, the visit has given
us the opportunity to
learn in order to ensure that the experience is
transferred to the people of
Guinea," he added.
On a week-long visit here, Obiang Nguema, leading a
government delegation of
officials and ministers, said Europe, unlike
Africa, "has been strong as
they keep advancing their farm economies which
Africa has not done."
"For this reason, Africa has remained dependent on
processed foods from
Europe," he added.
Zimbabwe's agriculture this
year faces a bleak future as the country battles
power cuts, fertiliser
shortages and drought. In the past, the show
highlighted the vibrancy of the
agricultural sector which formed the
backbone of the economy.
Since
2004, Zimbabwe and Equatorial Guinea have enjoyed cordial relations
following the arrest of British security expert and ex-soldier Simon Mann
over an alleged coup plot against Mbasogo's government.
Mann, 55, was
arrested along with more than 60 other alleged mercenaries on
on March 7,
2004, when a plane stopped over in Harare to pick up weapons
that the men
claimed were to be used to secure a diamond mine in the
Democratic Republic
of Congo.
Last May, Mann completed a three-year jail term for an arms
offence under
Zimbabwean law related to the alleged coup plot.
He is
being held on an immigration warrant at Chikurubi Maximum Security
Prison on
the outskirts of Harare awaiting the outcome of an appeal to the
high court
to reverse an extradition order to Equatorial Guinea.
Reuters
Fri 31 Aug 2007,
15:02 GMT
By MacDonald Dzirutwe
HARARE, Aug 31 (Reuters) -
Equatorial Guinea leader Teodoro Obiang Nguema
Mbasogo on Friday hailed
President Robert Mugabe's land seizure drive,
saying Zimbabwe's agriculture
sector was one of Africa's most developed.
Mugabe's government has since
2000 embarked on a controversial seizure of
white-owned commercial farms to
hand over to blacks, which analysts say
disrupted production and worsened an
economy that relies on agriculture.
The veteran Zimbabwe leader has
defended the farm grab as necessary to
address colonial land imbalances that
left more than 70 percent of the
country's most fertile land in the hands of
a few whites.
On Friday Obiang, who arrived in Zimbabwe on Wednesday on a
state visit,
said his tiny but oil-rich country stood to benefit from
Harare's
agriculture experience.
"The visit has given us the
opportunity to learn in order to ensure that the
(agriculture) experience is
transferred to the people of Guinea," said
Obiang, who spoke through an
interpreter when officially opening an annual
agriculture fair in
Harare.
He said what he had seen demonstrated "Zimbabwe is one of
Africa's leading
agriculture-allied industrial nations".
This is in
contrast to Zimbabwe's economic crisis, marked by the world's
highest
inflation rate of 7,600 percent, rising unemployment and shortages
of
foreign currency, fuel and food that is partly blamed on the land
seizures.
The often violent seizures set Mugabe at odds with Western
donors, but the
veteran 83-year-old leader has turned to the East for help,
and has
strengthened ties with his African peers, including Equatorial
Guinea which
now supplies oil to Zimbabwe.
Zimbabwe and Equatorial
Guinea ties have grown since Harare authorities in
2004 intercepted 70
mercenaries -- including their leader Simon Mann, a
former British special
forces -- who were accused of planning a coup in
Equatorial
Guinea.
While all the men served short prison terms in Harare and were
released,
Mann -- who ended more than two years in jail at a top security
prison -- is
fighting extradition to Malabo where he is accused of being the
mastermind
behind the planned coup.
Zimbabwe and Equatorial Guinea
officials have not commented on Mann although
local media has previously
reported that Obiang wanted to have Mann tried in
his
country.
Obiang, like Mugabe is accused by the West of widespread human
rights abuses
and using heavy handed tactics against opponents such as
deploying armed
police and army units to crush protests.
But Obiang's
visit has mainly focused on strengthening economic ties with
Zimbabwe, which
is desperate to end an eight-year recession that is fuelling
political
tension.
"What we have experienced is proof that Zimbabwe is a able to
export
technology (and) hope that in the near future we will be able to
benefit
from Zimbabwe's (agriculture) exports," he said in a short
speech.
Reuters
Fri Aug
31, 2007 3:51PM BST
By Bate Felix
PRETORIA (Reuters) - Crispin
Mutamba fled exhausting bread and fuel queues
in Zimbabwe for wealthy South
Africa, only to find himself stuck in another
one for three months outside
Home Affairs in Pretoria hoping to get
permission to stay.
The
chances are slim.
Mutamba can't find a job or a home. Like many
Zimbabweans, he feels like a
pariah, resented by South Africans and blamed
for everything from
carjackings to high unemployment.
"Sometimes we
have to look for food in trash bins to survive," said Mutamba,
29.
South African officials say Zimbabweans are not entitled to
refugee status
because they are economic migrants.
But Zimbabwe is
crumbling.
Few people can cope with chronic shortages of food, fuel and
foreign
currency and experts predict the world's highest inflation rate --
already
more than 7,000 percent -- will keep rising.
President Robert
Mugabe, who is accused of widespread human rights abuses,
has made it clear
that dissent will not be tolerated as he struggles to
contain the economic
crisis.
The defiant leader faces few political challenges from a divided
opposition
and his powerful Western foes, whom he accuses of plotting to
oust him, have
failed to weaken the veteran leader with economic
sanctions.
So millions of Zimbabweans in South Africa live in limbo, with
hundreds more
arriving each day.
"Most of them are young and
energetic young men in their 20s, in search for
a better life, they are
mostly economic migrants," Busisiwe
Mkhwebane-Tshehla, national director for
refugees affairs at Home Affairs,
told Reuters.
The lucky ones get
menial jobs or spend all day on their feet at traffic
intersections, selling
dusters or handing out free pamphlets, barely making
enough to survive, some
of them university educated who left behind office
jobs back
home.
Zimbabweans can be arrested at any minute for being illegal
immigrants. So
the longer Mutamba and others wait outside Home Affairs, the
bigger the risk
of detention or deportation.
LIP SERVICE
Many
Zimbabweans feel South African President Thabo Mbeki and other regional
leaders have only paid lip service to the suffering in their country, a view
shared by Western diplomats.
They have failed to pressure Mugabe to
find a solution and still respect him
as an African liberation hero, deep
bonds that overshadow one of the
continent's gravest humanitarian
crises.
"Government needs to stop burying its head in the sand over the
rampant
influx of undocumented Zimbabweans into South Africa and take
proactive
action to gain some form of control over the situation," South
African
immigration lawyer Gary Eisenberg said in a
statement.
Applications for asylum and refugee status, meanwhile, are
piling up. Demand
is so high that Home Affairs has designated three days a
week for Zimbabwean
applicants.
While prices run wild in Zimbabwe,
many basic goods are also out of reach
for them in South Africa, let alone
the flashy luxury cars and glitzy malls
symbolising an economic
boom.
Mutamba and hundreds of other Zimbabweans face daily humiliations.
They line
up outside Home Affairs all day and huddle around makeshift fires
at night.
Thin cardboard strips are their beds. Washing up means going to a
water tap
at a nearby cemetery.
Some, like Joseph Moyo, had hopes,
but not for long. He stands beside a
fence outside Home Affairs and tries to
sell bananas to passersby.
"I have no place to go to, there is no
shelter, there is no food except when
people come from the church and donate
food," said Moyo, 20, who is from
Harare.
"We are now living like
animals".
POISON, SEX
But that may be better than living back
home.
Moyo's fellow Zimbabweans could soon face hunger back home unless
relief
efforts are accelerated in a country once viewed as a regional bread
basket.
The United Nations World Food Programme (WFP) has said hundreds
of thousands
of Zimbabweans are starting to run out of food and has made an
urgent appeal
to donor countries.
"Vulnerable families will be forced
to resort to eating potentially
poisonous wild plants or exchanging sex for
food and other desperate
measures to survive," it said.
Being
thousands of kilometres away from that harsh reality has done little
to
raise Brian Zenzo's spirit. Dreams of a successful future have faded. His
parents can no longer afford to pay for his education.
"Maybe one day
I will go back if there is a change and things are better,
and there are
jobs and food," he said.
It could be a long wait.
Sydney Morning Herald
Connie Levett
September 1, 2007
VIOLENCE in
politics is an occupational hazard for Morgan Tsvangirai, head
of Zimbabwe's
opposition, who has been beaten, tortured and tried for
treason, but still
wants to confront dictatorship by democratic means.
Like apartheid, the
Zimbabwe dictatorship is a crime against humanity, Mr
Tsvangirai
says.
By any standards, the southern African country's situation is dire.
Annual
inflation runs at an unofficial 12,000 per cent, (officially 7500 per
cent),
3000 to 4000 people die from HIV/AIDS each week, and 5 million of its
citizens have fled the country.
When Mr Tsvangirai hears Australians
stressing about 3 per cent inflation,
he thinks they may have lost their
perspective, and "perhaps they have taken
their freedom for granted for too
long". He is here this week as a guest of
the Department of Foreign Affairs,
in a clear indication of how the
Government would like Zimbabwe's political
future to unfold.
Zimbabwe hit back at the visit with an editorial in the
state-controlled
Herald urging an end to diplomatic ties with
Australia.
Mr Tsvangirai, 55, is head of the Movement for Democratic
Change, founded by
a coalition of civil society groups in 1999 in opposition
to President
Robert Mugabe's Zimbabwe African National Union - Patriotic
Front party. In
2000 the MDC won 57 of 120 seats in a parliamentary
election. Observers said
the result was not free and fair.
Mr
Tsvangirai said the brain drain, health, economic and humanitarian crises
in
Zimbabwe were the work of a regime that had declared war on its people.
But
attempts to remove Mr Mugabe - who has ruled Zimbabwe since independence
in
1980 - in elections have failed. "He is like a referee who has thrown
away
the whistle and joined the other team," Mr Tsvangirai said.
Mr Mugabe
retains significant status within southern Africa. For Mr
Tsvangirai the
greatest hope comes through a dialogue initiative by South
Africa's
President, Thabo Mbeki. "The initiative is slow, but MDC believes
it is
better than nothing; any dialogue provides a lifeline," he told the
Lowy
Institute. The biggest challenge would be to change the culture of the
government, he said, while the issue of land ownership would remain
controversial. "The land question in Zimbabwe has to be resolved once and
for all, to ensure no one goes hungry again."
So when will the change
take place? "Many thought it would be a very short
sprint, but we have
become realistic: it may be a marathon."
SW
Radio Africa (London)
30 August 2007
Posted to the web 31 August
2007
Tererai Karimakwenda
Schools are opening on Tuesday in
Zimbabwe and students will not only have a
tough time securing transport,
but they also face health risks due to water
cuts that are now lasting
longer periods.
Without water to flush toilets and drinking water being
stored in
containers, there is a great risk of water borne diseases,
particularly for
students who attend boarding schools. Diarrhoea is already
a serious problem
around the country. Hundreds of cases are treated
everyday.
The water crisis is best explained by the situation in
Bulawayo, where there
is a struggle over control of the city's water supply.
Several schools are
located there and the local officials are resisting
pressure from the
government to hand over control of the water supply to the
state run
Zimbabwe National Water Authority (ZINWA). They say the water
agency has
mismanaged water supplies in Harare and other areas that it has
taken over.
And indeed those places are now worse off.
A report by
the Institute for War & Peace Reporting said government
authorities have
refused to help residents in Bulawayo with repairs and with
waterborne
diseases that are on the increase.
Our Bulawayo contact Zenzele said it
is feared an outbreak of water related
illnesses may bring the new school
term very quickly. He told us many areas
go for 3 to 4 days without any
water while others can go for weeks without
seeing a drop. Zenzele said
schools like Milton, Evelyn, Polytech and
Hillside Teachers College have no
running water.
Health officials are still on strike and there is a
critical shortage of
medical drugs. A serious outbreak of disease would be
extremely difficult to
deal with, especially at a school that has hundreds
of students living
without adequate water supplies.
Institute for War & Peace Reporting
Harare residents say absence of commodity that's hardly ever in short
supply
is clear sign of how bad things have become.
By Nonthando
Bhebhe in Harare (AR No. 129, 31-Aug-07)
A long queue starts forming next
to a truck, which has just driven into a
shopping centre in Kambuzuma, a
poor suburb eight kilometres west of Harare.
For a few minutes, there is
pandemonium, as people rush to join the queue.
The shoppers soon find out
that instead of sugar, cooking oil, bread, beef,
margarine, the truck was
carrying 15 cases of beer, which like the other
sought after commodities, is
now only available on the black market for
exorbitant prices.
"I
regard the shortage of beer as the most obvious sign of a very serious
malaise," said a local teacher. "Especially, as it comes during the
important Heroes' Day holiday (held on August 11 to commemorate those who
died during the liberation struggle from Britain from which it gained
independence 27 years ago) when President Robert Mugabe traditionally tells
the nation the success his government would have scored in the previous 12
months."
The teacher said he did not remember there ever being a
shortage of beer in
Zimbabwe and that this was a sign that things had gone
desperately wrong in
the country.
"Beer is the about the biggest
source of revenue for government and Zimbabwe
is generally a nation of
drinkers, so there is bound to be a great deal of
anger. Through the ongoing
blitz on prices, the government has not only shot
itself in the foot in
terms of revenue generation, but the blitz has also
begun to hit where it
hurts most - employment."
At the end of June, President Mugabe's
government orderered prices of basic
commodities to be slashed by 50 per
cent to counter soaring inflation, which
has been running at 7,500 per
cent.
Several senior company executives - many from companies based
outside
Zimbabwe - have been arrested since the cuts and have spent nights
in filthy
police cells for failing to comply with the government directive
to reduce
their prices.
The resulting shortages of goods have meant
many companies have been forced
to close or have had to let up to half of
their workers go, citing lack of
business.
One employee who was
recently been laid off at TM Supermarket, one of the
biggest supermarket
chains, said he felt helpless and did not know how he
was going to fend for
his family after his company was forced to retrench
following the shortages
and price cuts.
"I was told two weeks ago that I should no longer report
for work. It is not
really the company's fault. We have been spending days
doing absolutely
nothing. The butcher is not operational, the take-away
section is barely
functioning and the shelves are empty of beverages, such
as beer and soft
drinks," said the man.
He has three school-aged
children and, together with his brother, also looks
after their elderly
parents and four orphaned nieces and nephews.
"How am I going to feed my
kids and my parents? To me, this whole price
slash was a curse," he
said.
With food in such short supply, most people are turning to
street-side
vendors, but they are now the victims of a police blitz. Those
caught
selling their wares are forced to spend the night in police cells and
pay a
heavy fine before being released.
June Benza, who sells
vegetables in the central business district, was
arrested with other
vendors. She was detained by municipal police for six to
seven hours before
being taken to Harare Central police station.
"We thought it was a simple
procedure where we would just pay our fines. We
were shocked when we were
hurled into filthy and crowded police cells. We
were put into the same cells
as hard-core criminals [and] released the next
morning."
Mugabe
reiterated during his address on Heroes' Day that there would be no
going
back on the price war, which has worsened the plight of so many, and
has
poorer people flocking in their thousands into neighbouring countries
each
day to seek food.
With most bottle stores closed down, and supermarket
shelves empty, beer,
like many basics, has found its way onto the black
market at exorbitant
prices.
A quart, or 750ml, of lager beer costs
60,000 Zimbabwe dollars, ZWD, (4 US
dollars) at retail outlets, but is now
going for a minimum 200,000 ZWD on
the parallel market.
Delta
Corporation, the country's biggest beverage producer, says the
shortage of
beer and other beverages is a result of overwhelming customer
demand, as
well as diminished production as a result of water shortages.
Delta
spokesman George Mutendadzamera told the official Herald newspaper
that the
demand for beer had increased dramatically since the manufacturer
resorted
to the June 18 prices ordered by the government.
"Average sales are
rising fast and approaching 300,000 litres per day. This
level of lager beer
consumption in the month of July is approximately 50 per
cent up on the
similar period last year," he said.
Mutendadzamera said Delta was only
able to service 60 per cent of its orders
due to a variety of factors, "Our
plants are experiencing erratic water
supplies, thus adversely affecting
production. We're a big user of water,
hence any shortage of this ingredient
impacts our ability to produce
consistently."
While some Kambuzuma
residents were disappointed at finding the truck was
not delivering
foodstuffs, others were ecstatic to get their hands the beer,
which has
virtually disappeared in the last few weeks.
For an hour, the Kambuzuma
residents who managed to grab a few quarts were
happy that at least their
Heroes' Day holiday was a bit livelier.
Remsy Kadungure, a resident of
Kambuzuma who was queuing to buy beer, told
IWPR, "Such things only happen
in Zimbabwe. We can't even relax on a holiday
and enjoy our favourite beer.
I never thought it would come to this in
Zimbabwe, where we now have to rely
on the black market for beer."
"Everything has become abnormal in this
country but the funny thing is that
we have accepted.the.. situation. People
are burning millions of dollars
worth of scarce fuel driving around looking
for beers. We are drinking
anything that is available. You tell me, what is
normal about that? To me,
this shortage of beers is just a sign that
everything around us is
crumbling.
"Everything is in short supply. In
most suburbs people have to wake up at
2am to fill up buckets with water
before they are cut off at 3am. Some
people have to wake up in the middle of
the night to iron their clothes
because of power cuts. If this is not a
collapsing country - I just don't
know what is."
Nonthando Bhebhe is
the pseudonym of an IWPR journalist in Zimbabwe.
VOA
By Peter Clottey
Washington, D.C.
31 August 2007
South African President Thabo Mbeki, who is
mandated by the Southern African
Development Community (SADC) to mediate
between Zimbabwe's ruling ZANU-PF
party and the main opposition Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) has
expressed confidence in Zimbabwe's elections
next year. This comes after
President Robert Mugabe promised a resounding
victory for his ZANU-PF party
during a speech Wednesday to war veterans.
But the opposition MDC has
dismissed Mbeki's pronouncement, saying
Zimbabweans are the only people who
can determine whether the elections
would be free and fair.
Eliphas Mukonoweshuro is the International
Affairs Secretary of the
opposition MDC. From the capital, Harare he tells
reporter Peter Clottey
that President Mbeki should desist from making such
statements.
"We are encouraged by that statement, but that statement has
got to be based
on the facts on the ground. Free and fair elections are not
a wish; they
must be issues that are discussed, political issues that would
ensure that
we get free and fair elections," Mukonoweshuro noted.
He
said Mbeki's' expression of confidence in Zimbabwe's electoral system is
not
enough, since, he said there are other issues that need to be
addressed.
"What we are saying is that, for instance, let's look at the
voters' role.
Is the voters' role acceptable to all Zimbabweans? There is
violence that is
going on, why doesn't Mr. Mbeki address himself to the
issues of the
violence that is going on? There are so many other issues that
we should in
actual fact as a negotiating process look at before we can
pronounce
confidence or otherwise in the process," he
said.
Mukonoweshuro reiterated that Zimbabwe's election is not a preserve
of
President Thabo Mbeki.
"I think Mr. Mbeki is not the person to
express confidence in the freeness
and fairness of the elections. It is
Zimbabweans who must express confidence
in the freeness and fairness of the
elections; it is the MDC and ZANU-PF
that must pronounce on that issue. Mr.
Mbeki who is the arbitrator should
not be the one who is saying now he is
got confidence," Mukonoweshuro
pointed out.
He said President
Mugabe's declaration of winning next year's elections in a
resounding manner
is questionable.
"Perhaps he knows something that we do not have. A
democratic process cannot
be pre-determined by any person or a politician. I
think it is not for Mr.
Mugabe to decide what is going to happen. It is
going to have to be freeness
and fairness of the elections, no democrat can
pre-empt what is going to
happen when the voters express their wishes. We
are worried Mr. Mbeki is not
making any comment on that because Mr. Mugabe
is going full speed putting in
place legislative procedures that we believe
ought to be a subject of
negotiations," he said.
Monsters and Critics
Aug 31, 2007, 13:37 GMT
Harare/Johannesburg - A
number of police officers have been arrested in
diamond-rich eastern
Zimbabwe for taking bribes from illegal miners to allow
them to carry on
panning, reports said Friday.
The police officers were being held at
Harare's top security Chikurubi
prison, according to a report in the
state-controlled Manica Post newspaper.
The report and officials did not
provide the number of those arrested.
The officers were arrested in the
Chiadzwa diamond fields, the scene of a
huge diamond rush that began last
year and has caused enormous havoc to the
environment.
Police had
been ordered in to seal off the diamond fields. But some are
suspected of
having taken bribes from illegal panners of between 1 and 2
million Zimbabwe
dollars (4,000 - 8,000 US dollars at the official rate of
exchange) per half
hour spent mining, according to the report.
A police spokesman said the
culprits would be dealt with 'mercilessly.' 'We
should be worried about
civilians, not police officers. They can break the
law at their own peril.
They should all know the song by now,' said
Assistant Police Commissioner
Obert Benge, confirming the arrests.
Illegal panners told the Manica
Post, which is published in the eastern city
of Mutare - one of the hubs of
the illicit diamond deals - that corrupt
policemen were allowing them to pay
and dig in areas believed to hold
diamonds and then carry the ore they
retrieved elsewhere.
Police officers are among inflation-riddled
Zimbabwe's worst paid workers,
with some believed to earn less than 8
million Zimbabwe dollars, the current
poverty line.
Like many
struggling Zimbabweans, they are likely to have been dismayed
Friday by the
news that President Robert Mugabe has frozen wages, rents and
fees for the
next six months in a bid to fight runaway inflation, currently
clocking in
at more than 7,600 percent.
Illegal diamond mining last year offered a
fast route to riches for many who
had previously been mired in poverty. The
gems were greeted as a gift from
God and the ancestors.
In a separate
report, the Manica Post said at least 200 diamond panners last
week moved
onto Charleswood Farm, which once belonged to prominent white
former
opposition parliamentarian Roy Bennett. Buyers in flashy cars are
reported
to be prowling the nearby Chimanimani Village.
© 2007 dpa - Deutsche
Presse-Agentur
SW Radio Africa (London)
31 August 2007
Posted to
the web 31 August 2007
Violet Gonda
The government sponsored
price war against businesses intensified in Harare
this week with the main
targets being transport operators. Scores of
commuter drivers were arrested
during a blitz that started on Wednesday.
The security forces are also
accused of beating up the drivers and forcing
many operators to ground their
fleet because of the crippling price cuts.
Operators are currently
charging between Z$40 000 to Z$50 000 a trip in
Harare, depending on the
distance and the availability of fuel, but they are
being ordered to reduce
their fares to between Z$10 000 and Z$15 000.
Eyewitnesses say many
people are being left stranded as a result of the
transport problems. Clever
Kafero, a Hatcliffe resident in Harare North,
said the crisis is fast
getting out of control. He said on Wednesday
commuter drivers attacked a
soldier in Hatcliffe but the soldier returned
the following day with a group
of other soldiers and police officers to the
area to "deal" with the
drivers.
Kafero said the police and soldiers have embarked on an
intensive operation
to force the operators to reduce their prices.
Unconfirmed reports say more
than 100 drivers and some innocent commuters
were arrested at different bus
ranks in Harare on Friday. Kafero said many
people who use commuter buses
from suburbs like Avondale, Greencroft,
Kuwadzana, Mbare and Southerton were
left stranded because of the
disturbance.
Critics say the security forces are fast becoming a law unto
themselves. The
Zimbabwe Independent reports that Esigodini in Matabeleland
South resembled
a war zone on Tuesday when soldiers went on a rampage,
breaking into shops
and looting goods worth more than Z$60 million before
severely assaulting
newly resettled farmers. According to the newspaper 70
uniformed soldiers
caused terror at the Shopping Centre in revenge after
colleagues were beaten
during a brawl with villagers at a beer drinking spot
in the area.
International Herald Tribune
The Associated
PressPublished: August 31, 2007
HARARE, Zimbabwe: Roman Catholic
bishops accused the government Friday of
making "crude attempts" to divert
attention from the nation's political and
economic crisis by publicizing
allegations of adultery against Archbishop
Pius Ncube, an outspoken critic
of President Robert Mugabe.
The Catholic Bishops Conference said Ncube,
the archbishop of Bulawayo, had
shown courage, moral authority and
fearlessness in exposing massacres by
government troops in the western
Matabeleland province during an armed
rebellion after independence in 1980
and a brutal slum countrywide slum
clearance operation in 2005.
"For
years he has courageously and with moral authority advocated social
justice
and political action to overcome the grievous crisis facing our
country,"
the bishops said in a statement.
"We support him fully in his present
painful situation and ask all our
faithful to remember him in their
prayers," the statement added.
In July, state media showed explicit
images allegedly taken with a hidden
camera in Ncube's bedroom and
purportedly showing him with a woman with whom
he was accused of having an
affair.
The media coverage violated Ncube's fundamental rights and was
"utterly
offensive to the public," the nine-member Bishops Conference, to
which Ncube
belongs, said, adding it would not comment on details of the
allegations.
Recent attacks against Ncube by politicians - including Mugabe -
and the
state media were "outrageous and utterly deplorable," the bishops
added.
"They constitute an assault on the Catholic Church to which we
take strong
exception. The Catholic Church has never been and is not an
enemy of
Zimbabwe," the bishops said.
The bishops said the
fundamental rights of ordinary Zimbabweans were
violated daily with
impunity. They said the government's economic policies
left shelves bare of
food and basic goods, corruption and mismanagement was
rife and tens of
thousands of citizens risked their lives illegally crossing
the nation's
borders to flee "the catastrophe that our country has become."
"The crude
attempts at diverting attention from these facts by intensifying
the hate
propaganda and character assassination against those Zimbabweans
who, like
Archbishop Ncube, have spoken out in defense of the oppressed, has
not
deceived ordinary Zimbabweans," the bishops said.
A government decree in
June ordered prices of all goods and services across
the board reduced by
half, leading to acute shortages of cornmeal, bread,
meat, milk and other
staples.
The measure was aimed at reducing official inflation of 7,636
percent, the
highest in the world, but has stalled the production,
distribution or
importation of food and essential commodities, including
gasoline.
On Thursday, Robert Mugabe issued a further decree banning any
inflation-linked increases on prices, wages, rents, service charges and
school fees.
Independent estimates put real inflation closer to
25,000 percent and the
International Monetary Fund has forecast it reaching
100,000 percent by the
end of the year.
No formal reaction to the
bishops' statement was immediately available from
the government Friday. But
Caesar Zvayi, a columnist for the state-owned
Herald newspaper, described
the bishops as "that grouping of elderly men
with a penchant for political
not religious statements."
The Zimbabwean
(31-08-07)
BULAWAYO ---ONE of the country's largest bakeries Lobels Zimbabwe
,shutdown
operation this week due the continous flour shortages, CAJ News
established.
This comes as Grain Marketing Board (GMB) has failed to
pay its suppliers
for 36 000 tonnes of imported wheat impounded at the sea
port of Beira in
Mozambique.
Lobels Zimbabwe Managing Director
,Southern Region, Ngoni Mazango,
confirmed the closure to CAJ News
Thursday .
"We have stopped production for the past week since there is
no flour in the
country. We had the last deliveries of flour two months
ago"said Mazango.
Mazango, said some millers have also ceased production
because they are
unable to get flour from GMB.
"We understand some
millers who are our suppliers of wheat have also ceased
production since the
GMB has run out of wheat" he added.
The closure of the bakery companies
has seen the country being hit by
serious bread and confectionery
shortages.
National Bakers Association (NBA) Chairman, Vincent Mangoma,
also confirmed
the closure of Lobels Zimbabwe due to flour shortages
.
"Many bakeries are facing viability problems, Lobels Zimbabwe has final
shutdown this week", said Mangoma.
Workers who spoke to CAJ News on
Thursday, said they were told to go home
and wait for management to contact
them.
"There has been no flour and we were told to go home since were
spending the
whole day doing nothing" said a worker.
When CAJ News
crew visited Lobels Zimbabwe factory in Belmont industrial
area in Bulawayo
on Thursday a security guard manning the premises said the
company is
currently not operating.
Since government embarked on the controversial
price cuts blitz in June
many companies have collapsed-CAJ News.
IOL
August 31 2007 at 01:17PM
Harare - Police in Zimbabwe have arrested
an award-winning child
rights activist and a prominent talk show host after
they broadcast
interviews with child rape victims, reports said on
Friday.
Betty Makoni, the director of the Girl Child Network Trust,
and
television presenter Rebecca Chisamba were picked up by detectives on
Thursday, the official Herald newspaper said.
The two women
were arrested on allegations that they breached
Zimbabwe's Child Protection
and Adoption Act when eight rape survivors
rescued by Makoni's organisation
gave interviews on Chisamba's show.
Chisamba was released after
providing police with a statement, while
Makoni was still in custody on
Thursday evening, the paper said.
A lawyer
representing the two was not immediately available to
comment.
Court official Idine Magonga accused the two of violating the justice
system
as some of the girl's rape cases are still before the courts.
"The
fact that they brought them to the show as rape victims means
that they are
concluding that the eight children were raped," Magonga, the
co-ordinator of
the court's Victim Friendly Unit told the Herald.
"They obstructed
justice," he charged.
Makoni is something of a national icon. She
won the Global Friends
Award and the World's Children's Award in April this
year after being
nominated by millions of children.
The
activist says jealous people are behind her arrest, according to
the
Herald.
Ironically, as news that she had been picked up by police
filtered
out, Friday's letters column of another state-controlled paper
featured a
letter from school pupil Fenny Mangezi praising the
activist.
"You have saved us from sexual abuse, physical abuse,
emotional abuse
and verbal abuse," the pupil wrote in the Manica Post.
"Clearly, Betty
Makoni knows how to care and love the girl
children."
Child sexual abuse is rampant in Zimbabwe. The scourge
is fuelled
partly by the myth that men infected with the HI-virus can be
cleansed by
sleeping with a virgin.
This is the second time in
a week that Makoni has been arrested, it
emerged Friday.
Makoni
was arrested last week on allegations of collaborating with two
documentary
filmmakers from the United States who were filming at one of her
centres
without accreditation from the government's media commission.
The
two filmmakers were deported, while Makoni was released without
charge.
Investigations into that incident are continuing, said the Herald. -
Sapa-DPA
From Moneyweb (SA), 30 August
The lurid tale of Billy Rautenbach, a buccaneer,
Phillipe Edmonds, one-time
English cricketer, and Andrew Groves,
foul-mouthed son of a policeman
Barry
Sergeant
Johannesburg - In a letter dated Wednesday, August 29 2007,
Tshimanga
Mukeba, attorney general of the Democratic Republic of the Congo
(DRC),
informed Boss Mining sprl, and Mukondo Mining sprl, that relevant
licences,
as purportedly transferred by DRC parastatal Gecamines in February
2004, had
been annulled and voided. Boss, purportedly 80% held by
London-listed Camec,
had been sold, in chunks, to Camec by Muller Conrad
"Billy" Rautenbach,
starting early in 2006. On Thursday, Camec's stock price
fell in reaction by
as much as 40%. The immediate roots are found on July 17
2007, when the DRC
declared Rautenbach persona non grata. On Thursday Camec
stated that the
"rumours of permit revocation" were "clearly timed to impact
Camec's "offer"
for Katanga Mining, unveiled on the same day that Mukeba
signed the memo
annulling and voiding the Boss and Mukondo
licenses.
Complain as Camec may, more than 60 mining contracts in the
DRC are
currently under review, and those related to Boss and Mukondo have
always
been the most vulnerable. On Thursday, Camec reacted by attacking the
entire
DRC, saying it was "totally confident" that it will "successfully
refute any
allegations or attempts made against its licences". Camec is
headed by a
haughty Phillipe Edmonds, one-time English cricketer, and Andrew
Groves,
foul-mouthed son of a policeman. The fact is that the
Rautenbach-Camec
licences have been under investigation for years. The core
asset in this
story is Mukondo, possibly the world's richest cobalt deposit,
held 40% by
Savannah Mining, 20% by Gecamines and 40%, apparently, by Boss.
Last July
Savannah bought its stake in Mukondo from John Bredenkamp, a
Zimbabwean
businessman. There was an immediate argument with Rautenbach as
operator of
the mine; digging immediately stopped and is yet to
resume.
For years there have been reasons to question the beneficial
ownership of
the DRC concessions Camec claims it acquired from Rautenbach -
the stake in
Mukondo, and concessions C19 (23 000 hectares) (within which
Mukondo
Mountain sits, like an island), and C21 (12 000 hectares). As
recently as
July 2006 the UN Panel of Experts on the DRC cited Rautenbach as
amongst DRC
"investors whose personal and professional integrity is
doubtful" and whose
continued involvement as a major shareholder in Camec is
an example of "the
consequences of insufficient due diligence procedures",
also reminding that
Rautenbach "is wanted by the authorities of South Africa
for fraud and
theft". The original ownership of the concessions - C19, C21
and Mukondo -
is clear: they belonged to the DRC parastatal Gecamines until
the outbreak
of the 1997-8 civil war.
As part of a deal struck
between Zimbabwe president Robert Mugabe and DRC
president Laurent Kabila in
November 1998, the named assets were transferred
to a joint venture between
Rautenbach's British Virgin Islands-registered
Ridgepointe and Central
Mining Group (CMG), a DRC company controlled by
Pierre-Victor Moyo, the-then
minister of state in the DRC presidency.
Rautenbach was CEO of Gecamines
when the assets were transferred "without
apparent compensation". The UN
Panel described Rautenbach's dual role as a
"blatant conflict of interests".
The concessions were stripped from
Rautenbach's control in April 2000 after
he was fired from Gecamines by
Kabila, allegedly for theft and fraud. The
assets were then transferred to
Bredenkamp. In April 2002 Rautenbach made
one of a number of comebacks;
Bredenkamp was instructed to hand back C19,
C21 and effectively 40% of
Mukondo to Rautenbach, apparently with zero
compensation. Wow.
At this stage, the concessions were held by an
offshore investment holding
vehicle, BVI-registered Shaford Capital, owned
70% owned by BVI-registered
Mercan Commercial (100% owned by Rautenbach).
Shaford held, among other
interests, 80% of Boss, and 90% of DRC-registered
Congo Cobalt Corporation
(CoCoCo). The arrangement tied in with a pattern
outlined by the UN Panel:
"asset stripping of state mining companies . . .
these transactions . . .
controlled through secret contracts and off-shore
private companies, amount
to a multi-billion-dollar corporate theft of the
country's mineral assets".
Rautenbach was specifically named by the UN Panel
as a key figure in the DRC's
"elite network". Camec, new boy on the block,
has always appeared determined
to maintain the opacity of offshore shelters.
In 2007, Camec completed the
acquisition of 80% of Boss - following a series
of transactions - for $51m
and 172m Camec shares. Then again, Camec has also
stated that in March 2007
Camec acquired an 80% interest in Boss for cash of
a paltry £31 511. Which
one is it?
Elsewhere, again, Camec has
stated that it agreed in February 2006 with
Harvest View to acquire 100% of
International Metal Factors, for $80m, being
$25m in cash and 172m Camec
shares. There's that 172m shares, again. Camec
has also stated that in July
2006, Camec acquired the remaining 25% interest
in did not own in Congo
Resources Joint Venture for £13.8m. The interest was
acquired through Camec
buying the entire issued share capital of Majestic
Metal Trading for $25.8m
in cash. Wow. Then there is CoCoCo, again, which
apparently owns and
operates a cobalt processing plant in the town of
Likasi, as well as various
other processing plants and facilities located on
the concessions owned by
Boss. CoCoCo also "owns various mining equipment,
including extraction
equipment, diggers and lorries".
Even today, it's not clear whether
Camec acquired part, or all, of CoCoCo.
This week Camec stated that its
mining in the DRC "is contracted out" to
CoCoCo, and that Camec is providing
mining equipment to CoCoCo "on a
commercial remuneration basis", implying
that CoCoCo remains under exterior
control. In the fine print this week,
Camec also disclosed purchasing during
its fiscal 2007 year to March 31
"services and assets" of £19.2m from
companies in which "Rautenbach and his
family continue to have a controlling
interest". As of March 31 2007 Camec
owed several million pounds to Harvest
View, which holds 90.9m shares in
Camec. Harvest view is, apparently, a
Rautenbach entity.
The Telegraph
By
David Blair
Last Updated: 12:01am BST 31/08/2007
No
one alive at the close of the 19th century could have missed the
"scramble
for Africa". A motley collection of robber barons, imperialist
ideologues,
explorers, rogues and adventurers - the likes of Cecil Rhodes
and the
appalling Leopold II, King of the Belgians - carved up the continent
in the
name of five European powers.
Today, few appear to have noticed
that a second "scramble for Africa"
is under way. This time, only one giant
country is involved, but its
ambitions are every bit as momentous as those
of Rhodes and company. With
every day that passes, China's economic
tentacles extend deeper into Africa.
While Europe sought direct political
control, China is acquiring a vast and
informal economic
empire.
Reliable information on Beijing's African adventure is hard
to come
by. But we do know that trade between China and the world's poorest
continent totalled about £30 billion last year - a sixfold increase since
2000.
China now buys about one third of its oil from
Africa, mainly from
Angola, where an £800 million deal to develop a new
field was signed last
May, and from Sudan, where Beijing built a 900-mile
pipeline and invested at
least £8 billion. China is spending another £1.2
billion on a new offshore
oilfield in Nigeria.
Meanwhile,
Beijing has acquired mines in Zambia, textile factories in
Lesotho, railways
in Uganda, timber in the Central African Republic and
retail developments in
almost every capital.
The reasoning behind China's new focus on
Africa is simple. If its
economic boom is to be sustained, Beijing must find
more raw materials and
new markets for manufactured goods. Chinese oil
consumption is forecast to
grow by at least 10 per cent every year for the
foreseeable future. At this
level of demand, its domestic reserves will
vanish within 20 years.
Hence the quest for overseas oil. Yet
Beijing's options are limited.
America and the Western powers have already
snapped up the world's largest
oil reserves. Saudi Arabia and Iraq - with 45
per cent of the world's oil
between them - are in effect closed to
China.
So the less developed tracts of Africa are an obvious
target. Sudan's
six billion barrels of proven reserves - with more still to
be discovered -
have become of vital strategic significance to
China.
These facts are of deep concern to many Africans. Their
governments
may welcome Chinese investment, but Africa's independent voices
do not share
this enthusiasm. The consequences of China's new role there
have already
been catastrophic.
Thanks to Beijing's interest in
Sudan's oil, President Omar
al-Bashir's regime in Khartoum has received a
windfall. Ten years ago,
Sudan's oil revenues were negligible; last year,
Chinese investment ensured
that they totalled at least £3
billion.
Without this ready cash, Mr Bashir could never have
sustained the war
in Darfur, where four years of fighting have claimed about
300,000 lives,
either from violence, starvation or disease. The military
machine that has
laid waste to vast tracts of land, forcing hundreds of
thousands to flee
their homes, was, in effect, bankrolled by Beijing.
Moreover, China has sold
weapons directly to Sudan, notably Fantan ground
attack aircraft.
Elsewhere, China provides a convenient alternative
for African leaders
spurned by the West for their human rights abuses.
Devoid of aid and foreign
investment, President Robert Mugabe's regime in
Zimbabwe would be entirely
isolated but for China's backing. Beijing has
given Mugabe civilian and
military aircraft, and its experts helped design a
new mansion for the old
dictator, in the style of a Chinese
pagoda.
Yesterday, the Chinese government assured Lord
Malloch-Brown, the
Foreign Office minister responsible for Africa and Asia,
that any future aid
for Zimbabwe would be purely humanitarian. Whether China
will keep this
promise is another matter: Mugabe's Zanu-PF has received
Chinese money for
at least 30 years; Zanu-PF's national headquarters in
Harare - found, aptly
enough, on Rotten Row - was built by
China.
The harsh truth is that Beijing has become the ally of
choice for
Africa's worst rulers. While China likes to portray itself as a
benign force
in Africa, free of the historical baggage carried by the former
colonial
powers, Beijing's conduct is already resented.
During
last year's presidential election in Zambia, the leading
opposition
candidate, Michael Sata, campaigned on an explicitly anti-Chinese
ticket.
Beijing's investment was, Mr Sata argued, almost entirely worthless
for
Zambia.
Yes, China had reopened some copper mines, but the workers
were being
exploited and all health and safety regulations ignored. An
industrial
accident at one Chinese-run mine claimed 46 lives in 2005. Later,
workers
rioted over low wages and poor conditions. Meanwhile, local
companies were
being driven out of business by cheap imports.
While Mr Sata lost the election overall, he won huge majorities in all
the
areas of Zambia affected by Chinese investment. His defeat prompted a
day of
anti-Chinese riots in the capital, Lusaka. Every Chinese-owned shop
in the
city was barricaded to avoid being looted. Meanwhile, shops owned by
whites
or Asians carried on trading without incident.
Even inside Mugabe's
crumbling domain, it has not gone unnoticed that
all three MA-60 aircraft
supplied by China to Air Zimbabwe have a terrifying
history of engine fires
and emergency landings.
While Americans and Europeans have only
just encountered shoddy
Chinese consumer goods, ordinary Zimbabweans talk of
"zing zong" products -
by which they mean exports from China which have a
tendency to break in your
hands.
Like all empires, China's
economic domain in Africa is stirring deep
resentment. The wonder is that it
has happened so quickly, and where the
scramble will end.
Business Day
31 August 2007
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
THE
unpredictable nature of President Robert Mugabe's government raises
continuing doubts over operating conditions in Zimbabwe, which houses almost
half of Implats' mineral resources tonnage.
Last year, Implats
surrendered about 36% of its undeveloped platinum
resource in Zimbabwe in
return for empowerment credits. Since then, Mugabe
has proposed an
indigenisation bill requiring local Zimbabweans to hold 51%
of all
businesses in the country.
Implats CE David Brown said yesterday the
record performance of the group's
Zimbabwean operations was testimony to
local management but the year ahead
was likely to be more difficult as they
were trying to make long-term power
arrangements.
At present,
Zimplats was paying for some of its power in US dollars. It was
looking at
importing its own power directly or building a local substation
at the
nearby town of Norton, which would be linked to the national grid.
Mimosa
was negotiating to buy power directly from Mozambique. In the longer
term,
Implats is presented with the issue of the new indigenisation bill,
but
Brown said he believed an agreement had been reached with the government
a
year ago.
If it got through this hurdle, the outlook would be for
continued expansion
at the Wedza Phase V project at Mimosa in a joint
venture with Aquarius
Platinum, and at the Phase I expansion project at
Zimplats. Once these were
completed, Implats would take a "wait and see"
position. And if Zimbabwe
offered an investment climate where Implats could
invest on a large scale it
would certainly consider further expansion
projects there.
Reuters
Fri 31 Aug
2007, 11:41 GMT
JOHANNESBURG (Reuters) - South Africa has denied it
blamed Britain for
Zimbabwe's isolation in a report prepared for a regional
summit earlier this
month.
The office of President Thabo Mbeki denied
that the government produced a
report on Zimbabwe critical of Britain before
Mbeki briefed leaders of the
Southern African Development Community (SADC)
on his mediation efforts in
mid-August.
"The Presidency wishes to
make it clear that it is not aware of such a
report and that if it exists,
it was not authored by the Government of the
Republic of South Africa," it
said.
"Government once again categorically rejects the allegation that
President
Mbeki had blamed the British government for the problems in
Zimbabwe. This
is simply not true," the statement added.
The report,
obtained by Reuters and other media ahead of the summit, blamed
Zimbabwe's
former colonial power Britain for Harare's isolation by the West
and said
London was trying to undermine talks between President Robert
Mugabe's
government and the opposition.
SADC asked Mbeki to mediate talks between
Zimbabwe's ruling ZANU-PF party
and the main Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC) opposition party in March.
Heads of state described a briefing to
the SADC summit by Mbeki as positive
and indicated some progress was made in
mediation.
Mugabe blames Western sanctions for hyper-inflation, food
shortages and an
economic crisis in the formerly prosperous southern African
nation.
Critics say Mugabe has destroyed the economy with his
controversial policy
of farm seizures.
The SADC summit ended without
any call on Mugabe to enact reforms
Zimbabwe Independent
(Harare)
31 August 2007
Posted to the web 31 August
2007
Dumisani Muleya
Harare
THE ruling Zanu PF is mobilising
resources, including a staggering $600
billion budget, for its election
campaign ahead of the 2008 poll that
President Robert Mugabe has vowed to
win at all costs.
Documents obtained from Zanu PF show the ruling party
is pulling out all the
stops to mobilise vast resources to fund its
ambitious campaign for the
joint parliamentary and presidential elections in
March.
President Mugabe and his officials are expected to formally
launch their
campaign next month. The opposition MDC and other parties are
also expected
to do the same. The stage is set for a bruising campaign,
which will
culminate in a dramatic clash starting with local government
elections in
January as a dress rehearsal for the main event in
March.
The resources needed for the campaign amount to over $600 billion,
and
include vehicles, buses, minibuses, motorbikes, bicycles, sewing
machines,
loudspeakers, bond paper, computers, video cameras, PA systems,
shredders,
digital cameras, CD writers, televisions, DVDs, control room
radios, CTv
monitors, X-ray vehicle mirror machines, photocopiers, heavy
duty printers
and material for party regalia.
This inventory is
contained in a document on elections prepared by Zanu PF
secretary for
finance David Karimanzira. The document has been approved by
the party's
politburo and central committee.
"Regarding plans towards the 2008
election, Karimanzira reported that the
capital expenditure and general
campaign expenditure was expected to total
$661 616 100 000," the document
says.
"Of this, $150 961 614 344 would be allocated to capital
expenditure, $61
616 100 000 to election equipment items and the balance
$449 038 385 656
would be for campaign support funds to provinces,
candidates and other
related expenses."
Zanu PF's projected
expenditure for the period June 1 to December 31 is over
$1 trillion,
against an estimated income of $204 billion, which implies an
almost $800
billion deficit that is likely to be met through money printing.
Zanu PF's
National Fundraising Committee has an overall target of $200
billion. Of the
targeted amount, the committee was expected to raise $100
billion, while
provincial committees have been tasked to raise the other
$100 billion. By
July the provinces had raised a paltry $19,6 million.
The capital
expenditure included an element of foreign currency totalling
US$1,6
million.
Zanu PF is going to buy 80 Toyota single cab 4x4 vehicles at a
cost of US$22
440 each (total cost US$1,8 million), 80 Toyota double cab
4x4s at US$24 635
each (total US$2 million), 12 Mazda T35s at US$14 621 each
(total US$146
210), 12 Mazda minibuses at US$14 621 each (total US$175 452),
two 66-seater
starliner buses at US$17 300 each (total US$34 600), two UD
Nissan 15-tonne
truck at US$50 223 each (total US$100 446), 500 motorbikes
at a total cost
of US$2 425 000, and 10 000 bicycles.
Other capital
equipment and items to be bought include 1 000 sewing
machines, 100
loudspeakers, five tonnes of bond paper, 100 fax machines, 84
computers, 110
laptops, 10 video cameras, two PA systems, 10 shredders, 10
digital cameras,
five CD writers, 20 TVs, 20 DVDs, five control room radios,
10 CTvs
monitors, five X-ray vehicle mirror machines, 15 photocopiers heavy
duty,
186 printers, and 80 000 metres of material for party dress or
regalia.
Mugabe and Zanu PF this week fired warning shots across the
bows of the
opposition after retreating into the war veterans laager and
bringing out
thousands of ex-combatants in preparation of the elections.
However, the war
veterans have been sidelined for a long time and have lost
their grip on the
electorate. Billions are being spent on war veterans at
the moment to retain
their loyalty to Mugabe and his party for electoral
purposes.
Zanu PF has huge state resources -- including the state
security agencies,
money and vehicles -- at its command and would be using
them during its
campaigns. By contrast, the opposition parties have limited
resources,
although Zanu PF claims the MDC receives large sums of money from
abroad.
The MDC denies this.
The two main parties get meagre state
funding in terms of the party
political finance law. Foreign donations are
prohibited.
Zimbabwe Independent
(Harare)
31 August 2007
Posted to the web 31 August
2007
Shakeman Mugari
Harare
FORENSIC auditors hired by the
Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) to investigate
the NMB Bank scandal have
unearthed more fraudulent transactions that
sources say could bring to US$7
million the amount of money siphoned from
the bank.
The forensic
auditors -- BCA Consulting (Pvt) Ltd -- were hired to
investigate NMB's
books and systems to establish the extent of the fraud
which involved a
syndicate of workers in NMB's treasury department and
external
companies.
Initial investigations in May had put the figure at US$4,7
million but the
amount was revised to US$6,3 million after the investigators
said they had
found more transactions which the RBZ auditors had missed.
Sources say
additional transactions found by the auditors last week could
bring the
total figure to US$7 million.
Budhama Chikami, one of the
directors of BCA Consulting, refused to confirm
the new development
referring all questions to the RBZ.
"I cannot comment on that issue
because investigations are still in
progress. Please talk to the RBZ. They
are in a better position to comment,"
Chikami said.
NMB seems to have
unwittingly confirmed the new figures when the company
told this paper last
week that negotiations were in progress to identify a
new investor to inject
US$7 million into the troubled bank.
NMB urgently needs the money to pay
exporters whose foreign currency was
siphoned from the bank.
Although
the auditors are still carrying out their investigations
businessdigest this
week reveals the finer details of how the money was
siphoned from the bank.
The details include how the main suspect, Shane
Mandara who was an assistant
manager in the treasury department managed to
beat the system, perpetuate
and conceal the fraud for twenty three months.
Contrary to claims that
the fraud started in January this year evidence
shows that the syndicate
actually started siphoning money from the bank on
March 31,
2005.
Confidential documents in possession of this paper show that the
fraud was
made possible through a combination of falsified instructions and
generation
of unauthorised amendments to the existing deal notes.
The
normal system in banks is that a deal is generated in the front office
and
then transferred into a deal slip which is given to the back office for
actioning.
In the NMB case the fraud centred on the exporters'
foreign currency
remittances to the central bank. Exporters are required to
relinquish a
percentage of their foreign currency earnings to the
RBZ.
Investigations show that after NMB had remitted the money on behalf
of its
exporting clients Mandara would either create a separate or amend the
existing deal notes giving instructions that the reflected amounts to be
transferred into account number 16701690347 belonging to company called
Cardinal Finance (Pvt) which banks with AKB Private Bank based in
Switzerland.
To achieve this Mandara provided the back office, the
division which does
the actual transfer of the money, with a fake Bank
Identity Code (BIC) which
he said had been provided by the central bank. The
BIC is like an address
which banks use when doing inter-bank
transfers.
Mandara claimed that the BIC had been supplied by the RBZ to
be used to pay
Cardinal Finance for a loan which he coded 'RBZ loan
2561'.
The fake BIC, a copy of which is in possession of businessdigest,
shows that
the intermediary bank for all transactions relating to the loan
was to be
Citibank branch in New York with Code number CITIUS33. The money
was paid to
Aagauischie kantonalbank (Code KBAOCH22) which held account
number 10937163
with Citibank.
The funds would eventually be
transferred onto AKB Private Bank whose code
according to the document
Mandara supplied was AKBPCHZZ. The BIC were
printed on a special RBZ
letterhead which was purported to be coming from
the governor's
office.
A free hand scribble at the top of the document shows that it was
made to
the attention of Mandara while a note at the bottom showed that it
was from
a person called R Zunza who was supposed to be an officer at the
RBZ.
Investigators now know that Zunza does not exist. NMB employees who
worked
with Mandara said the free hand addition on the BIC address note were
made
in a similar handwriting to that of Mandara.
In other words
Mandara created the document and sent it to himself to give
the impression
that it was coming from the RBZ. This fake document became
the basis on
which the syndicate pillaged the bank's foreign currency
account.
The
BIC was used by the back office each time Mandara generated a deal with
the
'RBZ loan 2561' code. Each deal that Mandara generated was approved by
his
managers.
The first transaction made on March 31, 2007 transferred US$45
351,37 to
Cardinal Finance. All the 72 transactions were properly approved
by his
managers in the treasury department.
Although details were the
basis for the fraud the syndicate employed other
tactics to cover their
tracks. One such method was to sabotage the Reuters
Machine.
The
Reuter Machine translates into to written form any conversation that
goes on
between the dealers and the clients over the phone. Its purpose is
generally
to confirm the agreement between a dealer and the client to avoid
future
disputes. Every dealer room is supposed to have that machine. Between
March
31 and June 19, the Reuter Machine at NMB did not work. That means
that
there was no way that the NMB could have authenticated Mandara's
conversations pertaining to the deals.
When monies were transferred
into Cardinal Finance, NMB would get the
Zimbabwean dollar component from
local companies.
The local currency component came from 155 companies
that the investigators
believe were the beneficiaries of the foreign
currency from Cardinal
Finance.
The question now is why it took NMB
twenty three months to discover the
fraud. The answer to this question can
be found in the way the fraud was
being carried out.
Mandara and his
syndicate were not living a gap in the system. They were not
like bank
robbers who loot and flee. They managed to sustain the fraud
because they
were taking foreign currency from NMB and giving it local
currency. This
gave the impression that books were balanced.
The Southern African
::
Innocent Madawo
Friday, 31 August 2007
SADC mediator,
President Mbeki of SAPRETORIA - Talks between Zimbabwe's
ruling Zanu PF
party and the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
are expected
to resume here on Saturday, provided both sides do turn up.
Previous meetings have been cancelled because Zanu PF representatives,
Patrick Chinamasa and Nicholas Goche had been instructed not to attend but
the southern African Development Community (SADC) mediator, South African
President, Thabo Mbeki is hopeful that would not be the case this
weekend.
SADC heads of state sanctioned the talks in March
following the
Zimbabwe police attack on opposition leaders that threatened
to plunge the
country into more violence that could envelope the whole
region.
The talks had initially been touted as paving way for a
unity
government (regarded by many as the only solution to Zimbabwe's
economic and
political problems) but Mbeki now insists the dialogue is to
ensure free and
fair presidential and parliamentary elections in March next
year.
The talks have also been stalled by disagreements between the
two
parties as the MDC demands wholesale constitutional reforms while Zanu
PF
insists on a selective review of certain provisions.
The
opposition also wants Zimbabwean exiles to be allowed to vote and
that
parliamentary representation be on a proportional basis not a
winner-take-all system that has always been used in the country and is
favoured by the ruling party.
Sources said the latest agenda of
the talks includes the Bill of
Rights, electoral laws and other legislation
which need to be dealt with.
These entail debate on the need for Zimbabweans
abroad to vote, delimitation
of constituencies and the death
penalty.
The Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act,
which was
left out of the original consolidated agenda, is back on the
table. It will
be debated together with the Public Order and Security Act,
as well as
broadcasting laws. The original consolidated agenda included the
constitution, electoral laws, security legislation, communication laws, and
the political climate.
Sources said the new agenda largely
deals with the need to come up
with a "hybrid" constitutional document by
merging aspects of the
government-sponsored draft rejected at a national
referendum in 2000, the
National Constitutional Assembly draft and the
2003/2004 document compiled
by Chinamasa and Ncube from the two
drafts.
The hybrid document will include Zanu PF's proposals in
Constitutional
Amendment (No 18) Bill, which is going to be tabled in
parliament any time
now.
In other news, President Robert Mugabe
is to lose vital support from
China which has promised Britain that it is
dropping all assistance to
Harare except humanitarian aid. The move follows
a decision by China, a
permanent member of the United Nations Security
Council, to work more
closely with the international community in bringing
pressure to bear on
"rogue regimes".
Meanwhile, in Harare,
price control authorities banned a public
livestock auction at Zimbabwe's
main agriculture show fearing it would make
a mockery of price controls on
beef that have forced meat off the shelves
across the country, show
officials and farmers said.
Farmers expected to get the market
value of at least double the
government's price on commercial prime beef per
kilogram and up to five
times the fixed price on peasant-raised
cows.
The government had waived its fixed price on cattle for the
long-awaited auction of about 160 animals, which was widely publicized in
state media as one of the main attractions of the annual Harare Agricultural
Show.