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- may peace, truth and justice prevail.

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Zim Online

Wed 1 September 2004

      HARARE - Fuel queues this week remerged in Zimbabwe amid revelations
that a fuel procurement facility between the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe and
British Virgin Island registered company Saturn had collapsed over

      Details of the fuel deal between the Reserve Bank and Saturn are still
sketchy, but well-placed sources within Zimbabwe's central bank told
ZimOnline that the company last year arranged a US$60 million credit
facility which helped ease the country's four-year old fuel crisis.

      Zimbabwe's cash-strapped fuel companies tapped into the facility to
pay for imports, but most of the companies had failed to pay back, according
to the sources.

      A senior Reserve Bank official, who spoke on condition he was not
named, said:  "Saturn has withdrawn from the earlier agreement after
realising that most of the companies that accessed earlier facilities failed
to own up while the Reserve Bank was not making any effort to assist."

      Reserve Bank officials refused to speak about the matter, referring
all questions to bank governor Gideon Gono. Gono was not available for

      The bank last week invited tenders on behalf of the Petroleum
Marketers of Zimbabwe (Pvt) Ltd a company that was set up to  administer the
purchasing of bulk fuel for several companies. The tender was for the supply
of 2.4 million litres of petrol and 36 million litres of diesel per month.

      According to the sources the tender was an attempt by mostly
black-owned fuel companies to pool resources to prevent the country from
drying up in the next few weeks.

      The companies last weekend raised fuel prices in what fuel industry
players said was an effort to make more cash available for fuel companies.
The price of petrol was increased from US$0.57 to US$0.63 per litre at the
official exchange rate. Diesel now costs US$0.64 up from US$0.55 per litre.

      Although Zimbabwe's fuel supplies have been erratic since 2000, the
situation had improved in the last seven months with the country having just
enough to keep it going. Queues at filling stations had also disappeared.

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Zim Online

Police, National Constitutional Assembly on collision course
Wed 1 September 2004

      HARARE - The police have declared illegal a demonstration by the
National Constitutional Assembly planned for today setting up the stage for
possible clashes with supporters of the civic body which insists it will
press ahead with the protest.

      The assembly, which brings together churches, labour, opposition
political parties, student movements, civic and human rights bodies, says
the planned protest is to express Zimbabweans' objection to a proposed new
law that will severely restrict non-governmental organisations' activities
in the country.

      In a letter to the assembly's chairman Lovemore Madhuku dated August
30, 2004, police superintendent E. Magaya said the demonstrations were not
going to be allowed because the organisers had not given enough notification
as required under the Public Order and Security Act.

      Under the security act, Zimbabweans cannot gather in groups of more
than two to discuss politics or carry out demonstrations without prior
approval of the police.

      According to Magaya the law requires organisers to seek approval from
the police at least four working days before the date they intend to hold
political meetings or demonstrations.

      Magaya wrote:  "We acknowledge receipt of your letter dated 26 August
2004 in connection with the holding of a peaceful demonstration. Be advised
that we are not recommending (the demonstration to go ahead)."

      According to the police officer the law enforcement agency had only
received Madhuku's letter yesterday.

      A spokeswoman for the NCA, Jessie Majome, a lawyer, said the group
would go ahead with the protest because
      it had sufficiently notified the police as required under the security

      She said:  "We only notified police. In any case POSA does not say
police can deny people their right to demonstrate. Police cannot bless or
curse a protest. All it needs is a notification. And we exactly did that.
That they received the letter late is something else."

      Police sources earlier this week told ZimOnline that the force was on
full alert to thwart today's planned demonstration. Officers who were either
on leave or off duty had been recalled to provide enough manpower to stop
the protest.

      Similar clashes between the police and the NCA have in the past left
the civic alliance's supporters injured and some of its leaders arrested.
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Zim Online

Urban councils defy government rates freeze
Wed 1 September 2004

      HARARE - Urban councils across Zimbabwe yesterday said they were
hiking rates in open defiance against a government order not do so.

      Urban Councils Association of Zimbabwe vice-president Japhet
Ndabeni-Ncube told ZimOnline they were increasing rates to raise money to
save health delivery and other services that were collapsing because there
was no money.

      City authorities said they were also hiking rates because Local
Government Minister Ignatius Chombo had only told them verbally not to do so
and not in writing as is required by law.

      Ndabeni-Ncube said:  "All local authorities are already increasing
their rates. All we had from the government was a verbal instruction (not to
raise rates). To date we have not received a written order. It can only be
legal if it has been put in writing."

      Chombo, who is accused by the MDC-dominated urban councils of imposing
the rates freeze to cripple them
      financially, could not be reached for comment. But he has in the past
threatened to dismiss any council that defied his order on rates which he
says is meant to cushion hard-pressed residents.

      Chombo's deputy Fortune Charumbira told ZimOnline that the government
order on rates still stood. He said: "We gave an order and no council should
defy that order. We want to protect the people from unrealistic rate

      Ndabeni-Ncube, who is the executive mayor of Zimbabwe's second largest
city of Bulawayo, said service delivery in most towns had virtually
collapsed because of lack of funds.

      Public clinics and hospitals run by municipalities were the worst hit
with many only able to dispense pain killers and no more.

      Executive mayor of the eastern border city of Mutare Misheck
Kagurabadza said his council had been forced to reduce working hours to save
on the little cash available. The mayor said pregnant women in the city were
the worst affected because council was the biggest provider of antenatal
health services.

      According to Ndabeni-Ncube, the government had not responded to a plea
by municipalities to take over health services in towns and cities because
local authorities no longer had money to run them.

      Several other mayors interviewed yesterday confirmed they were
increasing or had already hiked rates in order to avoid the total collapse
of service delivery. "We have gone ahead to implement our budget and we have
increased some rates," said John Houghton, the executive mayor of the resort
town of Kariba.

      Gweru city executive mayor Sesel Zvidzai said:  "I don't have any
written communication from the minister not to increase rates. So we have
implemented our budget (with new and increased rates)."  ZimOnline
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Pittsburgh Post-Gazette
Dan Simpson: On the back burner
With the nation's focus on Iraq, other problems are festering
Wednesday, September 01, 2004

U.S. military planners used to be expected at least to pretend that the
United States was capable of fighting major wars in two different theaters
at the same time. The usual hypotheses were a war in the Middle East and a
war in the Korean peninsula or the Taiwan straits at the same time.

            Dan Simpson, a retired U.S. ambassador, is a Post-Gazette
associate editor (

If there is still thought of that contingency around, the degree to which it
falls in the fantasy category must have become clearer as war managers are
forced to come to terms with the personnel and equipment shortages created
by the Iraq war.

What we will focus on today is not these limitations on U.S. military
capacity but, rather, the different political problems around the world that
have been pushed to the side, by the government and news media, as the Iraq
affair has gobbled up the oxygen in the American foreign policy apparatus.

None of this is to say that the United States should take responsibility for
all of these problems. In fact, part of the trick of carrying out an
effective foreign policy is for America to deal with the problems it has to
deal with, while successfully offloading those that it can safely relegate
to other parties, whether it be the United Nations, a regional body or the
neighbors of a troubled country.

The problem of delegating responsibility for a problem is that the United
States remains more or less the sole superpower and that the problem may
surpass the capacities of the party to which America has delegated it.
Following are some that we aren't dealing with at present.

1. Zimbabwe. President Robert Mugabe, 80, has trashed his country's economy
and political system and nobody is doing anything about it. The United
Nations won't touch it. The African Union won't involve itself because
Zimbabwe's powerful neighbor, South Africa, perhaps the only country that
could effectively put the screws on Mugabe, won't. In the meantime, the 13
million people of that formerly successful country sink deeper into economic
misery and political repression.

2. Cyprus. There was a decent, U.N.-brokered chance for a settlement of the
30-year-old conflict between Greeks and Turks on that island in April of
this year. The European Union sold out a settlement in order to obtain the
cooperation of Greece, one of its members, in the expansion of the EU from
15 to 25 members. The United States fluttered its hands as the settlement
collapsed, but played no meaningful role in trying to make it work.

3. Sri Lanka. For a while, the Norwegians had going negotiations that could
have resulted in the resolution of a bloody two-decade conflict between the
island's majority Sinhalese-speakers and its Tamil minority. Those
negotiations came unstuck when, on the Tamil side, different factions began
fighting each other. Problems on the government side came from a president
and a prime minister who decided that the negotiations would serve nicely as
an election issue. Goodbye, negotiations. The U.S. role in trying to salvage
the process? Basically, zero.

4. Canada. Neglect of this one is worse because it is bilateral, and a
problem with what is America's most important neighbor. There has been for
generations a border dispute between the United States and Canada over
ownership of areas in the far north of both countries. One piece of it is
the question of whether the Northwest Passage -- a very old but not
forgotten term -- is international waters or Canadian territorial waters.
The question is becoming much less than academic as global warming is making
it open to international shipping for nearly the whole year. Also related to
the question of who owns what up there is the issue of mineral rights to
diamonds, oil and natural gas.

A less practical but nonetheless sensitive issue is the fact that the United
States, Russia, Britain and France still send submarines under the ice in
the area without reference to Canadian authority over the area.

Now the Canadians are running military exercises around the area, in effect
acting like the old wolf that goes around marking the boundaries of his
territory to establish his claim to it.

This is a problem that U.S. diplomacy even at the White House level could
usefully devote considerable attention to, if it were less preoccupied with
the problems of Iraq. U.S. relations with Canada have been damaged by
Canada's refusal to put troops in Iraq, stemming from Canadians' disapproval
of the war.

5. Others. There are a few more, without even getting into the neglect of
Afghanistan, which is resulting in increasing boldness on the part of the
Taliban government that the United States displaced in late 2001 after the
Sept. 11 attacks.

Some Latin American countries are suffering internal upheaval, based on
political and economic problems. A Chinese giant that is now beginning to
think about the regional political potential of its dominant economy is
making former U.S. allies in Asia nervous. The problem of Chechnya is
becoming more burdensome to Russia and President Vladimir V. Putin, with
concomitant risks. Furthering Indian-Pakistani cooperation and progress
toward an agreement on Kashmir has become a more distant interest of the
United States, reflecting a slackening of interest in Afghanistan and South
Asia in general.

Most of this won't change before the elections. We can hope, however, that,
whoever wins, something will happen with respect to Iraq after the elections
to let some of these problems find a place on the list of U.S. priorities.
These issues vary in importance, but all are important to the United States
to some degree and should definitely not be left to rot in the bottom of the
vegetable drawer.
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New Zimbabwe

Mugabe's own Goebbels

BORN: Jonathan Moyo in January 1957
EDUCATION: Degree in Public Administration, MA and PhD in Political Science (University of Southern Carflifornia, US)
HOBBIES: Reading, music
PROFESSIONAL CAREER: Lecturer at University of Zimbabwe, Worked for the American Research Institute, Ford Foundation in Kenya and later lectured at Wits University in South Africa.
POLITICAL CAREER: Joined Zanu PF in 1999 as deputy party spokesman and was appointed to Mugabe's cabinet as Minister of Information and Publicity in the President's Office.
BORN: Joseph Goebbels in October 1897
DIED: May 1945
EDUCATION: First Degree and later a Doctorate in Philosophy (partly done at several universities including Bonn, Freiburg & Heildelberg Universities)
HOBBIES: Reading, music
PROFESSIONAL CAREER: Worked for a Berlin journal, the Volkische Freiheit, then the Nationalsozialistische and later established own newspaper called Der Angriff.

POLITICAL CAREER: Nazi deputy in 1928 and Minister for Public Enlightment and Propaganda five years later.

By Mduduzi Mathuthu
Last updated: 09/01/2004 18:38:18 Last updated: 09/01/2004 05:24:54
BOTH men are known for their sharp put-downs on journalists whose questioning is out of line with official policy. They are both noted for their fanatical capacity for hard work, public speaking and constant agitation through the media.

But rarely have the rather disturbing similarities between Robert Mugabe’s balding information minister Jonathan Moyo and Hitler’s spin doctor Joseph Goebbels been probed in detail.

Goebbels, like Moyo, had an unhappy childhood. He was disabled and walked with a limp – although he often tried to disguise it. He had a rather large head, the same as Moyo, who is also balding.

Although Goebbels, born 1897, grew up in a lower middle-class family, the same cannot be said of Moyo who was wounded as a child by the constant squabbling between his peasant father and mother, which led them to grow apart.

Goebbels disliked his father because he thought he was mean and often described him as a “bourgeois”. Moyo is said to also despise his father’s treatment of his mother, and there is little contact between them, even today.

Details of Moyo’s childhood are fuzzy but during the liberation struggle in the early 70s, he was conscripted to the guerrilla movement but later deserted at Mgagawo training camp in Tanzania. Goebbels, always the fiercely patriotic, turned himself in for an army call up but was rejected because of his stooping figure and disability. He cried for days.

After deserting, the trail becomes hard to follow but Moyo, born 1957, emerged at the University of Southern California in America - some say with the help of a white missionary impressed with his sharp brains. He graduated with a degree in Public Administration and later gained his Masters and PhD at the same institution.

Goebbels went to several universities - Bonn was one of them - before gaining his Doctor of Philosophy degree at Heidelberg. The extra-ordinary shaping of Goebbels’ career started while he was doing his thesis for his doctorate

"Although he was a mere spokesman, Moyo stole the limelight by remaining close to journalists with regular nights of free booze which he sponsored"

His subject was the examination of the work of Wilhelm von Schutz, subtitled ‘A contribution to the History of the Romantic Drama’. A few years later, Goebbels 'Nicodemously' pulled the thesis from the university archives and renamed it ‘The Spiritual and Political Undercurrents of the Early Romantics’ to imply that his interests were political during his studies, largely to endear himself to Hitler.
Goebbels was evolving a self-consciously assured outlook mixed with considerable vanity. He pursued his education voraciously and precociously to compensate for his physical disability – a result of infantile paralysis at the age of four.

His predilection for avoiding the truth began to show when he was at university and was writing to his girlfriend Else in 1923: “You mustn’t be angry about my not writing, during my holidays, my ink pot has dried out…”

He would say in later years as he assumed the mettle of master of spin: “Propaganda must no investigate the truth objectively (but) it must present only that aspect of the truth which is favourable to its own side.”

He also seemed to have an answer for everything. When confronted about his lateness for a Nazi meeting and his use of a taxi, a symbol of extravagance at the time, Goebbels said: “You don’t know much about propaganda. Taxi, be damned. I should have taken two, not one. The other for my briefcase, don’t forget you have to impress the people. And as for being late, I did that deliberately. I always do. You have got to keep them in suspense.”

Besides reading, Goebbels enjoyed music earlier on in his life – a passion he shares with Moyo who lists listening to classics as one of his favourite hobbies. Moyo has also recorded a CD in Zimbabwe which has been replayed continuously on state radio.

Moyo's interest in the media can be traced back to his impressively articulate articles criticising Mugabe’s government in the early 90s. These were published by Zimbabwe’s intellectual magazines. He also studied radio production in Nairobi, Kenya.

Goebbels first worked as a deputy editor for the right-wing Volkische Freiheit (People’s Freedom) newspaper. He soon found himself talking at public meetings and it is at this point that he is described as becoming agitated to the point of hysteria at any opposition to his views.

When Goebbels met Hitler, it was a case of a failed writer meeting a man who had failed as a painter (Hitler was a keen artist), say Roger Manvell and Heinrich Frankel in their book: Dr Goebbels, His Life and Death. A great deal of these early setbacks, they argue, stayed alive in Goebbels to exacerbate his political temperaments.

For a man who once said Mugabe had an “uncanny propensity to shoot himself in the foot (and) has become a national problem which needs containment”, Moyo’s sudden turn-around to be Mugabe’s cheer leader bears the magnitude of Paul’s conversion in Damascus.

Prior to joining Mugabe’s cabinet, Moyo worked at the Ford Foundation in Kenya where it is alleged he concocted some fantastic project ideas and managed to get millions of dollars but never delivered on the projects. He slipped into South Africa where similar allegations followed at Wits University before being appointed to the Constitutional Commission in 1999, never to return.

After the government’s defeat in the constitutional referendum, observers say Moyo felt that this was a direct challenge on him. His former peers at the University of Zimbabwe like Professor Welshman Ncube had opposed the government constitution. His ego had been punctured and he had to gain revenge, even if it meant going into bed with his arch-enemy, Robert Mugabe.

Although he was a mere spokesman, he stole the limelight by remaining close to journalists with regular nights of free booze which he sponsored. When Mugabe made him his information minister, Moyo’s tune remarkably changed: "Mugabe is someone who accommodates, someone who listens (and) will naturally treat his enemies with understanding."

The history of the two men – Goebbels and Moyo – shows one was a politician and the other could have been driven into politics to shelter himself from possible legal action from his former employers.

What Moyo didn’t have as a politician he has compensated by mastering Goebbels’ art of black propaganda, inevitably drawing comparisons between their information management style which looks strikingly similar.

WHEN Hitler appointed Goebbels, aged 36, to the position of Minister for Public Enlightenment and Propaganda, he set in motion a great media revolution which would forever change the face of Information management.

Senior officials in the Socialist Party tried to marginalise Goebbels, a move that would prove very costly as Goebbels swam through a sea of poison, hate and lies to place himself firmly alongside Hitler.

As the Socialists surged towards power, Goebbels was a victim of a vicious media campaign. Mocked, ridiculed and insulted as no one else, it is surprising he did not fall into despair and spiritual misery.

Similarly, once Moyo joined the government commission, independent papers declared open season on him. Cartoonists seized on his rather large head, caricaturing him as a worm and a ticking bomb. He was called a liar, master of spin and inevitably – a Goebbels.

Senior Zanu PF officials treated him as an intruder and called him “mafikizolo” (derogatory term, the equivalent of a Johnny-Come-Lately) while others called him a "visitor". He took them head on and some have had their political careers wrecked.

Both men have a particular way with sharp phrases and pitiless language in dismissing their opponents which has earned them grudging respect from their opponents in the media and political arena. They both draw from humour the sharpness of irony.

“Peculiar people whose life is either behind them, or have no right to have one ahead of them, preach moralism in the name of our revolution,” Goebbels once said. “This moralism often has nothing in common with true morality. They proclaim ethical laws that might be appropriate for a nunnery, but are entirely out of place in a modern cultural state.”

Goebbels had been piqued by a “moral knight” who was campaigning against a soap advert showing a girl holding the soap to her private parts. “The moral knight who unfortunately had the right to determine the fate of this poster forbade its distribution on the grounds that it offended the moral sensibilities of the population," Goebbels railed. "What is moral about this? The immorality is in the person announcing the ban, who presumes that other people share his dirty fantasies!”

Contrast this with Moyo’s outburst against gays with an underlying reference to the British Labour government: “Sexual perverts need to be told once again that homosexuality is unnatural. The only people who accept homosexuality are liberals who think it is a way of getting votes."

Goebbels once accused British officials of making “jingoistic noise rather than debate serious politics”. Moyo used the phrase “political mumbo-jumbo" to refer to England’s refusal to play in the Cricket World Cup in Zimbabwe.

When Goebbels took over at the ministry in March 1933, he laid his hands on all the powers that once made common front against him - radio, the press, film and literature. Radio was to reflect the “spirit” of the German people, as defined by Goebbels.

“A radio that does not seek to deal with the issues of the day does not deserve to influence the broad masses. It will soon become an empty playground for technicians and intellectual experimenters,” he said.

This next quote is worth noting: “The government has not only the right but the duty to subordinate all aspects of the nation to its goals, or ensure that they are at least supportive.”

Moyo’s desire to control the media is revealed in a similar remark when he expresses his worries about the bad publicity received by his government from the regional media. “When we are misunderstood by people on our border, it becomes strange, and when the South African Broadcasting Corporation becomes more sensational than the BBC and CNN, we wonder what’s going on.”

Goebbels - in his words, however in a different context - would go on and turn radio into a “spineless servant of his partisan political interests”. He was led by a simple belief and principle: “The rank and file are usually much more primitive than we imagine. Propaganda must therefore always be simple and repetitious.”

The Ministry was his pride. He was determined to make it a model of efficiency staffed by able bodied men and women totally devoted to the Nazi cause. His ministry, the biggest in Nazi Germany, was split into seven divisions.

The first was Legislation and Legal Problems, then the Co-ordination of Propaganda and Enlightenment, Radio, Foreign and National Press, Cinema, Theatre and Protection against Counter-Propaganda at Home and Abroad. It had the second highest budget to the military.

Moyo’s ministry seemed to have limitless funds during the Presidential elections in 2002 as he splashed cash to street kids and hungry women. His ministry ran a bill of Zim$400 million purchasing Zanu PF’s campaign material and funding incessant revolutionary adverts on state television and newspapers.

Having bullied state media journalists and pruned all dissenters, Moyo used the state media machinery effectively. His enthusiasm and drive seemed to be inspired by Goebbels’ own observation: “In many cases, our journalists seem not to understand that in election times papers have to give themselves up to propaganda and exclusively. These writers are generally too sincere and more like scientists that propagandists.”

As Mugabe’s right hand man at a time when his rule was facing a real threat from the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), Moyo summoned all the expertise Goebbels used so well during war time to rally the people behind Hitler.

Just as Goebbels did, (“Down with the curtains and off with the stucco. I cannot work in the twilight”), Moyo made a clean-up at the Information Ministry. He was not happy with the interior of his office and is said to have ordered to have it adapted to his requirements. The horrified officials of the older regime of jolly Chen Chimutengwende stood around, and were soon replaced by a small group of his fiercely loyal supporters.

He ordered sweeping changes at the state broadcaster, the ZBC, removing old editors and at least 400 senior workers were fired. He followed this with sweeping changes in the state newspapers where long serving editors at the Herald and Chronicle were replaced with his loyalists from his constitutional commission days.

Goebbels said of his own clean-up: “Names of great importance yesterday fade away today to nothing.” And praising his own changes at the state broadcaster, Moyo blurted: "The ZBC of old is gone and gone forever. The government is not going to allow vested interests to hi-jack and corrupt ZBC ever again.”

Like Moyo’s ministry, Goebbels carefully alternated public ceremony and rejoicing with various acts of suppression and oppression, especially of men remaining critical of them in positions of influence in the press and radio.

As Goebbels rung the changes in 1933, 60 Communist and 71 Social Democrat papers had been suppressed and their leading editors and writers confined to prison. By year end, virtually all but Nazi papers had been banned. Goebbels also engaged an American public relations advisor to counter anti-German sentiment abroad. He followed this with the expulsion of correspondents deemed to “spread alarm and despondency about German in the articles they wrote”.

Within months of taking charge at the Ministry, Goebbels crafted the Journalists’ Law which made all journalists state servants who had to be in possession of a licence issued by Goebbels. Other decrees prohibited the publication of speeches made by Ministers or Hitler without approval. In the same year, it was further decreed that independent newspapers could be abolished in favour of party newspapers if they offered unfair competition.

Moyo also designed a similar scheme, introducing the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act which bans foreign correspondents from working in Zimbabwe. BBC journalists were “terrorists”, he said.

Local journalists had to register for licences and the lifespan of every newspaper is now two years, after which Moyo will decide whether to renew its licence or close it down. He also encouraged state companies to shun advertising in independent newspapers.

The privately owned Daily News' printing press was bombed just a day after Moyo threatened to ban it for “publishing falsehoods and peddling British propaganda”. A few months later, he managed to get the paper banned with its sister paper The Daily News on Sunday, quickly followed by The Tribune.

But observers note that where Moyo uses vitriol to rebut opposition claims, Goebbels was more intelligent and careful not to alienate a lot of people in his approach. He was always conscious of his German audience, using more contemporary propaganda methods.

Goebbels explained it thus: “The art of propaganda consists precisely in being able to awaken the imagination of the public through an appeal to their feelings, in finding the appropriate psychological form that will arrest their attention.”

He illustrates this in an incident before presenting Hitler to an audience on a cloudy day in Berlin. Goebbels saw that the sun would soon break through the clouds and timed his speech so that the God given light should stream down on Hitler as he took his place on the rostrum.

But one of Goebbels’ greatest assets was the capability to disarm his opponents with carefully constructed arguments or hilarious campaigns, drawn from his policy of repeating a lie until it is taken for truth.

Take for instance the case when Goebbels took ownership of the Der Angriff (Attack) newspaper. One of his first victims of vitriol was a man called Weiss, described as “humourless and with pronouncedly a Jewish face”. He was a gift to Goebbels who never called him anything but Isidor Weiss - Isidor is to German ears an insulting name with strong anti-Jewish connotation – week in week out until the public believed this to be his real name. He became a figure of fun.

The same tactic was used by Moyo to discredit two leading faces of Zimbabwean journalism – Geoff Nyarota and Basildon Peta, former editors of the Daily News and the Financial Gazette respectively. State media reporters were ordered to permanently prefix the word “liar” in front of their names. The two journalists had to flee Zimbabwe to save their battered careers.

Not to be outdone, Moyo started his own newspaper columns, each in the Herald, the Sunday Mail and the Sunday News using the pseudonyms Nathaniel Manheru, Lowani Ndlovu and Mzala Joe.

As Goebbels widened his propaganda, he would take advantage of some special events to supplement his routine methods of work. Take the death of Horst Wessel. Wessel was a pimp who died as a result of a brawl with another pimp. But for Goebbels, Wessel had two useful claims on his attention. He had been a member of the Party and his death could quite easily be developed into a political martyrdom. Wessel’s funeral ceremony was taken over by the state and Goebbels gave the customary oration. Rodger Manvell, author of Dr Goebbels, His Life and Death, describes him at this time as a “master in the exploitation of funerals”.

This is the same tactic which Moyo’s Zanu PF has been using, turning funerals of Zanu PF supporters who died from natural causes into great State occasions where the opposition is rather comically blamed for causing their death. When a war veterans leader Cain Nkala died just before the 2002 elections, Moyo exploited this and several opposition supporters were rounded up and paraded on state television as terrorists. They have all been acquitted, with the election won.

Despite his influence and being the highest ranking politician after Hitler, Goebbels did not have it his way all the time. The Nazis had a dissident element within their ranks, namely the Storm Troopers recruited from the unemployed and unemployable.

They enjoyed their street fights and the fun of being feared, and they began to resent the lack of any reward from Hitler for their loyal gangsterism. They received no formal payment, only rounds of free beer and sausages. Their response was to raid Goebbels’ office, forcing the government to pay up.

The story sounds familiar with Moyo’s brush with the lawless bands of Zimbabwe’s 1970s liberation war who threatened to storm his office and seize him after he denied a television broadcasting licence to some of their comrades. But like Goebbels, Moyo has virtual control over every arm of government – most importantly the police who were quick to intervene.

Most intriguing in the similarities between Moyo and Goebbels is their treatment of departmental heads under their control. It is here that Moyo and Goebbels seem umbilically related as their arrogance comes to the fore.

Moyo is known to craft stories and send them to editors to publish, complete with quotations. When his editors publish stories which he considers not in line with government policy, he is known to have awoken them at 3am in the morning and forced them to hold the paper from print.

Goebbels would sit in the Editor’s chair. He would habitually take off his wrist watch and place it on the desk in front of him, saying that he could only spare seven or eight minutes. On one occasion, he is said to have taken a crumpled page from the previous day’s paper out of his pocket and confronted the editor.

“Herr (Julius) Lippert, you are the Editor of this paper, aren’t you? Well if you want me to believe that this piece here is what you call journalism, I am very much afraid it shows a degree of naïveté which is almost criminal – or would you prefer me to say insane?”

Contrast this with Moyo's unprecedented attack on the editor of the Zanu PF mouthpiece, the Voice. Moyo described its editor as "ideologically confused" and publishing "complete falsities". “It is appalling that an editor of an organ of the ruling party can get it so wrong,” he blasted.

Or his reaction to a story printed by an independent weekly after it reported that South Africa’s Thabo Mbeki was urging Robert Mugabe to retire, paving the way for a government of national unity. (Note the use of the word ‘insane’ and ‘naïve’). “While there is no sane person who thinks that there is anyone in South Africa or elsewhere who would be so naïve as to believe naked British propaganda of the kind splashed in the Financial Gazette, the politically insane among us, a British charlatan or a foolish British puppet would ignore this stark reality that the Zanu-PF government is a product of real and historic national unity with its roots firmly sunk on Zimbabwean soil. Those whose insanity has led them to dream of a Zanu-PF-MDC government of so-called national unity should get real and return to sanity by perishing the mad thought once and for all.”

By far the most telling similarity in style is the use of emotion-filled statements to counter criticism. Goebbels once said of a foreign journalist’s story: “One sees here much verbiage and little understanding.”

Not to be outdone, Moyo made an almost identical remark: “The foreign correspondents, led by the confused Andrew Meldrum (now deported) and his local running dogs approached the (Access to Information and Protection of Privacy) Bill with open mouths and shut minds and what a pity that has been."

Goebbels, like Moyo, was also not averse to blaming the opposition and foreign influence for the failing German economy. He writes in one of his published essays: “The insane belief in equality that found its crassest expression in political parties is no more. The principle of personality has replaced the notion of popular idiocy. A united German nation was born despite the pains of labor. It is not surprising that those who benefited from parliamentarianism struck their tents when they saw National Socialism was firmly established and decided to take up their activity beyond our borders….They do all they can to cause the Reich domestic and international difficulties. These pacifists from head to toe do not even hesitate to urge bloody war against Germany in the foreign papers that that are not yet wise to deny them space.”

A similar line is being peddled by Moyo in Zimbabwe today who accuses Britain of plotting with the MDC to destabilise the country. The foreign press is also guilty of supporting regime change and agitating for sanctions against Zimbabwe, Moyo argues.

He dismisses the opposition MDC as “plagiarists, sell-outs, shameless opportunists and merchants of confusion" and running dogs of the British and American governments planted to destabilise the country.

They however, both go to great lengths at attempting to split international opinion by claiming their enemy is the enemy of all.

During Germany’s conflagrations with Russian Bolshevism, Goebbels says: “Here I shall give an unvarnished picture...if there is a spark of reason left in the world, and the faculty for clear thinking, then the states and peoples must be shocked at the prospect (of Bolshevism taking over Europe)”.

Contrast this with Moyo’s rebuttal of British accusations of human rights violations: “There are very few people remaining in the world who still believe British propaganda. The international community has become sick of these lies. The time has come for Britain to understand that they will not fool anyone.”

The statement even appears more like Goebbels’ stinging attack on British World War leader, Winston Churchill: “The astonishing thing is that Mr Churchill holds to his lies, and in fact repeats them until he believes them. That is an old English trick. They made good use of the trick during the World War, with the only difference that world opinion believed it then, which cannot be said today.”

Goebbels and Moyo’s propaganda carries obsessive energy, punctuated by the constant spewing of vitriol against opposing views and those expressing them. Moyo’s style though leans heavily on the technique of answering a question with a counter question which presses all the right populist buttons in Africa.
When cornered about Zimbabwe’s refusal to have British election observers, Moyo uses this style effectively. Why, he asked, did Zimbabwe have to be subjected to roving bands of observers when the British electoral system was no subjected to the same kind of scrutiny?

While Moyo has steered clear, just, of plagiarising Goebbels’ style and policies, there is a growing suspicion in Zimbabwe that he admiers Hitler's information supremo.

When a Zimbabwean says to you, "it is not rocket science....", you know he has been listening to Jonathan Moyo. But it was Goebbels who frequently used this phrase. Early on in his career, Goebbels says: “Christ cannot have been a Jew. I do not have to look for any scientific proof of that.”

In fact, Moyo who is often referred to in the Zimbabwean media as a “rocket scientist”, has repeatedly used the phrase, slightly altered of course. After firing the entire Zimpapers board, there were suggestions they had resigned before he pushed them. He retorted: “You don’t need a rocket scientist to realise that the difference between resigning and being fired is like day and night.”

As Mugabe's 24-year hold on power appears to be in its afternoon, Moyo knows his fate is near. Goebbels was briefly the German Chancellor for less than 24 hours as Hitler killed himself in his bunker. He later committed suicide himself - taking his children and wife with him - as the winds of change blew across Germany.

Moyo knows this fact. His professional career is beyond redemption. The fall of Mugabe’s administration would be a hammer-blow to his fascinating political career. Will he do a Goebbels?

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IRIB News, Iran


            Khatami receives message of Mugabe

            09:40:41 Þ.Ù
            Tehran, Sept 1 - Zimbabwe's Minister of Transport and
Communications Chris Mushowe in a meeting with President Mohammad Khatami
here Tuesday submitted a written message from President Robert Mugabe to

            According to a report released by the public relations
department of the presidential office, the president reiterated the need to
further strengthen close mutual relations and called for cooperation on
railway, roads and airways projects in Zimbabwe.

            Lauding the campaign of the Zimbabwean people against apartheid,
he referred to the country as a forerunner in such campaign.

            Turning to another form of apartheid and discrimination still
practiced commonly in the world community, President Khatami said that today
Palestinians are facing an apartheid government in the Middle East.

            The chief executive also pointed to discrimination and dual
approach to current issues being exercised in the international scene as
another type of apartheid.

            For his part, Mushowe expressed his country's interest in
broadening bilateral ties and said that the agreements inked mutually in the
fields of economy, agriculture, transportation, communication and road
construction should be implemented.

            Iran's Minister of Roads and Transportation Ahmad Khorram also
attended the meeting.

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New Zimbabwe

More MDC councillors quit Harare council

By Farirai Machivenyika
Last updated: 09/01/2004 18:06:51
FIVE more MDC councillors resigned on Tuesday, throwing the proceedings of
council into disarray as a planned full council meeting failed to take place
because the remaining councillors could not constitute a quorum.

Only seven councillors turned up for the meeting yesterday, including acting
mayor, Sekesai Makwavarara and two others who defected to Zanu PF from the
MDC this year.

Prior to the defections, Zanu PF had only one representative in council.
Nine MDC councillors have now resigned, in line with their party's directive
following alleged interference from government in the running of council
affairs, which has left it virtually ineffective.

With 17 councillors now left after the Minister of Local Government, Public
Works and National Housing, Ignatius Chombo dismissed 19 MDC councillors,
followed by the resignation of another nine, the council cannot afford to
have two councillors missing a full council meeting.

However, the prolonged illness of the Hatcliffe councillor has effectively
left the council with 16 councillors. This means that Chombo now has to go
back to the drawing board and see how the city can be run.

Since the council can no longer function, Chombo is now likely to dissolve
it, a move which the opposition party had long suspected he intended to
Twelve MDC councillors now remain in council, although their future is
uncertain as pressure from their party mounts.

The councillors who resigned yesterday are Margaret Matienga of Ward 12 in
Mbare, Xavier Vengesayi of Ward 18 in Borrowdale, Musa Macheza of
Sunningdale, Elizabeth Marunda of Greendale and Dunstan Majoni of Ward 26 in

Town clerk, Nomutsa Chideya, said the meeting was supposed to discuss
general issues affecting the city and the resignations of the MDC
"The failure did not affect any critical council business since we were
supposed to discuss general council business, including the current state of
affairs at the council," Chideya said.

He added that the management would brief Chombo on the situation prevailing
in council.

"We will brief the minister on the current state of affairs and would also
seek his guidance on the way forward," he said.

Chideya added that the council was now officially left with 16 councillors.
Chombo fired 19 MDC councillors for going against government policy in the
running of the capital, among other alleged offences, while the seat for
Hatcliffe has fallen vacant because the councillor has not attended council
meetings for the past six months due to failing health.

The MDC national executive announced on Wednesday last week that it had
decided that all the remaining MDC councillors should resign en masse in
protest against government interference in the day to day running of the
Besides firing the 19 councillors, Chombo has also appointed a committee led
by academic, Professor James Kurasha, to help the council run its affairs.
The opposition and government critics have viewed this as a ploy by the
government to usurp the powers of the MDC councillors, who dominated the
council after the local government elections that were held simultaneously
with the presidential election in 2002.

The Combined Harare Residents Association last week commended the
councillors who had resigned, saying their principled stand in refusing to
be abused should be an example to all citizens who wish to see a peaceful,
free and prosperous Zimbabwe.

The association's chairman, Mike Davies, said the "so-called Minister of
Local Government has treated the citys affairs as his personal fiefdom and
as the property of Zanu PF. Chombo and his cronies (Witness) Mangwende and
(Sekesai) Makwavarara have sought to deny the democratic voice of the
residents who voted overwhelmingly in 2002 against his party and for a
democratic, accountable and transparent local government," he said.

Meanwhile, the management of the city council will hold a workshop today to
discuss the budget performance and the strategic plan to be adopted by the
Daily Mirror

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New Zimbabwe

Gays leader Goddard held over State House security breach

By Clemence Manyukwe
Last updated: 09/01/2004 18:13:44
THE leader of Zimbabwe's Gays and Lesbians Association (Galz), Keith Goddard
was detained at State House for several hours and later spent two days at
Harare Central Prison for breaching security regulations at State House

The incident happened on August 17 when Goddard and two Galz members were
found parked in their vehicle near the State House main entrance along
Chancellor Avenue.

President Mugabe holds most of the State functions at State House.

Reasons for their presence in the high security area could not be
established, leading to their arrest.
Police spokesperson, Assistant Commissioner Wayne Bvudzijena, confirmed the
incident, but did not give details.

He only said Goddard's plight was caused by the fact that the President's
residence was a high security area and anyone caught behaving in a
suspicious manner around there would immediately be investigated.

Sources said the three Galz members were quizzed by State House security
staff for more than five hours, before being taken to Harare Central Police
Station and held for a further 48 hours.

The sources said the trio's attempts "to get freedom by pleading that they
had been silly" were fruitless. President Mugabe has denounced homosexuals
as being worse than dogs and pigs.

Goddard confirmed the detention and arrest but he refused to give details
saying he was afraid of reprisals.

"I am not permitted to comment on that incident by the organisation for fear
of reprisals and reprimands by the country's security agents.

"But the use of violence to achieve an end, including subjugation and
humiliation, is condemned in the strongest terms," said the Galz director,
insinuating that he was assaulted.
Daily Mirror

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JAG CLASSIFIED: Updated 31st August 2004

Please send any classified adverts for publication in this newsletter to:
JAG Classifieds:

1.  Advert Received 25th August 2004

VW Jetta 2 litre, petrol.  2002. Mileage 38000 kms. Silver
One owner.
Price range: $ 175 million (negotiable)
Contact: Shelly 023 305925
               Dave 011 615860

2.  Advert Received 17th August 2004

New Zealand Government desperate for skilled migrants

Pass mark plummets as a result

Myer Lipschitz, Director of Protea Pacific Ltd, will be travelling to South
Africa and Zimbabwe in September for the purposes of conducting seminars
and consultations to those interested in emigrating to New Zealand.

As far as Myer's background is concerned, he was born in South Africa,
completed B.Com & LLB Degrees at the University of Witwatersrand and
qualified to practice Law in South Africa and New Zealand.  Myer emigrated
to New Zealand approximately fifteen years ago and has been self-employed
as a New Zealand Immigration Consultant for the past twelve years.

Myer will be in Zimbabwe:

From afternoon of 11 September 3.00 p.m. until
10.00 a.m. 13th September

If you or family members or friends are interested in having an individual
consultation with Myer, please contact Paulette Resink either on email, mobile 011 606 671 or home after hours 885473.
Bookings for consultations do tend to fill quite quickly and if you are
interested please book as soon as possible.

3.  Advert Received 26th August 2004

For Sale; sharp electric typewriter in excellent condition$350,000. Please
phone 490534 or e-mail,;

4.  Advert Received 26th August 2004

Farmer looking for grazing for 180 head of cattle.  Please reply to 091 278
460 or email

5.  Advert Received 26th August 2004

Lift required - Harare - Johannesburg somewhere between 15th and 20th
November and, if possible, return lift Jhb - Hre about 10th December

Phone Johnston - 300042 - after 5.30 p.m.

6.  Advert Received 27th August 2004


Two large bedroomed house with combined lounge/dining room in Douglasdale,
Bulawayo area (semi-rural setting) - suitable for ex farmer, set on two
acres with outrooms, domestic quarters and borehole. Municipal water
available.  Occupation immediate.  Seeking caring, long term tenants who
will look after and maintain the house and property.


7.  Advert Received 27th August 2004

Care Management Services.

Have you left Zim? Are worried about a remaining relative? I run a service
which will monitor the well being of those who might be in need. I ensure
that their health needs are being met and that if they need any other sort
of care - nursing, financial services, transport, domestic aid, medical
visits etc. - I will arrange for these needs to be met. I am a registered
nurse (and midwife - for what that is worth!!!!) I visit regularly and keep
you informed of all developments or give you assurance that all is well.
Want to know more? My details : e-mail: Ph.: Har. 302518
(after hours) or 091-603621. I will provide references on request. Margaret
Low. SRN. SCM. _____________________________________________

8.  Advert Received 29th August 2004

I am looking for bunk beds.  Please could you contact me if you have any
for sale.  Also looking for a half moon table.  Thankyou - Cathy Banks Tel
073 2498/ 011 205487 email:

9.  Advert Received 29th August 2004

Farm house sitter wanted for Oct., Nov., Dec., at Mkwasine, Lowveld.
Manager present but need someone or couple to look after the farm house and
the animals while the farmer is on long leave.
Contact 011 631 556 or email

10.  Advert Received 30th August 2004

 Please advertise the following all is new

Building material
1 x PV2621 OX87 Aluminium Sliding doors, brand new. $5 million
Porcelain toilet. $250 000
Porcelain basin. $500 000

Please phone Les 308227, 011 201 990 or email:

11.  Advert Received 30th August 2004

Anybody producing:
Lavender Oil,
Vanilla Pods
Natural Beeswax
Please contact Sandra 011 - 420722
or Email

12.  Advert Received 31st August 2004

"Looking for a friendly, reputable creche/day care facility for my 7 month
old twin boys for mornings only.  Please e-mail me at or send SMS to 091 264160."

13.  Advert Received 31st August 2004


Specs available on request.

Contact: Bakers Best on 067-2703
For the latest listings of accommodation available for farmers, contact
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Mirror, UK


      Sep 1 2004

      EXCLUSIVE: Fury at cash for cleared Hoogstraten

      By Gary Jones and Nathan Yates

      TYCOON Nicholas van Hoogstraten received more than £1million legal aid
to fund his successful fight against a manslaughter charge.

      Yesterday the revelation was branded "sickening" by the son of his
business rival Mohammed Raja, who was gunned down at his home by two hitmen.

      Property baron Hoogstraten, said to be worth £500million, had his
manslaughter conviction quashed last year after a flawed summing up by his
trial judge.

      He was granted legal aid after claiming he could not afford lawyers'
fees because his assets were frozen. It has now emerged the Legal Services
Commission paid £1.12million for his defence.

      Yesterday Hoogstraten, 59, was unavailable for comment. His girlfriend
Caroline Williams said: "I can't say if he'll pay the money back. You'll
have to ask him when he gets home." The millionaire was jailed for 10 years
in 2002 after being convicted of ordering the execution of Mr Raja, 62, of
Sutton, Surrey. He was freed in December.

      Mr Raja's son Amjad, 42, said yesterday: "It's sickening to see him
claiming public money.

      "Legal aid is for people who can't afford to pay. He says he hasn't
got any funds. But he still managed to hire top lawyers and get the judgment
against him set aside."

      The Victims of Crime Trust added: "Legal aid is to help those so poor
they can't take their case to court. One has to ask why a multi-millionaire
can claim."

      Hoogstraten owns property in Brighton and Hove and has built a
£40million mansion in Uckfield, East Sussex. He also has homes in Cannes,
Monte Carlo, Maryland, Florida and Zimbabwe and boasts of a £200million art

      His conviction was quashed in July when judges ordered a retrial. But
the retrial decision was successfully challenged.

      The prosecution claimed Hoogstraten ordered henchmen Robert Knapp, 56,
and David Croke, 60, to kill Mr Raja. Both men are serving life jail for

      The defence successfully argued there was no proof that Hoogstraten
knew Mr Raja would be killed.

      Hoogstraten now wants compensation for his time in jail.

      His lawyers have succeeded in overturning a £5million damages award to
the Raja family. The Appeal Court also axed a £1million fine for
non-disclosure of assets.

      Hoogstraten lawyer Giovanni di Stefano said: "My client was stopped
from working for 18 months and his name blackened. He's an innocent man.
It's irrelevant what he's worth."

      The Department of Constitutional Affairs said: "Mr van Hoogstraten
received legal aid funding. We can't say how much."

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Business Day

US envoy to Pretoria has a hotline to White House

Self-confessed policy wonk' has firm view on Zimbabwe
International Affairs Editor

SA NOW has a direct line to the White House in the form of new US ambassador
to SA Jendayi Frazer, who was previously the adviser for Africa on the White
House's National Security Council.

There is little doubt about her access to Washington as she has been close
to national security advise r Condoleezza Rice since her student days.

Frazer says she is in Pretoria because the US thinks SA is of considerable
strategic importance as a regional leader. South African foreign policy
whether it be on Democratic republic of Congo or Sudan, the Non-Aligned
Movement or the African Union (AU) has global implications for the US. That,
she says, is the main reason she is here.

The National Security Council may be the centre of foreign policy
decision-making in Washington. But in Pretoria, Frazer wants to implement
the Africa policy she has played a large role in formulating.

It is probably one stop on what will be a long and high- flying career for
Frazer in US foreign policy. She already has experience in military planning
and advising at the most senior levels.

Being an ambassador adds another dimension.

She has begun her term with a clear message that government's policy of
"quiet diplomacy" towards Zimbabwe does not seem to be working and pressure
should be applied on Harare if there is to be progress with the on-off inter
party talks between the ruling Zanu ( PF) and the main opposition Movement
for Democratic Change .

For a solution in Zimbabwe, she says, "the pressure has to come from SA more
than any other country".

Frazer also believes that if the AU speaks "clearly and unequivocally",
there can be a bigger push towards a settlement.

Frazer believes t here is a serious question as to the real value of the
talks between the parties in Zimbabwe as they may have been used as a
mechanism by President Robert Mugabe to delay the restoration of democracy .

She says the question has to be asked if the talks so far are anything other
than a delaying tactic for Mugabe.

"I think SA should try and get the talks restarted and be public and

Everyone, but particularly Zimbabweans, she insists, has a right to be
informed about developments in the talks .

"I don't think there is a military solution to the crisis in Zimbabwe "
there is only a negotiated solution .

Frazer would like to see "a coalition of the willing jump-start the
negotiations. SA and Nigeria, countries in the southern African region and
those that have signed up for peer review under the New Partnership for
Africa's Development could play a potentially helpful role."

Another of her more immediate priorities is the implementation of the US's
antiretroviral treatment programme in SA.

"I carry a mandate from the president (George Bush) to make sure we give
more people treatment," she says.

At the moment there are about 3500 South Africans receiving antiretrovirals
from the US out of 10000 who are receiving medical treatment for
HIV/AIDS -related problems under the programme.

Over the next few months Frazer says she will also try to inject urgency
into the Southern African Customs Union's negotiations with the US to create
a free trade pact.

Frazer's is a political appointment by Bush, but what she calls her "policy
wonk" specialist background gives her a good chance of continuing to serve
as ambassador if senator John Kerry, the Democratic candidate, wins the
November presidential election .

Her current appointment is for three years, but she serves at the pleasure
of the incumbent president.

But she points out that serving at the discretion of the president also
means it would be difficult to turn down a president who asked her to stay
in her post.

While current US polls suggest Bush has a 50% chance of winning, Frazer's
chances of staying in SA for her full three years are far greater.

Sep 01 2004 07:13:51:000AM Jonathan Katzenellenbogen Business Day 1st
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